THE  LIBRARY 

OF 
THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 
RIVERSIDE 


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Source-Book  of 
English    History 


117 


Source-Book  of 


English    History 


For  the  Use  of  Schools  and  Readers 


EDITED    BY 

ELIZABETH  KIMBALL  KENDALL,  M.A. 

ASSOCIATE   PROFESSOR  OF   HISTORY   IN  JWELLESLEY   COLLEGE 


THE    MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

LONDON  :    MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LTD. 
I9OO 

All  rights  reserved 


COPYRIGHT,    1900, 
BY  THE    MACMILLAN    COMPANY. 


Norwood  Press 

J.  S.  Cuibing  &  Co. — Berwick  &  Smith 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

THE  purpose  of  this  little  book  is  stated  elsewhere,  but  a 
few  words  of  explanation  are  in  place  here.  In  the  selec- 
tion of  materials  I  have  endeavoured  to  use  extracts  which 
were  of  real  value  for  purposes  of  study,  and  yet  of  a  nature 
to  arouse  the  interest  of  the  boy  or  girl  of  sixteen.  No 
attempt  has  been  made  to  treat  of  every  important  event  or 
aspect  of  English  history.  I  have  rather  sought  to  bring 
together  extracts  illustrating  the  dominant  interest  of  each 
period.  It  may  seem  that  a  disproportionate  share  of  the 
extracts  is  given  to  the  later  times.  I  have  felt  that  this 
departure  from  the  practice  of  most  histories  and  text-books 
was  justified  by  the  great  difficulty  in  gaining  access  to  the 
original  materials  of  the  history  of  the  last  three  centuries. 
Effort  has  been  made  to  use  the  earliest  or  best  edition 
available,  and  to  reproduce  the  text  with  exactness.  In 
some  cases,  however,  the  spelling  has  been  deliberately 
modernised.  This  has  been  done  wherever  I  feared  that 
the  difficulties  of  the  original  form  might  check  the'  interest 
of  the  student. 

I  am  under  much  obligation  to  many  writers,  editors,  and 
publishers,  without  whose  generous  courtesy  the  preparation 
of  this  book  would  have  been  impossible.  Thus  it  is  by  the 
liberality  of  Mr.  D.  Nutt,  and  of  Messrs.  G.  Putnam's  Sons, 
and  of  the  several  editors,  that  I  am  able  to  print  Extracts 
22,  27,  31,  33,  37,  and  41.  Dr.  Lupton  and  the  delegates 
of  the  Clarendon  Press  have  kindly  given  me  permission  to 
use  Extract  62  ;  Messrs.  G.  Bell  and  Sons,  to  use  Extracts 
90  and  93 ;  Mr.  Henry  Lucy  and  Messrs.  Cassell  and  Com- 


vi  Preface 

pany,  to  use  Extract  133  ;  the  Controller  of  her  Majesty's 
Stationery  Office,  to  use  Extracts  20,  21,  42,  55,  60,  and 
68.  I  am  indebted  to  Messrs.  W.  Blackwood  and  Sons,  to 
Messrs.  Dodd,  Mead  and  Company,  and  to  the  author's 
representatives  for  warrant  to  print  Extracts  148  and  149. 
To  these  and  to  many  others  thanks  are  due  for  full  and 
generous  permission  to  use  material  of  which  they  hold  the 
copyright. 

To  the  friends  who  have  aided  me  in  various  ways  I 
express  here  my  gratitude.  I  am  especially  indebted  to 
Miss  Adaline  Hawes  of  Wellesley  College  and  to  Miss  M. 
G.  Gordon  for  help  in  the  preparation  of  translations  and 
versions.  Above  all,  my  thanks  are  due  to  my  sister,  Mrs. 
Francis  Kendall,  for  assistance  which  alone  made  it  possible 
for  me  to  complete  my  task  at  this  time. 

ELIZABETH   KIMBALL  KENDALL. 

WONALANCET,   NEW  HAMPSHIRE, 
August  28,  1900. 


Contents 


PRACTICAL  SUGGESTIONS 

PAGE 

I.   The  Value  of  Source  Study  .......    xvii 

II.   Use  of  a  Source  Book  ........      xix 

III.    Sources  in  the  School  Library xx 

CHAPTER   I  — BRITONS  AND   SAXONS 

1.  Cornelius  Tacitus : 

The  British  Isles  in  the  First  Century       ....         I 

2.  Cornelius  Tacitus : 

The  Early  Germans          .......         4 

3.  Baeda : 

The  Coming  of  the  Angles  and  Saxons,  circ.  450        .         .       12 

4.  Bseda : 

Conversion  of  Edwin,  King  of  the  Northumbrians,  circ.  625       14 

5.  Charles  the  Great: 

Treaty  between  Charles  the  Great  and  Offa,  circ.  795         .       16 

6.  Alfred: 

Alfred's  Dooms 17 

CHAPTER   II  — ENGLAND   AND  THE  DANES 

7.  Asser : 

Alfred  and  the  Danes,  871-878  .         .         .         .         .21 

8.  Anonymous  (The  Saxon  Chronicle)  : 

The  Battle  of  Brunanburh,  937 24 

9.  Anonymous : 

Dues  and  Services  from  the  Land  in  the  Tenth  Century    ,       28 

10.  Ethelred  II : 

Coronation  Oath  of  Ethelred  If,  979  .         .         .         .30 

11.  Anonymous  (The  Saxon  Chronicle)  : 

King  Ethelred  a nd  the  Danes,  looo-ioio          ...       31 

12.  Canute: 

A  Letter  from  Canute  to  the  English  People,  1027       .         .       35 


viii  Contents 


CHAPTER   III  — NORMAN   ENGLAND 

13.  Anonymous  (The  Saxon  Chronicle)  :  PAGE 

A  Great  Year  in  England's  History,  1066         ...       36 

14.  William  of  Malmesbury: 

Conquered  and  Conquerors,  1 066 41 

15.  Anonymous  (The  Saxon  Chronicle)  : 

England  under  the  Conqueror  ......       44 

1 6.  Anonymous  (The  Saxon  Chronicle)  : 

William  the  Great,  1087 46 

17.  Henry  I: 

The  Charter  of  Henry  /,  1 100 49 

18.  Anonymous  (The  Saxon  Chronicle)  : 

The  Anarchy     ......  .         .       51 


CHAPTER  IV  — UNDER  ANGEVIN   RULE 

19.  Peter  of  Blois  : 

Henry  the  Second      ........       56 

20.  William  Fitz-Stephen : 

The  Friendship  of  King  Henry  and  his  Chancellor  .         .       59 

21.  Herbert  Bosham : 

Thomas  and  the  Primacy ',  1162 60 

22.  Gerald  de  Barri : 

The  Conquest  of  Ireland  in  the  Reign  of  Henry  the  Second       62 

23.  William  Fitz-Stephen: 

A  Picture  of  London,  circ.  1173 65 


CHAPTER  V  — THE   STRUGGLE   FOR  CONSTITU- 
TIONAL LIBERTY 

24.  Roger  of  Wendover : 

The  Winning  of  Magna  Carta,  1215        ....       72 

25.  Matthew  Paris : 

England  in  1257 78 

26.  W7illiam  Rishanger : 

The  Battle  of  Evesham,  1265 84 

27.  Anonymous: 

The  Lament  of  Earl  Simon,  1265     .....       86 

28.  Edward  I : 

J^he  Summoning  of  the  Parliament  of  1295        ...       89 


Contents  ix 


CHAPTER   VI  — THE   HUNDRED   YEARS'   WAR 

29.  Jehan  Froissart :  PAGE 

The  Scots  in  War 92 

30.  Jehan  Froissart : 

The  Battle  of  Crecy,  1346 93 

31.  Lawrence  Minot: 

The  Song  of  Neville1  s  Cross,  1346 97 

32.  Anonymous : 

A  Customary  Tenant  in  the  Reign  of  Edward  II     .         .     100 

33.  Henry  Knighton : 

The  Foul  Death,  1349 1 02 

34.  Jehan  Froissart : 

The  Peasants'  Rising  of  1381 106 

35.  John  Wycliffe : 

The  Reply  of  Wycliffe  to  the  Pope's  Summons,  1384  .         .no 

36.  Anonymous : 

The  Libel  of  English  Policy 112 


CHAPTER  VII  — THE   WARS   OF  THE   ROSES 

37.  John  Blakman : 

King  Henry  VI 114 

38.  Debenham,  Tymperley  and  White.     John  Jenney : 

Tampering  with  Juries  and  Elections  under  Henry  VI    .     117 

39.  John  Stodeley : 

The  Beginning  of  Strife,  1454 Il8 

40.  Anonymous : 

The  Battle  of  Toivton,  1461 121 

41.  George  Chastellain : 

Queen  Margaret's  Story  of  her  Adventures,  1463      .         .     123 

42.  The  Earl  of  Warwick : 

A  Summons  to  the  Field,  1471   ......     125 

43.  John  Wark  worth  : 

The  Battle  of  Bar  net,  1471 '.126 


CHAPTER   VIII  — THE   REFORMATION 

44.  Sebastian  Giustinian : 

Henry  VIII  and  Wolsey,  1519  .         .         ...         .     129 

45.  Desiderius  Erasmus : 

Sir  Thomas  More,  1519 132 


Contents 


46.  Thomas  Cromwell : 

A  Discussion  of  England's  Foreign  Policy,  1523        .         .     136 

47.  William  Roper : 

The  Execution  of  Sir  Thomas  More,  1535          .         .         .     140 

48.  Henry  VIII.     Parliament : 

Henry  VIII  and  the  English  Bible 144 

49.  Anonymous : 

Protestant  Revolution  under  Edward  VI,  1547  .         .     146 

50.  Giacomo  Soranzo : 

Queen  Mary  of  England,  1554 148 

CHAPTER   IX— THE   STRUGGLE   WITH   FOREIGN 
FOES 

51.  Giacomo  Soranzo : 

The  Defences  of  England,  1554 151 

52.  Parliament : 

A  Political  Fast,  1562 153 

53.  Sir  James  Melville  : 

Elizabeth  and  Mary  Stuart,  1564 155 

54.  Queen  Elizabeth : 

A  Speech  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  1566    .         ,         .         .         .160 

55.  Giovanni  Correr : 

Mary  Stuarfs  Escape  from  Lochleven,  1568      .         .         .     161 

56.  Sir  Walter  Mildmay : 

Concerning  the  Keeping  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  1569  .         .164 

57.  Lord  Burghley : 

Burghley  to  Elizabeth  on  Matters  of  State,  circ.  1583          ,     169- 

58.  Anonymous: 

Execution  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  1586         .         .         .         .173 

59.  Lord  Howard.     Francis  Drake.     John  Hawkyns : 

The  Fight  with  the 'Armada,  1588 178 

60.  Francesco  Soranzo : 

Philip  H  of  Spain,  1598 184 

CHAPTER  X  — IN  THE  DAYS  OF  THE  TUDORS 

61.  Anonymous : 

Henry  VII  and  the  Earl  of  Kildare  .         .         .         .186 

62.  Sir  Thomas  More : 

Sheep  Walks  in  the  Reign  of  Henry  VIII         .         .         .188 

63.  Parliament : 

A  Law  against  the  Keeping  of  Sheep,  1534         .         .         .     190 


Contents  xi 


64.  Anonymous  (By  authority  of  Edward  VI)  : 

A  Prayer  for  Landlords 193 

65.  John  Vowell.     Henry  Dowes : 

Two  Sixteenth  Century  School  Boys 193 

66.  Giacomo  Soranzo : 

England  in  the  Reign  of  Queen  Mary       ....     197 

67.  William  Harrison : 

Elizabethan  Homes 2OI 

68.  Giovanni  Scaramelli : 

An  Unfriendly  View  of  the  English  Privateers,  1603         .     206 


CHAPTER  XI  —  ESTRANGEMENT  OF  THE  KING 
AND  THE  NATION 

69.  William  Barlow : 

James  I  at  the  Hampton  Court  Conference,  1604        .         .     209 

70.  House  of  Commons : 

Apology  of  the  House  of  Commons,  1604      ....     212 

71.  Treasurer  and  Council  of  the  London  Company: 

The  London  Company  to  the  Virginia  Colony,  1622  .         .     216 

72.  Anonymous : 

A  Famous  Scene  in  the  House  of  Commons,  1629        .         .     219 

73.  John  Winthrop : 

Reasons  for  going  to  New  England,  1629  ....     222 

74.  Lucy  Hutchinson : 

A  Puritan  Gentleman        .......     225 

75.  Rev.  G.  Garrard  : 

A  Newsletter  to  Wentworth,  1637 228 


CHAPTER  XII  — THE   PURITAN   REBELLION 

76.  Robert  Baillie  : 

The  Impeachment  of  Strafford,  1640-1641          .         .         .     232 

77.  Charles  I : 

Charles  land  Strafford,  1641 235 

78.  John  Rushworth : 

The  Attempted  Arrest  of  'the  Five  Members,  1642       .         .     237 

79.  Oliver  Cromwell : 

Toleration  in  the  Army,  1643    ••••••     240 

80.  John  Rushworth  : 

The  Self-denying  Ordinance,  1644 242 


xii  Contents 


81.  Bulstrode  Whitelock : 

Naseby,  1645 245 

82.  High  Court  of  Justice  : 

The  Death-Warrant  of  Charles  I,  1649      .         .         .         .249 

83.  Andrew  Marvell: 

The  Deat/i  of  Charles  I,  1649 250 


CHAPTER   XIII  — PURITAN   RULE 

84.  John  Milton : 

Milton  to  Crom  well,  1652.         .         .  .         .         -251 

85.  Edmund  Ludlow: 

Cromwell  and  the  Long  Parliament,  1653          .         .         -251 

86.  Anonymous  : 

The  Rivalry  of  England  and  Holland,  1653      .         .         .     254 

87.  Oliver  Cromwell : 

The  Commonwealth  and  Europe,  1654       ....     257 

88.  Daniel  Gookin : 

A  Colonial  Scheme  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  1656     .         .         .     260 

89.  Andrew  Marvell : 

Cromwell,  1658 263 


CHAPTER  XIV— THE  STUART   RESTORATION 

90.  Samuel  Pepys: 

The  Return  of  Charles  II,  1660 265 

91.  John  Ellis?     Charles  II? 

Charles  II  and  his  Dogs,  1660 268 

92.  Gilbert  Burnet : 

The  Five  Mile  Act,  1665 268 

93.  Samuel  Pepys : 

The  Great  Fire,  1666 270 

94.  John  Evelyn : 

The  Dutch  in  the  Thames,  1667 274 

95.  Parliament: 

Parliament  and  the  Catholics,  1673   .....     276 

96.  John  Dryden : 

The  Whigs  and  the  Exclusion  Bill,  1680  .         .         .         .277 

97.  By  Authority  of  the  City  of  London : 

A  Record  of  the  Popish  Panic,  1679 283 


Contents  xiii 


CHAPTER  XV  — THE  REVOLUTION 

98.  The  Seven  Bishops :  PAGE 

Petition  of  the  Seven  Bishops,  1688 284 

99.  John  Evelyn : 

The  Trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops,  1 688      .         .         .         .     285 

100.  Lord  Churchill : 

A  Farewell  Letter  to  the  King,  1688          ....     288 

101.  The  Nobility,  Gentry,  and  Commonalty  of  the  Northern 

Counties : 
A  Declaration  of  Rebellion,  1688 289 

102.  Anonymous : 

The  Massacre  of  Glencoe,  1692 292 

CHAPTER  XVI  —  POLITICAL  CONDITIONS  AFTER 
1688 

103.  Anonymous : 

A  Burlesque  Bill  of  Costs  for  a  Tory  Election,  1715         .     298 

104.  Horace  Walpole,  Earl  of  Orford : 

A  Debate  on  the  "  Wilkes  "  Case,  1 764      ....     299 

105.  The  Earl  of  Chesterfield.     Sir  Samuel  Romilly : 

Purchasing  a  Seat  in  the  Unreformed  Parliament .         .     302 

106.  Edmund  Burke : 

The  Position  of  a  Representative,  1774     .         .         .         .     305 

107.  Anonymous.     George  III : 

Dunning 's  Motion  on  the  Power  of  the  Crown,  1780        .     308 

1 08.  Sydney  Smith  : 

Catholic  Emancipation,  1808 314 

109.  Francis,  Lord  Jeffrey : 

Scotland  in  the  Unreformed  Parliament,  1831          .         .     318 

CHAPTER   XVII  — IN   HANOVERIAN   TIMES 

no.    Daniel  Defoe: 

The  Cloth-market  at  Leeds,  1725 321 

111.  Jonathan  Swift: 

A  View  of  Ireland  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  .         .         .     324 

112.  Captain  Burt: 

The  Highlanders,  circ.  1730 329 

113.  John  Wesley: 

John  Wesley  in  Cornwall,  1743        .....     333 

1 14.  Vicesimus  Knox  : 

Winning  the  Degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts,  1780  .         .         .     335 


xiv  Contents 


CHAPTER   XVIII  — THE  STRIFE   FOR   EMPIRE 

115.  The  Earl  of  Marlborough  :  PAGE 

The  Battle  of  Blenheim,  1704 339 

1 1 6.  George  I  : 

Walpole  and  the  Colonies,  1721         .         .         .         .  341 

117.  Robert  Clive: 

Plassey,  1757 342 

1 1 8.  General  Wolfe.     Captain  John  Knox : 

The  Battle  of  Quebec,  1 759 345 

119.  The  Earl  of  Chatham  : 

A  Word  of  Warning,  1775 350 

1 20.  Edward  Gibbon  : 

A   Great  Historian  and  the  Outbreak  of  the  American 
Revolution,  1775 354 

121.  George  III: 

A  Confession  of  Defeat,  1782 359 

122.  Joseph  Price : 

A  Criticism  of  the  English  Policy  in  India,  1783     .         .     360 


CHAPTER   XIX— THE   GREAT   WAR 

123.  Anonymous: 

Burke  and  the  French  Revolution,  1791   ....     363 

124.  William  Hutton : 

The  Birmingham  Riots,  1791 365 

125.  Charles  James  Fox: 

Opposition  to  the  French  War,  1800         ....     370 

126.  Captain  George  Bowles.     Lord  Wellington : 

The  Battle  of 'Waterloo,  1815 375 

127.  Sir  Walter  Scott: 

"The  Pilot  that  weathered  the  Storm,"  1817      .         .         .     379 


CHAPTER  XX  — POLITICAL   CONDITIONS   IN  THE 
NINETEENTH   CENTURY 

1 28.  Lord  Palmerston  : 

The  Clare  Election,  1828 381 

129.  The  Duke  of  Wellington : 

Wellington  and  Parliamentary  Reform,  \%y>          .         .     382 

130.  Lord  Brougham : 

Dissolution  of  Parliament,  1831 384 


Contents  xv 


131.  Council  of  the  Birmingham  Union : 

A  Chartist  Petition,  1831 387 

132.  Rt.  Hon.  William  Ewart  Gladstone : 

Home  Rule  for  Ireland,  1886 391 

133.  Henry  Lucy : 

The  Lords  and  the  Home  Rule  Bill,  1893         •         •         •     395 

CHAPTER   XXI— THE   LIFE  OF  THE   PEOPLE 

134.  Lord  Ashley: 

The  Children  in  the  Coal  Mines,  1842     .         .         .         .401 

135.  Rev.  W.  J.  Fox: 

The  Corn  Laws,  1843      .         .         .         .         .         .         .    406 

136.  Sir  Robert  Peel: 

The  Repeal  of 'the  Corn  Laws,  1846          .         .         .         .411 

137.  Rt.  Hon.  W.  E.  Forster: 

The  Irish  Famine,  1847 4*4 

138.  Joseph  Arch : 

The  Revolt  of  Hodge,  1872 419 


CHAPTER  XXII— THE   EMPIRE 

139.  Sir  Henry  Parnell : 

The  Manchester  School  and  the  Empire,  1830  .         .     423 

140.  Sir  William  Russell : 

The  Light  Brigade  at  Balaklava,  1854    ....     427 

141.  The  Earl  of  Aberdeen  : 

Lord  Aberdeen  and  the  Crimean  War,  1855    .         .         .     431 

142.  Lord  Tennyson : 

A  Poefs  View  of  the  Crimean  War,  1855          .         .         .     433 

143.  Mrs.  G.  Harris : 

The  Outbreak  at  Lucknow,  1857 435 

144.  Anonymous : 

John  Company's  Farewell  to  John  Bull,  1858  .         .         .    437 

145.  Rt.  Hon.  John  Bright: 

The  "Trent"  Affair,  1861 .444 

146.  Anonymous : 

A  Recantation,  1865          .......     449 

147.  Rt.  Hon.  W.  E.  Forster : 

Imperial  Federation,  1875        ......     452 

148.  George  Warrington  Steevens : 

The  Sirdar,  1898 456 


xvi  Contents 


PAGE 

149.  George  Warrington  Steevens : 

The  Funeral  of  Gordon,  1898 459 

150.  Rt.  Hon.  John  Morley: 

A  Warning,  1899 4DI 

151.  R.  J.  Alexander : 

Quid  Leone  Fortius 465 


Illustration 


A  Page  from  the  Original  Draft  of  Lord  Chatham's  "  Provisional 

Act" Between  pages  354  and  T,^ 


PRACTICAL   SUGGESTIONS 

I.  THE  VALUE  OF  SOURCE  STUDY 

EACH  year  shows  advance  toward  a  general  appreciation 
of  the  value  and  feasibility  of  source  study  by  younger  as 
well  as  by  older  students.  It  is  no  longer  thought  useless, 
or  even  dangerous,  to  place  the  original  text  in  the  hands  of 
the  boy  or  girl  just  beginning  the  study  of  history. 

The  definite  gains  from  a  moderate  and  carefully  directed 
use  of  sources  are  manifold.  First  and  foremost  is  the 
stronger  sense  of  reality  produced  by  coming  in  direct  con- 
tact with  the  men  who  helped  to  make  history,  or  with  those 
who  actually  witnessed  the  events  they  describe.  To  the 
average  schoolboy,  historic  personages  are  heroes  or  bores, 
as  the  case  may  be,  but  never  men.  To  remedy  this  would 
be  a  long  step  toward  success  in  the  teaching  of  history,  and 
here  the  value  of  the  original  letter  or  description  is  at  once 
apparent.  What  brilliant  character  sketch  can  so  surely 
bring  home  to  the  student  the  fact  that  Warwick  the  King- 
maker was  a  real  man,  as  his  brief  personal  postscript  to  the 
formal  demand  for  aid  in  1471,  "  Henry,  I  pray  you,  fail  not 
now  as  ever  I  may  do  for  you."  Or  who  that  has  read 
Robert  Baillie's  account  of  Strafford's  trial,  with  its  hard, 
unsympathetic  touches,  its  careful  detail,  its  homely  local 
comparisons,  can  fail  to  see,  as  though  on  a  canvas,  that 
scene  in  Westminster  Hall  where  the  great  minister  stood  at 
bay,  fighting  for  his  life? 

Again,  a  deeper,  a  more  lasting  impression  is  secured  by 
turning  back  to  the  original  account.  What  words  of  the 


xviii       Practical   Suggestions 

teacher,  or  of  the  text- book,  can  fix  so  indelibly  in  the  stu- 
dent's mind  the  attitude  of  James  I  toward  Puritanism  and 
the  Puritans  as  Barlow's  relation  of  the  Hampton  Court 
Conference  ?  And  surely  the  boy  who  has  read  the  letters 
of  Charles  I  and  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  if  asked  to  compare 
the  characters  of  these  two  men,  could  say  something  more 
than  that  "  Charles  I  was  beheaded,  and  Oliver  Cromwell 
died."  Or  who  that  has  read  Matthew  Paris  can  ever  forget 
what  the  rule  of  Henry  III  meant  to  England  ? 

Still  another  advantage  is  the  interest  aroused  through 
allowing  the  men  of  a  bygone  time  to  speak  for  themselves. 
The  student  feels  that  he  is  at  the  heart  and  beginning  of 
things  when  he  reads  the  story  as  told  by  the  man  who  did 
the  great  deed,  or  at  least  by  one  who  saw  him  do  it.  His 
interest  is  stimulated  as  it  could  not  be  by  the  careful  ac- 
count prepared  in  cold  blood  by  the  historian,  a  man  of 
another  age  and  of  an  alien  temper. 

A  certain  judicial  fairness  of  attitude  toward  men  and 
events  of  the  past  is  fostered  by  reading  the  original  ac- 
counts with  their  marked  personal  stamp.  Where  each 
side  has  a  chance  to  tell  its  own  story,  the  student  is  led  to 
weigh  evidence,  to  consider  probabilities.  He  is  forced 
unconsciously  to  abandon  his  prejudices,  to  see  that  right 
and  wrong  are  often  separated  by  a  very  narrow  line,  that 
the  good  are  not  all  on  one  side,  the  bad  all  on-  the  other. 
And  as  he  thus  studies  the  men  of  the  past,  striving  to  rea- 
lize their  point  of  view,  he  is  fitting  himself  to  take  a 
sounder  view  of  the  conditions  of  to-day.  For,  as  the  histo- 
rian Lecky  has  well  said,  "  He  who  has  learnt  to  understand 
the  character  and  tendencies  of  many  succeeding  ages,  is  not 
likely  to  go  very  far  wrong  in  estimating  his  own." 

Various  elaborate  and  suggestive  discussions  of  this  sub- 
ject are  now  available.  The  Source  Book  of  American 
History,  by  Albert  Bushnell  Hart,  contains  Practical  Intro- 
ductions of  much  value.  Charles  W.  Colby's  Selections  from 


Practical   Suggestions       xix 

the  Sources  of  English  History  has  a  very  suggestive  Intro- 
duction upon  the  subject.  One  of  the  appendices  to  The 
Study  of  History  in  the  Schools,  Report  of  the  Committee  of 
Seven,  published  in  1899,  is  devoted  to  a  discussion  of  the 
use  of  sources.  Valuable  suggestions  may  be  gained  from 
a  leaflet  on  the  Use  of  Original  Sources  in  the  Teaching  of 
History,  issued  by  the  History  Department  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania.  The  New  England  History  Teachers' 
Association  will  publish  a  report  upon  this  subject  in  the 
coming  autumn. 

II.    USE  OF  A  SOURCE   BOOK 

It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  a  volume  of  a  few  hundred 
pages  can  furnish  sufficient  material  for  historical  generali- 
zation. It  would  seem  possible,  however,  that  it  might 
serve  as  a  useful  adjunct  to  a  text-book,  helping  to  secure 
some  of  the  advantages  resulting  from  a  study  of  the 
sources. 

The  student  who  has  read  extracts  from  the  various  kinds 
of  original  material  —  diaries,  letters,  speeches,  etc.  —  will 
understand  as  never  before  what  the  study  and  writing  of 
history  actually  are ;  he  will  have  felt  for  himself  the  per- 
sonal note,  so  interesting  and  so  misleading ;  he  will  realize 
in  a  measure  the  difficulties  of  dealing  with  incomplete  and 
biassed  accounts.  Again,  the  material,  though  insufficient 
for  a  complete  study  of  any  one  topic,  will  serve  amply  to 
illustrate  the  bare  statements  of  the  text-book.  What  stu- 
dent who  reads  the  letters  of  Howard,  Drake,  and  Hawkyns 
in  1588  can  fail  to  gain  a  lasting  impression  of  the  condi- 
tions under  which  the  attack  of  the  Armada  was  met,  and 
of  the  temper  of  the  men  who  saved  England.  • 

The  value  of  such  a  book  may  be  increased  by  new 
arrangements  in  groups  of  different  extracts.  For  example, 
the  American  student  is  familiar  with  the  eighteenth  century 


xx  Practical   Suggestions 

conception  of  the  worth  of  a  colony.  Keeping  that  in 
mind,  let  him  read  Nos.  139  and  147,  the  one  showing 
the  view  that  prevailed  in  the  early  part  of  this  century, 
the  other  the  present  reaction  from  that  view.  Or  let  him 
read  successively  the  various  extracts  that  refer  to  Ireland, 
such  as  Nos.  22,  61,  in,  108,  128,  137,  132,  133.  Thus 
studied  in  a  group  by  themselves,  while  they  will  not  afford 
a  complete  view  of  Irish  history,  they  will  at  least  throw  a 
strong  light  upon  the  conditions  that  have  prevailed  from 
time  to  time. 

Again,  such  a  book  may  be  found  of  use  in  review  work. 
Take  No.  97.  Read  in  due  course,  that  memorial  of  the 
Popish  panic  of  1679  w^  enable  the  student  to  realize 
the  unreasoning  terror  of  that  time.  Re-read  with  the  side 
notes  at  a  later  stage  of  his  work,  it  will  bring  home  to  him, 
not  merely  the  frenzy  of  1679,  but  the  prevailing  Catholic 
influence  of  the  reign  of  James  II,  the  reaction  of  the 
Revolution  of  1688,  the  unreforming  spirit  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  the  passion  for  reform  in  the  nineteenth. 

III.     SOURCES  IN  THE  SCHOOL  LIBRARY 

BIBLIOGRAPHIES  OF  SOURCES 

The  most  complete  bibliography  of  the  sources  of  English 
history  is  contained  in  Gardiner  and  Mullinger's  Introduc- 
tion to  the  Study  of  English  History.  The  value  of  each 
writer  is  carefully  estimated,  and  there  is  added  a  brief 
statement  of  the  character  of  his  work.  Dr.  Lee,  of  Johns 
Hopkins  University,  has  in  preparation  a  source  book  of 
English  history  which  is  provided  with  a  very  helpful  bibli- 
ography. .The  report  of  the  New  England  History  Teachers' 
Association,  to  be  issued  this  autumn,  will  contain  a  list 
of  available  sources  suitable  for  school  use.  A  History  of 
England,  by  K.  Coman  and  E.  Kendall,  has  a  brief  list 


Practical   Suggestions         xxi 

of  the   most   accessible   sources,  giving  in   each  case   the 
name  of  the  publisher  and  the  price. 

THE  MOST  ACCESSIBLE  SOURCES 

There  are  various  volumes  of  illustrative  material  and 
collections  of  reprints  available  for  the  use  of  schools. 
Two  books  containing  extracts  from  the  sources  have  ap- 
peared recently,  Selections  from  the  Sources,  by  Charles 
Colby,  and  Sidelights  on  English  History,  by  Ernest  Hen- 
derson. The  former  covers  the  ground  from  the  earliest 
time  to  the  middle  of  the  present  century ;  the  scope  of  the 
latter  is  limited  to  the  period  from  the  accession  of  Eliza- 
beth to  the  accession  of  Victoria.  The  different  volumes 
of  the  series, '  English  History  by  Contemporary  Writers 
(general  editor,  F.  York  Powell),  and  a  similar  series  in 
Scottish  history,  deal  with  some  of  the  most  important 
periods.  Selected  numbers  of  the  Translations  and  Re- 
prints issued  by  the  History  Department  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania  furnish  material  for  special  aspects  of  Eng- 
lish history. 

Three  valuable  volumes  of  documents  have  been  pub- 
lished :  Select  Charters,  by  W.  Stubbs  (Latin)  ;  Select  Stat- 
utes and  Constitutional  Dociiments,  by  R.  Prothero ;  and 
Documents  of  the  Puritan  Rebellion,  by  S.  R.  Gardiner. 
The  source  book  of  English  history,  in  course  of  prepara- 
tion by  Dr.  Lee,  is  chiefly  documentary. 

Pamphlets  dealing  with  questions  of  the  day  are  often 
of  great  value.  Elizabethan  and  Jacobean  Pamphlets  and 
Political  Pamphlets  (both  edited  by  George  Saintsbury) 
give  some  of  the  most  important  examples  of  original  mate- 
rial of  this  nature.  Political  Pamphlets,  edited  by  Pollard, 
is  a  book  of  similar  character. 

The  Parliamentary  History  and  Parliamentary  Debates 
are  to  be  found  only  in  the  largest  libraries,  but  the  three 


xxii        Practical   Suggestions 

volumes  of  Representative  British  Orations,  edited  by  C.  K. 
Adams,  Political  Orations  (Camelot  Series),  and  Modern 
Political  Orations,  edited  by  L.  Wagner,  give  some  of  the 
noteworthy  speeches  by  the  most  famous  orators. 

The  Bohn  Library  contains  many  of  the  early  chronicles 
in  English  translation.  Froissart's  Chronicles  (Lord  Ber- 
ners's  translation)  have  been  edited  recently  by  G.  C. 
Macaulay.  The  Arber  English  Reprints  afford  much  valu- 
able material,  especially  for  the  sixteenth  century.  Selected 
numbers  of  CasseWs  National  Library  and  of  the  Old 
South  Leaflets  supply  source  material  in  a  very  cheap  form. 

Diaries,  letters,  memoirs,  and  biographies  are  of  especial 
value.  The  less  formal  character  and  the  marked  personal 
element  of  this  class  of  material  render  it  useful  in  stimu- 
lating the  interest  of  the  student.  A  volume  of  the  Paston 
Letters,  that  invaluable  record  of  middle-class  life  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  is  published  in  the  Bohn  Library.  There 
is  also  a  complete  edition  in  three  volumes.  The  Letters 
and  Speeches  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  edited  by  T.  Carlyle,  are 
of  great  interest.  For  the  Restoration  there  is  the  inimita- 
ble Diary  of  Samuel  Pepys,  edited  by  Wheatley.  In  the 
Bohn  Library  are  found  Asser's  Life  of  Alfred  and  Hutch- 
inson's  Memoirs  of  Colonel  Hutchinson.  The  latter  work 
has  been  edited  recently  with  much  care  by  C.  H.  Firth, 
the  editor  of  the  valuable  Ludloiv  Memoirs.  For  the  six- 
teenth century  there  are  Cardinal  Wolsey,  by  G.  Cavendish, 
and  William  Roper's  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  More.  In  timely 
recognition  of  the  coming  one  thousandth  anniversary  of 
the  death  of  Alfred  two  new  books  have  appeared,  Alfred 
in  the  Chroniclers,  by  L.  Conybeare,  and  King  Alfred,  by 
F.York  Powell  (English  History  by  Contemporary  Writers}. 

A  source  library  including  most  of  the  works  enumerated 
above  may  be  obtained  for  about  forty-five  dollars,  and  will 
be  found  fairly  adequate  for  a  study  of  the  whole  course  of 
English  history. 


Source-Book  of 
English    History 


CHAPTER  I— BRITONS  AND   SAXONS 


i.    The  British   Isles  in  the  First  Century 

Britain :  Its  boundaries,  shape,  and  surrounding  seas 

THE  geography  and  inhabitants  of  Britain,  already 
described  by  many  writers,  I  will  speak  of,  not  that 
my  research  and  ability  may  be  compared  with  theirs,  but 
because  the  country  was  then  for  the  first  time  thoroughly 
subdued.  And  so  matters,  which  as  being  still  not  accurately 
known  my  predecessors  embellished  with  their  eloquence, 
shall  now  be  related  on  the  evidence  of  facts. 

Britain,  the  largest  of  the  islands  which  Roman  geography 
includes,  is  so  situated  that  it  faces  Germany  on  the  east, 
Spain  on  the  west ;  on  the  south  it  is  even  within  sight  of 
Gaul ;  its  northern  extremities,  which  have  no  shores  oppo- 
site to  them,  are  beaten  by  the  waves  of  a  vast  open  sea. 
The  form  of  the  entire  country  has  been  compared  by  Livy 
and  Fabius  Rusticus,  the  most  graphic  among  ancient  and 
modern  historians,  to  an  oblong  shield  or  battle-axe.  And 
this,  no  doubt,  is  its  shape  without  Caledonia,  so  that  it  has 
become  the  popular  description  of  the  whole  island.  There 
is,  however,  a  large  and  irregular  tract  of  land  which  juts 
out  from  its  furthest  shores,  tapering  off  in  a  wedge-like 
form.  Round  these  coasts  of  remotest  ocean  the  Roman 
fleet  then  for  the  first  time  sailed,  ascertained  that  Britain 
is  an  island,  and  simultaneously  discovered  and  conquered 
what  are  called  the  Orcades,  islands  hitherto  unknown. 
Thule,  too,  was  descried  in  the  distance,  which  as  yet  had 
been  hidden  by  the  snows  of  winter.  Those  waters,  they 
say,  are  sluggish,  and  yield  with  difficulty  to  the  oar,  and 


By  COR- 
NELIUS 
TACITUS 
(55?-circ. 
120),  greatest 
of  the  Roman 
historians. 
He  married  a 
daughter  of 
Agricola,  the 
real  con- 
queror of 
Britain.    The 
noble  biog- 
raphy which 
Tacitus  wrote 
of  his  father- 
in-law  con- 
tains some 
very  interest- 
ing accounts 
of  the  coun- 
try where 
Agricola's 
most  brilliant 
triumphs 
were 
achieved. 

Then,  i.e.  in 
the  time  of 
Agricola. 

"  It  seems 
that  Tacitus 
.  .  .  believed 
both  Spain 
and  Ger- 
many to  ex- 
tend much 
further  to  the 
north  than 
they  actually 
do."   Church 
and  Brod- 
ribb. 

I.e.  Orkneys. 


2  Britons   and   Saxons 

"Thuie  can  are  not  even  raised  by  the  wind  as  other  seas.     The  reason, 

Iceland.6  It  I  suppose,  is  that  lands  and  mountains,  which  are  cause  and 

is  more  origin  of  storms,  are  here  comparatively  rare,  and  also  that 

Mainland,  the  vast  depths  of  that  unbroken  expanse  are  more  slowly 

*ue  'l1?6.^1  °L  set  m  motion.     But  to  investigate  the  nature  of  the  ocean 

the  Shetland 

isles."  and  the  tides  is  no  part  of  the  present  work,  and  many 

Brodribb"  writers  have  discussed  the  subject.  I  would  simply  add, 
that  nowhere  has  the  sea  a  wider  dominion,  that  it  has 
many  currents  running  in  every  direction,  that  it  does  not 
merely  flow  and  ebb  within  the  limits  of  the  shore,  but  pene- 
trates and  winds  far  inland,  and  finds  a  home  among  hills 
and  mountains  as  though  in  its  own  domain. 

Origin  of  the  inhabitants  (of  Britain) 

Who  were  the  original  inhabitants  of  Britain,  whether  they 
were  indigenous  or  foreign,  is,  as  usual  among  barbarians, 
little  known.  Their  physical  characteristics  are  various,  and 
from  these  conclusions  may  be  drawn.  The  red  hair  and 
large  limbs  of  the  inhabitants  of  Caledonia  point  clearly  to 
a  German  origin.  The  dark  complexion  of  the  Silures,  their 
usually  curly  hair,  and  the  fact  that  Spain  is  the  opposite 
shore  to  them,  are  an  evidence  that  Iberians  of  a  former 
date  crossed  over  and  occupied  these  parts.  Those  who 
are  nearest  to  the  Gauls  are  also  like  them,  either  from  the 
permanent  influence  of  original  descent,  or,  because  in  coun- 
tries which  run  out  so  far  to  meet  each  other,  climate  has 
produced  similar  physical  qualities.  But  a  general  survey 
inclines  me  to  believe  that  the  Gauls  established  themselves 
in  an  island  so  near  to  them.  Their  religious  belief  may  be 
traced  in  the  strongly-marked  British  superstition.  The 
language  differs  but  little ;  there  is  the  same  boldness  in 
challenging  danger,  and,  when  it  is  near,  the  same  timidity 
in  shrinking  from  it.  The  Britons,  however,  exhibit  more 
spirit,  as  being  a  people  whom  a  long  peace  has  not  yet 


The    British   Isles  3 

enervated.  Indeed,  we  have  understood  that  even  the  Gauls 
were  once  renowned  in  war ;  but,  after  a  while,  sloth  follow- 
ing on  ease  crept  over  them,  and  they  lost  their  courage 
along  with  their  freedom.  This  too  has  happened  to  the 
long-conquered  tribes  of  Britain ;  the  rest  are  still  what  the 
Gauls  once  were. 

Military  ctistoms ;  climate  ;  products  of  the  soil 

Their  strength  is  in  infantry.  Some  tribes  fight  also  with 
the  chariot.  The  higher  in  rank  is  the  charioteer;  the 
dependants  fight.  They  were  once  ruled  by  kings,  but  are 
now  divided  under  chieftains  into  factions  and  parties.  Our 
greatest  advantage  in  coping  with  tribes  so  powerful  is  that 
they  do  not  act  in  concert.  Seldom  is  it  that  two  or  three 
states  meet  together  to  ward  off  a  common  danger.  Thus, 
while  they  fight  singly,  all  are  conquered. 

Their  sky  is  obscured  by  continual  rain  and  cloud.  Severity 
of  cold  is  unknown.  The  days  exceed  in  length  those  of  our 
part  of  the  world ;  the  nights  are  bright,  and  in  the  extreme 
north  so  short  that  between  sunlight  and  dawn  you  can  per- 
ceive but  a  slight  distinction.  It  is  said  that,  if  there  are  no 
clouds  in  the  way,  the  splendour  of  the  sun  can  be  seen 
throughout  the  night,  and  that  he  does  not  rise  and  set,  but 
only  crosses  the  heavens.  The  truth  is,  that  the  low  shadow 
thrown  from  the  flat  extremities  of  the  earth's  surface  does 
not  raise  the  darkness  to  any  height,  and  the  night  thus  fails 
to  reach  the  sky  and  stars. 

With  the  exception  of  the  olive  and  vine,  and  plants  which 
usually  grow  in  warmer  climates,  the  soil  will  yield,  and  even 
abundantly,  all  ordinary  produce.  It  ripens  indeed  slowly, 
but  is  of  rapid  growth,  the  cause  in  each  case  being  the  same, 
namely,  the  excessive  moisture  of  the  soil  and  of  the  atmos- 
phere. Britain  contains  gold  and  silver  and  other  metals, 
as  the  prize  of  conquest.  .  .  . 


Britons   and   Saxons 


Julius  Caesar 
invaded 
Britain  55-54 
B.C. 


"  Vespasian's 
successful 
career  in 
Britain  com- 
mended him, 
so  to  speak, 
to  destiny,  as 
one  worthy  of 
high  distinc- 
tion." 

Church  and 
Brodribb. 


Roman  Governors  of  Britain 

The  Britons  themselves  bear  cheerfully  the  conscription, 
the  taxes,  and  the  other  burdens  imposed  on  them  by  the 
Empire,  if  there  be  no  oppression.  Of  this  they  are  im- 
patient; they  are  reduced  to  subjection,  not  as  yet  to 
slavery.  The  deified  Julius,  the  very  first  Roman  who 
entered  Britain  with  an  army,  though  by  a  successful  en- 
gagement he  struck  terror  into  the  inhabitants  and  gained 
possession  of  the  coast,  must  be  regarded  as  having  indicated 
rather  than  transmitted  the  acquisition  to  future  generations. 
Then  came  the  civil  wars,  and  the  arms  of  our  leaders  were 
turned  against  their  country,  and  even  when  there  was  peace, 
there  was  a  long  neglect  of  Britain.  This  Augustus  spoke 
of  as  policy,  Tiberius  as  an  inherited  maxim.  That  Caius 
Caesar  meditated  an  invasion  of  Britain  is  perfectly  clear, 
but  his  purposes,  rapidly  formed,  were  easily  changed,  and 
his  vast  attempts  on  Germany  had  failed.  Claudius  was  the 
first  to  renew  the  attempt,  and  conveyed  over  into  the  island 
some  legions  and  auxiliaries,  choosing  Vespasian  to  share 
with  him  the  campaign,  whose  approaching  elevation  had 
this  beginning.  Several  tribes  were  subdued  and  kings 
made  prisoners,  and  destiny  learnt  to  know  its  favourite.  .  .  . 

Tacitus,  The  Life  of  Agricola  (translated  by  A.  Church  and  W. 
Brodribb,  London,  1877),  Chs.  X-XIII. 


By  COR- 
NELIUS 
TACITUS. 
See  No.  i. 
It  is  doubtful 
that  Tacitus 
ever  visited 
Germany, 
and  in  any 
case  his 
description 


2.    The  Early  Germans 
Physical  characteristics 

For  my^Own  part,  I  agree  with  those  who  think  that  the 
tribes  of  Germany  are  free  from  all  taint  of  intermarriages 
with  foreign  nations,  and  that  they  appear  as  a  distinct, 
unmixed  race,  like  none  but  themselves.  Hence,  too,  the 


The   Early   Germans 


same  physical  peculiarities  throughout  so  vast  a  population,   must  be 
All  have  fierce  blue  eyes,  red  hair,  huge  frames,  fit  only  for  ap^yfng  tcf 
a  sudden  exertion.     They  are  less  able  to   bear  laborious  those  parts 

,  .  of  the  coun- 

work.     Heat  and  thirst  they  cannot  in  the  least  endure;  to  try  best 
cold  and  hunger  their  climate  and  their  soil  inure  them.  .  .   ,   o"^n  *°  th? 

ixoniiins,  nnci 
to  the  most 
advanced 

Arms,  military  manoeuvres,  and  discipline  maySbebUtIt 

accepted  as 

.  .  .  But  few  use  swords  or  long  lances.  They  carry  a  spear  substantially 
(framea  is  their  name  for  it),  with  a  narrow  and  short  head,  |nge'-a  gin- 
but  so  sharp  and  easy  to  wield  that  the  same  weapon  serves,  eral  view  of 

, .  .  /-i  , .  the  ideal  of 

according  to  circumstances,  for  close  or  distant  conflict,  the  Teutonic 
As  for  the  horse-soldier,  he  is  satisfied  with  a  shield  and  system-' 
spear ;  the  foot-soldiers  also  scatter  showers  of  missiles,  each 
man  having  several  and  hurling  them  to  an  immense  dis- 
tance, and  being  naked  or  lightly  clad  with  a  little  cloak. 
There  is  no  display  about  their  equipment :  their  shields 
alone  are  marked  with  very  choice  colours.  A  few  only 
have  corslets,  and  just  one  or  two  here  and  there  a  metal  or 
leathern  helmet.  Their  horses  are  remarkable  neither  for 
beauty  nor  for  fleetness.  Nor  are  they  taught  various 
evolutions  after  our  fashion,  but  are  driven  straight  forward, 
or  so  as  to  make  one  wheel  to  the  right  in  such  a  compact 
body  that  none  is  left  behind  another.  On  the  whole,  one 
would  say  that  their  chief  strength  is  in  their  infantry,  which 
fights  along  with  the  cavalry ;  admirably  adapted  to  the 
action  of  the  latter  is  the  swiftness  of  certain  foot-soldiers, 
who  are  picked  from  the  entire  youth  of  their  country,  and 
stationed  in  front  of  the  line.  Their  number  is  fixed,  —  a 
hundred  from  each  canton ;  and  from  this  they  take  their 
name  among  their  countrymen,  so  that  what  was  originally 
a  mere  number  has  now  become  a  title  of  distinction. 
Their  line  of  battle  is  drawn  up  in  a  wedge-like  formation. 
To  give  ground,  provided  you  return  to  the  attack,  is  con- 
sidered prudence  rather  than  cowardice.  The  bodies  of 


6  Britons   and   Saxons 

their  slain  they  carry  off,  even  in  indecisive  engagements. 
To  abandon  your  shield  is  the  basest  of  crimes ;  nor  may 
a  man  thus  disgraced  be  present  at  the  sacred  rites,  or  enter 
their  council ;  many,  indeed,  after  escaping  from  battle, 
have  ended  their  infamy  with  the  halter. 

Government.     Influence  of  women 

Many  of  the  They  choose  their  kings  by  birth,  their  generals  for  merit, 
tribesliad  no  These  kings  have  not  unlimited  or  arbitrary  power,  and  the 
kings.  generals  do  more  by  example  than  by  authority.  If  they 

are  energetic,  if  they  are  conspicuous,  if  they  fight  in 
the  front,  they  lead  because  they  are  admired.  But  to 
reprimand,  to  imprison,  even  to  flog,  is  permitted  to  the 
priests  alone,  and  that  not  as  a  punishment,  or  at  the  gen- 
eral's bidding,  but,  as  it  were,  by  the  mandate  of  the  god, 
whom  they  believe  to  inspire  the  warrior.  They  also  carry 
with  them  into  battle  certain  figures  and  images  taken  from 
their  sacred  groves.  And  what  most  stimulates  their  courage 
is,  that  their  squadrons  or  battalions,  instead  of  being  formed 
by  chance  or  by  a  fortuitous  gathering,  are  composed  of 
families  and  clans.  Close  by  them,  too,  are  those  dearest 
to  them,  so  that  they  hear  the  shrieks  of  women,  the  cries  of 
infants.  They  are  to  every  man  the  most  sacred  witnesses 
of  his  bravery  —  they  are  his  most  generous  applauders. 
The  soldier  brings  his  wounds  to  mother  and  wife,  who 
shrink  not  from  counting  or  even  demanding  them,  and 
who  administer  both  food  and  encouragement  to  the  com- 
batants. .  .  . 

Councils 


About  minor  matters  the  chiefs  deliberate,  about  the  more 
important  the  whole  tribe.  Yet  even  when  the  final  decision 
rests  with  the  people,  the  affair  is  always  thoroughly  dis- 
cussed by  the  chiefs.  They  assemble,  except  in  the  case  of 


The   Early   Germans 


a  sudden  emergency,  on  certain  fixed  days,  either  at  new  or 
at  full  moon  ;  for  this  they  consider  the  most  auspicious 
season  for  the  transaction  of  business.  Instead  of  reckon- 
ing by  days  as  we  do,  they  reckon  by  nights,  and  in  this 
manner  fix  both  their  ordinary  and  their  legal  appointments. 
Night  they  regard  as  bringing  on  day.  Their  freedom  has 
this  disadvantage,  that  they  do  not  meet  simultaneously  or 
as  they  are  bidden,  but  two  or  three  days  are  wasted  in  the 
delays  of  assembling.  When  the  multitude  think  proper, 
they  sit  down  armed.  Silence  is  proclaimed  by  the  priests, 
who  have  on  these  occasions  the  right  of  keeping  order. 
Then  the  king  or  the  chief,  according  to  age,  birth,  distinc- 
tion in  war,  or  eloquence,  is  heard,  more  because  he  has 
influence  to  persuade  than  because  he  has  power  to  com- 
mand. If  his  sentiments  displease  them,  they  reject  them 
with  murmurs ;  if  they  are  satisfied,  they  brandish  their  By  the  clash 


of  shield  and 
aaatui.     10     \*j 

express  approbation  with  their  weapons.  .  .  . 


spears.     The    most   complimentary    form   of    assent   is   to        ar 


Training  of  the  youtli 

They  transact  no  public  or  private  business  without  being  The  marked 
armed.  It  is  not,  however,  usual  for  any  one  to  wear  arms  j^jr'lfjjf  the 
till  the  state  has  recognised  his  power  to  use  them.  Then  Germans  at 

-     ,  .,  .......  .        this  time  was 

in  the  presence  of  the  council  one  of  the  chiefs,  or  the   perhaps  the 

young  man's  father,  or  some  kinsman,  equips  him  with  a  continuous6 

shield  and  a  spear.     These  arms  are  what  the  "  toga  "  is   struggle  with 

with  us,  the  first  honour  with  which  youth  is  invested.     Up 

to  this  time  he  is  regarded  as  a  member  of  a  household, 

afterwards  as  a  member  of  the  commonwealth.     Very  noble 

birth  or  great  services  rendered  by  the  father  secure  for 

lads  the  rank  of  a   chief;  such  lads  attach  themselves  to 

men  of  mature  strength  and  of  long-approved  valour.     It 

is  no  shame  to  be  seen  among  a  chiefs  followers.     Even  in 

his  escort  there  are  gradations  of  rank,  dependent  on  the 


8  Britons   and   Saxons 

choice  of  the  man  to  whom  they  are  attached.  These  fol- 
lowers vie  keenly  with  each  other  as  to  who  shall  rank  first 
with  his  chief,  the  chiefs  as  to  who  shall  have  the  most 
numerous  and  the  bravest  followers.  It  is  an  honour  as 
well  as  a  source  of  strength  to  be  thus  always  surrounded 
by  a  large  body  of  picked  youths ;  it  is  an  ornament  in 
peace,  and  a  defence  in  war.  And  not  only  in  his  own 
tribe  but  also  in  the  neighbouring  states  it  is  the  renown 
and  glory  of  a  chief  to  be  distinguished  for  the  number  and 
valour  of  his  followers,  for  such  a  man  is  courted  by  embas- 
sies, is  honoured  with  presents,  and  the  very  prestige  of  his 
name  often  settles  a  war. 

Warlike  ardour  of  the  people 

When  they  go  into  battle,  it  is  a  disgrace  for  the  chief  to 
be  surpassed  in  valour,  a  disgrace  for  his  followers  not  to 
equal  the  valour  of  the  chief.  And  it  is  an  infamy  and  a 
reproach  for  life  to  have  survived  the  chief,  and  returned 
from  the  field.  To  defend,  to  protect  him,  to  ascribe  one's 
own  brave  deeds  to  his  renown,  is  the  height  of  loyalty. 
The  chief  fights  for  victory  ;  his  vassals  fight  for  their  chief. 
If  their  native  state  sinks  into  the  sloth  of  prolonged  peace 
and  repose,  many  of  its  noble  youths  voluntarily  seek  those 
tribes  which  are  waging  some  war,  both  because  inaction  is 
odious  to  their  race,  and  because  they  win  renown  more 
readily  in  the  midst  of  peril,  and  cannot  maintain  a  numer- 
ous following  except  by  violence  and  war.  Indeed,  men 
look  to  the  liberality  of  their  chief  for  their  war-horse  and 
their  blood-stained  and  victorious  lance.  Feasts  and  enter- 
tainments, which,  though  inelegant,  are  plentifully  fur- 
nished, are  their  only  pay.  The  means  of  this  bounty  come 
from  war  and  rapine.  Nor  are  they  as  easily  persuaded  to 
plough  the  earth  and  to  wait  for  the  year's  produce  as  to 
challenge  an  enemy  and  earn  the  honour  of  wounds.  Nay, 


The   Early   Germans  9 

they  actually  think  it  tame  and  stupid  to  acquire  by  the 
sweat  of  toil  what  they  might  win  by  their  blood. 


Habits  in  time  of  peace 

Whenever  they  are  not  fighting,  they  pass  much  of  their   Compare 
time  in  the  chase,  and  still  more  in  idleness,  giving  them-   jsTorth  C 

selves  up  to  sleep  and  to  feastiner,  the  bravest  and  the  most  American 

Indian, 
warlike   doing  nothing,  and  surrendering  the  management 

of  the  household,  of  the  home,  and  of  the  land,  to  the 
women,  the  old  men,  and  all  the  weakest  members  of  the 
family.  They  themselves  lie  buried  in  sloth,  a  strange  com- 
bination in  their  nature  that  the  same  men  should  be  so 
fond  of  idleness,  so  averse  to  peace.  It  is  the  custom  of 
the  states  to  bestow  by  voluntary  and  individual  contribu- 
tion on  the  chiefs  a  present  of  cattle  or  of  grain,  which, 
while  accepted  as  a  compliment,  supplies  their  wants. 
They  are  particularly  delighted  by  gifts  from  neighbouring 
tribes,  which  are  sent  not  only  by  individuals  but  also  by 
the  state,  such  as  choice  steeds,  heavy  armour,  trappings, 
and  neckchains.  We  have  now  taught  them  to  accept 
money  also. 

Arrangement  of  their  towns 

It  is  well  known  that  the  nations  of  Germany  have  no 
cities,  and  that  they  do  not  even  tolerate  closely  contiguous 
dwellings.  They  live  scattered  and  apart,  just  as  a  spring, 
a  meadow,  or  a  wood  has  attracted  them.  Their  villages 
they  do  not  arrange  in  our  fashion,  with  the  buildings  con- 
nected and  joined  together,  but  every  person  surrounds  his 
dwelling  with  an  open  space,  either  as  a  precaution  against 
the  disasters  of  fire,  or  because  they  do  not  know  how  to 
build.  No  use  is  made  by  them  of  stone  or  tile  ;  they  em- 
ploy timber  for  all  purposes,  rude  masses  without  ornament 


io  Britons   and   Saxons 

or  attractiveness.  Some  parts  of  their  buildings  they  stain 
more  carefully  with  a  clay  so  clear  and  bright  that  it  resem- 
bles painting,  or  a  coloured  design.  .  .  . 

Hereditary  feuds.     Fines  for  homicide.     Hospitality 

See  No.  6.  It  is  a  duty  among  them  to  adopt  the  feuds  as  well  as 

the  friendships  of  a  father  or  a  kinsman.  These  feuds  are 
not  implacable ;  even  homicide  is  expiated  by  the  payment 
of  a  certain  number  of  cattle  and  of  sheep,  and  the  satis- 
faction is  accepted  by  the  entire  family,  greatly  to  the 
advantage  of  the  state,  since  feuds  are  dangerous  in  pro- 
portion to  a  people's  freedom. 

No  nation  indulges  more  profusely  in  entertainments  and 
hospitality.  To  exclude  any  human  being  from  their  roof 
is  thought  impious ;  every  German,  according  to  his  means, 
receives  his  guest  with  a  well- furnished  table.  When  his 
supplies  are  exhausted,  he  who  was  but  now  the  host  be- 
comes the  guide  and  companion  to  further  hospitality,  and 
without  invitation  they  go  to  the  next  house.  It  matters 
not ;  they  are  entertained  with  like  cordiality.  .  .  . 


Food 

A  liquor  for  drinking  is  made  out  of  barley  or  other  grain, 
and  fermented  into  a  certain  resemblance  to  wine.  The 
dwellers  on  the  river-bank  also  buy  wine.  Their  food  is  of  a 
simple  kind,  consisting  of  wild-fruit,  fresh  game,  and  curdled 
milk.  They  satisfy  their  hunger  without  elaborate  prepa- 
ration, and  without  delicacies.  In  quenching  their  thirst 
they  are  not  equally  moderate.  If  you  indulge  their  love 
of  drinking  by  supplying  them  with  as  much  as  they  desire, 
they  will  be  overcome  by  their  own  vices  as  easily  as  by  the 
arms  of  an  enemy. 


The   Early   Germans  1 1 

Sports.     Passion  for  gambling 

One  and  the  same  kind  of  spectacle  is  always  exhibited 
at  every  gathering.  Naked  youths  who  practise  the  sport 
bound  in  the  dance  amid  swords  and  lances  that  threaten 
their  lives.  Experience  gives  them  skill,  and  skill  again 
gives  grace  ;  profit  or  pay  are  o.ut  of  the  question  ;  however 
reckless  their  pastime,  its  reward  is  the  pleasure  of  the 
spectators.  Strangely  enough  they  make  games  of  hazard  a 
serious  occupation  even  when  sober,  and  so  venturesome  are 
they  about  gaining  or  losing,  that,  when  every  other  resource 
has  failed,  on  the  last  and  final  throw,  they  stake  the  freedom 
of  their  own  persons.  The  loser  goes  into  voluntary  slavery  ; 
though  the  younger  and  stronger,  he  suffers  himself  to  be 
bound  and  sold.  Such  is  their  stubborn  persistency  in  a 
bad  practice  ;  they  themselves  call  it  honour.  Slaves  of  this 
kind  the  owners  part  with  in  the  way  of  commerce,  and  also 
to  relieve  themselves  from  the  scandal  of  such  a  victory.  .  .  . 

Occupation  of  Land.     Tillage 

.  .  .  Land  proportioned  to  the  number  of  inhabitants  is 
occupied  by  the  whole  community  in  turn,  and  afterwards 
divided  among  them  according  to  rank.  A  wide  expanse 
of  plains  makes  the  partition  easy.  They  till  fresh  fields 
every  year,  and  they  have  still  more  land  than  enough ; 
with  the  richness  and  extent  of  their  soil,  they  do  not 
laboriously  exert  themselves  in  planting  orchards,  inclosing 
meadows,  and  watering  gardens.  Corn  is  the  only  produce 
required  from  the  earth ;  hence  even  the  year  itself  is  not 
divided  by  them  into  as  many  seasons  as  with  us.  Winter, 
spring,  and  summer  have  both  a  meaning  and  a  name ;  the 
name  and  blessings  of  autumn  are  alike  unknown. 

Cornelius  Tacitus,  GermUtitt  (translated  by  Church  and  Brod- 
ribb,  London,  1877),  Chs.  IV,-  VI,  VII,  XI,  XVI,  XXI, 
XXIII,  XXIV,  XXVI. 


12 


Britons   and   Saxons 


By  B^EDA, 
the  "  VENER- 
ABLE BEDE" 

(673-735). a 
native  of  Ber- 
nicia,  who 
was  trained 
for  the 
church,  and 
spent  most  of 
his  life  in  the 
Benedictine 
abbey  of 
Jarrow  on  the 
Tyne,  where 
he  died. 
Later  his 
bones  were 
removed  to 
the  Cathedral 
of  Durham, 
and  a  shrine 
was  erected 
to  his  mem- 
ory.   Both 
shrine  and 
relics  were 
destroyed  in 
the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII. 
Bede's  life 
was  spent  in 
the  service  of 
the  church 
and  of 
literature. 
His  great 
work,  the  Ec- 
clesiastical 
History, 
covers  the 
period  from 
the  coming  of 
Caesar  10731. 
It  is  in  nowise 
confined  to 
church  mat- 
ters, and  for 
the  later 
years,  especi- 
ally from  633, 
it  forms  our 
best  author- 
ity.    As  a 
historian 


3.    The  Coming  of  the  Angles  and  Saxons 

(circ.  450) 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  449,  Martian  being  made  em- 
peror with  Valentinian,  and  the  forty-sixth  from  Augustus, 
ruled  the  empire  seven  years.  Then  the  nation  of  the  Angles, 
or  Saxons,  being  invited  by  the  aforesaid  king,  arrived  in 
Britain  with  three  long  ships,  and  had  a  place  assigned  them 
to  reside  in  by  the  same  king,  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
island,  that  they  might  thus  appear  to  be  fighting  for  their 
country,  whilst  their  real  intentions  were  to  enslave  it. 
Accordingly  they  engaged  with  the  enemy,  who  were  come 
from  the  north  to  give  battle,  and  obtained  the  victory  ; 
which,  being  known  at  home  in  their  own  country,  as  also 
the  fertility  of  the  country,  and  the  cowardice  of  the  Britons, 
a  more  considerable  fleet  was  quickly  sent  over,  bringing  a 
still  greater  number  of  men,  which,  being  added  to  the  former, 
made  up  an  invincible  army.  The  new  comers  received  of 
the  Britons  a  place  to  inhabit,  upon  condition  that  they 
should  wage  war  against  their  enemies  for  the  peace  and  se- 
curity of  the  country,  whilst  the  Britons  agreed  to  furnish 
them  with  pay.  Those  who  came  over  were  of  the  three 
powerful  nations  of  Germany,  —  Saxons,  Angles,  and  Jutes. 
From  the  Jutes  are  descended  the  people  of  Kent,  and  of 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  those  also  in  the  province  of  the  West- 
Saxons  who  are  to  this  day  called  Jutes,  seated  opposite  to 
the  Isle  of  Wight.  From  the  Saxons,  that  is,  the  country 
which  is  now  called  Old  Saxony,  came  the  East-Saxons,  the 
South-Saxons,  and  the  West-Saxons.  From  the  Angles,  that 
is,  the  country  which  is  called  Anglia,  and  which  is  said,  from 
that  time,  to  remain  desert  to  this  day,  between  the  provinces 
of  the  Jutes  and  the  Saxons,  are  descended  the  East-Angles, 
the  Midland-Angles,  Mercians,  all  the  race  of  the  Northum- 
brians, that  is,  of  those  nations  that  dwell  on  the  north  side 


Angles   and   Saxons  1 3 

of  the  river  Humber,  and  the  other  nations  of  the  English.   Bede  is 
...     In  a  short  time,  swarms  of  the  aforesaid  nations  came   ^dour  and 
over  into  the  island,  and  they  began  to  increase  so  much   intelligence. 

,    —  On  the 

that  they  became  terrible  to  the  natives  themselves  who  had  Saxon  Con- 
invited  them.  Then,  having  on  a  sudden  entered  into  league  RUQregne^^ 
with  the  Picts,  whom  they  had  by  this  time  repelled  by  the  Making  of 
force  of  their  arms,  they  began  to  turn  their  weapons  against 
their  confederates.  At  first,  they  obliged  them  to  furnish  a  king°"  =Vor- 
greater  quantity  of  provisions ;  and,  seeking  an  occasion  to 
quarrel,  protested,  that  unless  more  plentiful  supplies  were 
brought  them,  they  would  break  the  confederacy,  and  ravage 
all  the  island  ;  nor  were  they  backward  in  putting  their 
threats  in  execution.  In  short,  the  fire  kindled  by  the  hands 
of  these  pagans  proved  God's  just  revenge  for  the  crimes  of 
the  people ;  .  .  .  For  the  barbarous  conquerors  acting  here 
in  the  same  manner,  or  rather  the  just  Judge  ordaining  that 
they  should  so  act,  they  plundered  all  the  neighbouring  cities 
and  country,  spread  the  conflagration  from  the  eastern  to 
the  western  sea,  without  any  opposition,  and  covered  almost 
every  part  of  the  devoted  island.  Public  as  well  as  private 
structures  were  overturned  ;  the  priests  were  everywhere 
slain  before  the  altars  ;  the  prelates  and  the  people,  without 
any  respect  of  persons,  were  destroyed  with  fire  and  sword ; 
nor  was  there  any  to  bury  those  who  had  been  thus  cruelly 
slaughtered.  Some  of  the  miserable  remainder,  being  taken 
in  the  mountains,  were  butchered  in  heaps.  Others,  spent 
with  hunger,  came  forth  and  submitted  themselves  to  the 
enemy  for  food,  being  destined  to  undergo  perpetual  servi- 
tude, if  they  were  not  killed  even  upon  the  spot.  Some,  with 
sorrowful  hearts,  fled  beyond  the  seas.  Others,  continuing 
in  their  own  country,  led  a  miserable  life  among  the  woods, 
rocks,  and  mountains,  with  scarcely  enough  food  to  support 
life,  and  expecting  every  moment  to  be  their  last. 

Baeda,  Historia  Ecclesiastica  Gentis  Anglorum  (translated  by  J. 
A.  Giles,  London,  1847),  Book  I,  Ch.  XV. 


Britons   and   Saxons 


By  B>EDA. 
See  No.  3. 
This  extract 
is  taken  from 
the  second 
book  of  the 
Ecclesias- 
tical History, 
and  describes 
events  near 
to  Bede's  own 
time.     His 
information 
may  have 
been  derived 
from  those 
having  a  per- 
sonal know- 
ledge of  the 
facts. 

"  These 
words  "  =  the 
Christian 
preaching  of 
Paulinus. 

Paulinus  was 
the  chaplain 
of  the  wife 
of  Edwin,  a 
Christian 
princess  of 
Kent. 


4.    Conversion  of  Edwin,  King    of  the 
Northumbrians   (circ.  625) 

The  king,  hearing  these  words,  answered,  that  he  was 
both  willing  and  bound  to  receive  the  faith  which  he  taught ; 
but  that  he  would  confer  about  it  with  his  principal  friends 
and  counsellors,  to  the  end  that  if  they  also  were  of  his 
opinion,  they  might  all  together  be  cleansed  in  Christ  the 
Fountain  of  Life.  Paulinus  consenting,  the  king  did  as  he 
said  ;  for,  holding  a  council  with  the  wise  men,  he  asked  of 
every  one  in  particular  what  he  thought  of  the  new  doctrine, 
and  the  new  worship  that  was  preached?  To  which  the 
chief  of  his  own  priests,  Coifi,  immediately  answered  :  "  O 
king,  consider  what  this  is  which  is  now  preached  to  us  ; 
for  I  verily  declare  to  you,  that  the  religion  which  we  have 
hitherto  professed  has,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  no  virtue  in  it. 
For  none  of  your  people  has  applied  himself  more  diligently 
to  the  worship  of  our  gods  than  I ;  and  yet  there  are  many 
who  receive  greater  favours  from  you,  and  are  more  pre- 
ferred than  I,  and  are  more  prosperous  in  all  their  under- 
takings. Now  if  the  gods  were  good  for  anything,  they 
would  rather  forward  me,  who  have  been  more  careful  to 
serve  them.  It  remains,  therefore,  that  if  upon  examina- 
tion you  find  those  new  doctrines,  which  are  now  preached 
to  us,  better  and  more  efficacious,  we  immediately  receive 
them  without  any  delay." 

Another  of  the  king's  chief  men,  approving  of  his  words 
and  exhortations,  presently  added  ;  "  The  present  life  of 
man,  O  king,  seems  to  me,  in  comparison  of  that  time 
which  is  unknown  to  us,  like  to  the  swift  flight  of  a  sparrow 
through  the  room  wherein  you  sit  at  supper  in  winter,  with 
your  commanders  and  ministers,  and  a  good  fire  in  the  midst, 
whilst  the  storms  of  rain  and  snow  prevail  abroad  ;  the  spar- 
row, I  say,  flying  in  at  one  door,  and  immediately  out  at 


Conversion   of  Edwin         15 

another,  whilst  he  is  within,  is  safe  from  the  wintry  storm ; 
but  after  a  short  space  of  fair  weather,  he  immediately  van- 
ishes out  of  your  sight,  into  the  dark  winter  from  which  he 
had  emerged.  So  this  life  of  man  appears  for  a  short  space, 
but  of  what  went  before,  or  what  is  to  follow,  we  are  utterly 
ignorant.  If,  therefore,  this  new  doctrine  contains  some- 
thing more  certain,  it  seems  justly  to  deserve  to  be  followed." 
The  other  elders  and  king's  counsellors,  by  Divine  inspira- 
tion, spoke  to  the  same  effect. 

But  Coifi  added,  that  he  wished  more  attentively  to  hear 
Paulinus  discourse  concerning  the  God  whom  he  preached  ; 
which  he  having  by  the  king's  command  performed,  Coifi, 
hearing  his  words,  cried  out :  "  I  have  long  since  been  sensi- 
ble that  there  was  nothing  in  that  which  we  worshipped; 
because  the  more  diligently  I  sought  after  truth  in  that  wor- 
ship, the  less  I  found  it.  But  now  I  freely  confess,  that 
such  truth  evidently  appears  in  this  preaching  as  can  confer 
on  us  the  gifts  of  life,  of  salvation,  and  of  eternal  happi- 
ness. For  which  reason  I  advise,  O  king,  that  we  instantly 
abjure  and  set  fire  to  those  temples  and  altars  which  we  have 
consecrated  without  reaping  any  benefit  from  them."  In 
short,  the  king  publicly  gave  his  license  to  Paulinus  to  preach  Paulinus  be- 
the  Gospel,  and  renouncing  idolatry,  declared  that  he  received  of  York  andP 
the  faith  of  Christ :  and  when  he  inquired  of  the  high  priest  won  the 
who  should  first  profane  the  altars  and  temples  of  their  idols,  Christianity, 
with  the  enclosures  that  were  about  them,  he  answered,  "  I ; 
for  who  can  more  properly  than  myself  destroy  those  things 
which  I  worshipped  through  ignorance,  for  an  example  to 
all  others,  through  the  wisdom  which  has  been  given  me  by 
the  true  God?"  Then  immediately,  in  contempt  of  his 
former  superstitions,  he  desired  the  king  to  furnish  him  with 
arms  and  a  stallion ;  and  mounting  the  same,  he  set  out  to 
destroy  the  idols ;  for  it  was  not  lawful  before  for  the  high 
priest  either  to  carry  arms,  or  to  ride  on  any  but  a  mare. 
Having,  therefore,  girt  a  sword  about  him,  with  a  spear  in 


i6 


Britons   and   Saxons 


"The  home 

tectionPof  "the 
gods." 


his  hand,  he  mounted  the  king.'s  stallion  and  proceeded  to  the 
idols.  The  multitude,  beholding  it,  concluded  he  was  dis- 
tracted; but  he  lost  no  time,  for  as  soon  as  he  drew  near 
the  temple  he  profaned  the  same,  casting  into  it  the  spear 
which  he  held  ;  and  rejoicing  in  the  knowledge  of  the  wor- 
ship of  the  true  God,  he  commanded  his  companions  to 
destroy  the  temple,  with  all  its  enclosures,  by  fire.  This 
place  where  the  idols  were  is  still  shown,  not  far  from  York, 
to  the  eastward,  beyond  the  river  Derwent,  and  is  now  called 
Godmundingham,  where  the  high  priest,  by  the  inspiration 
°^  tne  true  God,  profaned  and  destroyed  the  altars  which  he 
had  himself  consecrated. 

Baeda,  Historia  Ecclesiastica  Gentis  Anglorum  (translated  by  J. 
A.  Giles,  London,  1847),  Book  II,  Ch.  XIII. 


This  treaty 
between 
Charles  the 
Great  or 
Charlemagne 
(t8i4)  and 
Offa,  the 
greatest  of 
the  Mercian 
kings  (t796), 
is  of  interest 
as  showing 
the  character 
of  the  inter- 
course 

between  Eng- 
land and  the 
Continent. 
Compare 
No.  12. 


5.    Treaty  between  Charles  the   Great  and 
Offa  (circ.  795) 

"  Charles,  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  the  Franks  and 
Lombards,  and  patrician  of  the  Romans,  to  his  esteemed  and 
dearest  brother  Offa  king  of  the  Mercians,  sendeth  health : 

First,  we  give  thanks  to  God  Almighty  for  the  purity  of  the 
Catholic  faith,  which  we  find  laudably  expressed  in  your 
letters.  Concerning  pilgrims,  who  for  the  love  of  God  or 
the  salvation  of  their  souls,  wish  to  visit  the  residence  of  the 
holy  apostles,  let  them  go  peaceably  without  any  molesta- 
tion ;  but  if  persons,  not  seeking  the  cause  of  religion,  but 
that  of  gain,  be  found  amongst  them,  let  them  pay  the  cus- 
tomary tolls  in  proper  places.  We  will,  too,  that  traders 
have  due  protection  within  our  kingdom,  according  to  our 
mandate,  and  if  in  any  place  they  suffer  wrongful  oppression, 


Alfred's   Dooms  17 

let  them  appeal  to  us  or  to  our  judges,  and  we  will  see  full 
justice  done.  .  .  ." 

William  of  Malmesbury,  Chronicle  (translated  by  J.  A.  Giles, 
London,  1847),  85. 


6.    Alfred's  Dooms 

1 6.  If  any  one  smite  his  neighbour  with  a  stone  or  with 
his  fist,  and  he  nevertheless  can  go  out  with  a  staff;  let  him 
get  him  a  leech,  and  work  his  work  the  while  that  himself 
may  not. 

21.  If  an  ox  gore  a  man  or  a  woman,  so  that  they  die,  let  it 
be  stoned,  and  let  not  its  flesh  be  eaten.  The  lord  shall  not 
be  liable,  if  the  ox  were  wont  to  push  with  its  horns  for  two 
or  three  days  before,  and  the  lord  knew  it  not ;  but  if  he 
knew  it,  and  he  would  not  shut  it  in,  and  it  then  shall  have 
slain  a  man  or  a  woman,  let  it  be  stoned;  and  let  the  lord 
be  slain,  or  the  man  be  paid  for,  as  the  '  witan '  decree  to 
be  right.  If  it  gore  a  son  or  a  daughter,  let  him  be  subject 
to  the  like  judgment.  But  if  it  gore  a  '  theow  '  or  a  '  theow- 
mennen,'  let  XXX  shillings  of  silver  be  given  to  the  lord, 
and  let  the  ox  be  stoned. 

34.  Injure  ye  not  the  widows  and  the  step-children,  nor 
hurt  them  anywhere  :  for  if  ye  do  otherwise,  they  will  cry 
unto  me,  and  I  will  hear  them,  and  I  will  then  slay  you  with 
my  sword ;  and  I  will  so  do  that  your  wives  shall  be  widows, 
and  your  children  shall  be  step-children. 

35.  If  thou  give  money  in  loan  to  thy  fellow  who  willeth 
to  dwell  with  thee,  urge  thou  him  not  as  a  '  niedling/  and 
oppress  him  not  with  the  increase. 

36.  If  a  man  have  only  a  single  garment  wherewith  to 
cover  himself,  or  to  wear,  and  he  give  it  [to  thee]  in  pledge  ; 
let  it  be  returned  before  sunset.     If  thou  dost  not  so,  then 


The  accom- 
panying ex- 
tract is  from 
the  laws  of 
ALFRED 
THE  GREAT 
(849-901?). 
The  laws  of 
primitive 
peoples  are 
generally 
handed  down 
by  custom 
and  oral  tra- 
dition, and 
the  earliest 
written  laws 
are  merely 
amendments 
of  still  earlier 
unwritten 
customs  or 
attempts  to 
put  inio  sys- 
tematic form 
the  estab- 
lished usage 
of  the  com- 
munity. Dur- 
ing the  brief 
intervals  of 
peace  in  his 
troubled 
reign  Alfred 
drew  up  a 
code  of  Eng- 
lish law  based 
on  ancient 
custom  and 
the  laws  of 
some  of  his 
predecessors. 

Doom  =  law, 
decree. 


i8 


Britons   and   Saxons 


Theow  = 
slave. 

Theow-men- 
nen  =  bond- 
woman. 

Niedling  = 

worthless 

person. 


Wer-gild  = 
payment  for 
slaying  a 
man. 

Bot  =  com- 
pensation to 
the  injured. 

Wer  =  "  The 
pecuniary 
estimation  of 
a  man  by 
which  the 
value  of  his 
oath  and  the 
payment  for 
his  death 
were  deter- 
mined." 
Stubbs. 


shall  he  call  unto  me,  and  I  will  hear  him ;  for  I  am  very 
merciful. 

43-  Judge  tnou  very  evenly  :  judge  thou  not  one  doom 
to  the  rich,  another  to  the  poor;  nor  one  to  thy  friend, 
another  to  thy  foe,  judge  thou. 

I,  then,  Alfred,  king,  gathered  these  together,  and  com- 
manded many  of  those  to  be  written  which  our  forefathers 
held,  those  which  to  me  seemed  good ;  and  many  of  those 
which  seemed  to  me  not  good  I  rejected  them,  by  the 
counsel  of  my  '  witan,'  and  in  otherwise  commanded  them 
to  be  holden  ;  for  I  durst  not  venture  to  set  down  in  writing 
much  of  my  own,  for  it  was  unknown  to  me  what  of  it  would 
please  those  who  should  come  after  us.  But  those  things 
which  I  met  with,  either  of  the  days  of  Ine  my  kinsman,  or 
of  Offa  king  of  the  Mercians,  or  of  yEthelbryht,  who  first 
among  the  English  race  received  baptism,  those  which 
seemed  to  me  the  rightest,  those  I  have  here  gathered 
together,  and  rejected  the  others. 

I,  then,  Alfred,  king  of  the  West-Saxons,  shewed  these 
to  all  my  '  witan,'  and  they  then  said  that  it  seemed  good  to 
them  all  to  be  holden. 

In  Case  a  Man  fight  in  the  King's  Hall 

7.  If  any  one  fight  in  the  king's  hall,  or  draw  his  weapon, 
and  he  be  taken ;  be  it  in  the  king's  doom,  either  death,  or 
life,  as  he  may  be  willing  to  grant  him.  If  he  escape,  and 
be  taken  again,  let  him  pay  for  himself  according  to  his 
'wer-gild,'  and  make  'bot'  for  the  offence,  as  well  '  wer'  as 
'  wite,'  according  as  he  may  have  wrought. 

Of  those  Men  who  fight  before  a  Bishop 

15.  If  a  man  fight  before  an  archbishop  or  draw  his 
weapon,  let  him  make  '  bot '  with  one  hundred  and  fifty 
shillings.  If  before  another  bishop  or  an  ealdorman  this 
happen,  let  him  make  '  bot '  with  one  hundred  shillings. 


Alfred's   Dooms 


Of  Kinless  Men 

27.  If  a  man,  kinless  of  paternal  relatives,  fight,  and  slay 
a  man,  and  then  if  he  have  maternal  relatives,  let  them  pay 
a  third  of  the  '  wer ' ;  his  guild- brethren  a  third  part ;  for  a 
third  let  him  flee.  If  he  have  no  maternal  relatives,  let  his 
guild-brethren  pay  half,  for  half  let  him  flee. 

Of  Fends 

42.  We  also  command  :  that  the  man  who  knows  his  foe 
to  be  home-sitting  fight  not  before  he  demand  justice  of 
him.  If  he  have  such  power  that  he  can  beset  his  foe,  and 
besiege  him  within,  let  him  keep  him  within  for  VII.  days, 
and  attack  him  not,  if  he  will  remain  within.  And  then, 
after  VII.  days,  if  he  will  surrender,  and  deliver  up  his 
weapons,  let  him  be  kept  safe  for  XXX.  days,  and  let  notice 
of  him  be  given  to  his  kinsmen  and  his  friends.  If,  how- 
ever, he  flee  to  a  church,  then  let  it  be  according  to  the 
sanctity  of  the  church ;  as  we  have  before  said  above.  But 
if  he  have  not  sufficient  power  to  besiege  him  within,  let 
him  ride  to  the  '  ealdorman,'  and  beg  aid  of  him.  If  he 
will  not  aid  him,  let  him  ride  to  the  king  before  he  fights. 
In  like  manner  also,  if  a  man  come  upon  his  foe,  and  he 
did  not  before  know  him  to  be  home-staying ;  if  he  be  will- 
ing to  deliver  up  his  weapons,  let  him  be  kept  for  XXX. 
days,  and  let  notice  of  him  be  given  to  his  friends  ;  if  he 
will  not  deliver  up  his  weapons,  then  he  may  attack  him. 
If  he  be  willing  to  surrender,  and  to  deliver  up  his  weapons, 
and  any  one  after  that  attack  him,  let  him  pay  as  well '  wer ' 
as  wound,  as  he  may  do,  and  '  wite,'  and  let  him  have  for- 
feited his  '  maeg  '-ship.  We  also  declare,  that  with  his  lord 
a  man  may  fight  '  orwige,'  if  any  one  attack  the  lord  :  thus 
may  the  lord  fight  for  his  man.  After  the  same  wise,  a  man 
may  fight  with  his  born  kinsman,  if  a  man  attack  him  wrong- 
fully, except  against  his  lord ;  that  we  do  not  allow. 


Feud  =  pri- 
vate warfare. 
"  Right  of 
feud  . .  .  lies 
at  the  root  of 
all  Teutonic 
legislation." 
Kemble.    Cf. 
No.  2. 
From  an 
early  date  this 
right  was 
limited  by  the 
establish- 
ment of  a 
tariff  of  rates 
for  injuries  to 
be  accepted 
in  lieu  of 
blood  atone- 
ment.   But 
in  case  this 
compensa- 
tion was 
refused,  the 
right  of  exact- 
ing a  life  for 
a  life  or  a 
limb  for  a 
limb  revived, 
as  expressed 
in  the  Saxon 
proverb, 
"Buy  off  the 
spear  or  bear 
it." 


Orwige  = 
without  in- 
curring the 
guilt  of  mak- 
ing war. 


2O  Britons   and   Saxons 

Of  striking  off  an  Ear 

46.  If  his  other  ear  be  struck  off,  let  XXX.  shillings  be 
given  as  '  bot.'     If  the  hearing  be  impaired,  so  that  he  can- 
not hear,  let  LX.  shillings  be  given  as  '  bot.' 

Of  a  Man's  Eye-wound  and  of  Various  Other  Limbs 

47.  If  a  man  strike  out  another's  eye,  let  him  pay  LX. 
shillings,  and  VI.  shillings,  and  VI.  pennies  and  a  third  part 
of  a  penny,  as  '  bot.'      If   it  remain  in  the  head,  and  he 
cannot  see  aught  therewith,  let  one-third  part  of  the  'bot' 
be  retained. 

49.  If  a  man  strike  out  another's  tooth  in  the  front  of  his 
head,  let  him  make  'bot '  for  it  with  VIII.  shillings ;  if  it  be 
the  canine  tooth,  let  IV.  shillings  be  paid  as  '  bot.'  A  man's 
grinder  is  worth  XV.  shillings. 

57.  If  the  shooting  [i.e.  fore]  finger  be  struck  off,  the 
'  bot '  is  XV.  shillings  ;  for  its  nail  it  is  IV.  shillings. 

69.  If  a  man  maim  another's  hand  outwardly,  let  XX. 
shillings  be  paid  him  as  '  bot,'  if  he  can  be  healed ;  if  it 
half  fly  off,  then  shall  be  XL.  shillings  as  '  bot.' 

Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  England  (edited  by  Benjamin 
Thorpe,  London,  1840),  20-44. 


CHAPTER   II  — ENGLAND    AND    THE 
DANES 


7.    Alfred  and  the  Danes   (871-878) 

THE  same  year  (871),  the  aforesaid  Alfred,  who  had 
been  up  to  that  time  only  of  secondary  rank,  whilst 
his  brothers  were  alive,  now,  by  God's  permission,  undertook 
the  government  of  the  whole  kingdom,  amid  the  acclama- 
tions of  all  the  people ;  and  if  he  had  chosen,  he  might 
have  done  so  before,  whilst  his  brother  above-named  was 
still  alive ;  for  in  wisdom  and  other  qualities  he  surpassed 
all  his  brothers,  and,  moreover,  was  warlike  and  victorious 
in  all  his  wars.  And  when  he  had  reigned  one  month, 
almost  against  his  will,  for  he  did  not  think  he  could  alone 
sustain  the  multitude  and  ferocity  of  the  pagans,  though 
even  during  his  brothers'  lives,  he  had  borne  the  woes  of 
many,  —  he  fought  a  battle  with  a  few  men,  and  on  very  un- 
equal terms,  against  all  the  army  of  the  pagans,  at  a  hill  called 
Wilton,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river  Wily,  from  which 
river  the  whole  of  that  district  is  named,  and  after  a  long 
and  fierce  engagement,  the  pagans,  seeing  the  danger  they 
were  in,  and  no  longer  able  to  bear  the  attack  of  their  ene- 
mies, turned  their  backs  and  fled.  But,  oh,  shame  to  say, 
they  deceived  their  too  audacious  pursuers,  and  again  rally- 
ing, gained  the  victory.  Let  no  one  be  surprised  that  the 
Christians  had  but  a  small  number  of  men,  for  the  Saxons 
had  been  worn  out  by  eight  battles  in  one  year,  against  the 
pagans,  of  whom  they  had  slain  one  king,  nine  dukes,  and 
innumerable  troops  of  soldiers,  besides  endless  skirmishes, 
both  by  night  and  by  day,  in  which  the  oft-named  Alfred, 


Ascribed  to 

ASSER 
(tgio?),  a 
monk  of 

connected8111' 
with  the  mon- 

astery  of  St. 

David's.   He 


friend  of 

effort  to 
fev've  learn- 
ing.   The 
following  ex- 


of  Alfred  of 
js  held  to  be 


contains 


concerning 

the  great 

Saxon  king. 
"His  brother 


Etheired. 
"  pagans  "  = 

Snxon 
Chronicle 

"the  army." 


22      England   and   the   Danes 

and  all  his  chieftains,  with  their  men,  and  several  of  his 
ministers,  were  engaged  without  rest  or  cessation  against 
the  pagans.  How  many  thousand  pagans  fell  in  these  num- 
berless skirmishes  God  alone  knows,  over  and  above  those 
who  were  slain  in  the  eight  battles  above-mentioned.  In 
the  same  year  the  Saxons  made  peace  with  the  pagans,  on 
condition  that  they  should  take  their  departure,  and  they 
did  so.  ... 

In  the  year  877,  the  pagans,  on  the  approach  of  autumn, 
partly  settled  in  Exeter,  and  partly  marched  for  plunder  into 
Mercia.  The  number  of  that  disorderly  crew  increased  every 
day,  so  that,  if  thirty  thousand  of  them  were  slain  in  one  bat- 
tle, others  took  their  places  to  double  the  number.  Then 
King  Alfred  commanded  boats  and  galleys,  i.e.  long  ships, 
to  be  built  throughout  the  kingdom,  in  order  to  offer  battle 
by  sea  to  the  enemy  as  they  were  coming.  On  board  of 
these  he  placed  seamen,  and  appointed  them  to  watch  the 
seas.  Meanwhile  he  went  himself  to  Exeter,  where  the 
pagans  were  wintering,  and  having  shut  them  up  within 
the  walls,  laid  siege  to  the  town.  He  also  gave  orders  to 
his  sailors  to  prevent  them  from  obtaining  any  supplies  by 
sea ;  and  his  sailors  were  encountered  by  a  fleet  of  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty  ships  full  of  armed  soldiers,  who  were  come 
to  help  their  countrymen.  As  soon  as  the  king's  men  knew 
that  they  were  fitted  with  pagan  soldiers,  they  leaped  to  their 
arms,  and  bravely  attacked  those  barbaric  tribes ;  but  the 
pagans  who  had  now  for  almost  a  month  been  tossed  and 
almost  wrecked  among  the  waves  of  the  sea,  fought  vainly 
against  them ;  their  bands  were  discomfited  in  a  moment, 
Swanwich  in  and  all  were  sunk  and  drowned  in  the  sea,  at  a  place  called 

Dorsetshire.      Suanewic.    .    .    . 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord's  incarnation  878,  which  was  the 
thirtieth  of  king  Alfred's  life,  the  army  above-mentioned 
left  Exeter,  and  went  to  Chippenham,  a  royal  villa,  situated 
in  the  west  of  Wiltshire,  and  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 


Alfred   and   the   Danes        23 

river,  which  is  called  in  British,  the  Avon.  There  they  win- 
tered, and  drove  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  country 
beyond  the  sea  by  the  force  of  their  arms,  and  by  want  of 
the  necessaries  of  life.  They  reduced  almost  entirely  to 
subjection  all  the  people  of  that  country.  .  .  . 

The  same  year,  after  Easter,  king  Alfred,  with  a  few  fol- 
lowers, made  for  himself  a  stronghold  in  a  place  called 
Athelney,  and  from  thence  sallied  with  his  vassals  and  the 
nobles  of  Somersetshire,  to  make  frequent  assaults  upon  the 
pagans.  Also,  in  the  seventh  week  after  Easter,  he  rode  to 
the  stone  of  Egbert,  which  is  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  wood  Now  Brixton 
which  is  called  Selvvood.  .  .  .  Here  he  was  met  by  all  the  w^1 
neighbouring  folk  of  Somersetshire,  and  Wiltshire, 'and  Hamp- 
shire, who  had  not,  for  fear  of  the  pagans,  fled  beyond 
the  sea;  and  when  they  saw  the  king  alive  after  such 
great  tribulation,  they  received  him,  as  he  deserved,  with 
joy  and  acclamations,  and  encamped  there  for  one  night. 
When  the  following  day  dawned,  the  king  struck  his  camp, 
and  went  to  Okely,  where  he  encamped  for  one  night.  The  Probably 
next  morning  he  removed  to  Edington,  and  there  fought,  wilts. U' 
bravely  and  perseveringly  against  all  the  army  of  the  pagans, 
whom,  with  the  divine  help  he  defeated  with  great  slaughter, 
and  pursued  them  flying  to  their  fortification.  Immediately 
he  slew  all  the  men,  and  carried  off  all  the  booty  that  he 
could  find  without  the  fortress,  which  he  immediately  laid 
siege  to  with  all  his  army ;  and  when  he  had  been  there 
fourteen  days,  the  pagans,  driven  by  famine,  cold,  fear,  and 
last  of  all  by  despair,  asked  for  peace,  on  the  condition  that 
they  should  give  the  king  as  many  hostages  as  he  pleased, 
but  should  receive  none  of  him  in  return,  in  which  form  they 
had  never  before  made  a  treaty  with  any  one.  The  king, 
hearing  that,  took  pity  upon  them,  and  received  such  hos- 
tages as  he  chose ;  after  which  the  pagans  swore,  moreover, 
that  they  would  immediately  leave  the  kingdom ;  and  their 
king,  Gothrun,  promised  to  embrace  Christianity,  and  re- 


24      England   and   the   Danes 


Compare 
throughout 
with  the 
account  in 
the  Saxon 
Chronicle. 


ceive  baptism  at  king  Alfred's  hands.     All  of  which  articles 
he  and  his  men  fulfilled  as  they  had  promised. 

Asser,  De  Rebus  Gestis  dLlfredi  Magni  (translated  by  J.  A.  Giles, 
London,  1848),  56-63. 


From  the 
SAXON 
CHRONICLE. 
See  No.  n. 
At  the  time 
Athelstan's 
victory  over 
the  allied 
Scots,  Welsh, 
and  Danes 
was  looked 
upon  as  the 
hardest  fight 
the  English 
had  ever  won, 
and  it  was 
commemo- 
rated in 
several  songs. 
The  war- 
ballad  of 
Brunanburh 
found  in  the 
Chronicle  is 
one  of  the 
oldest  and 
noblest  of 
national  lays. 
Cf.  Lord 
Tennyson's 
translation. 

Board-walls 
=  shield- 
wall. 

War-lindens 
=  shields  of 
linden  wood. 


Daeniede  = 
flowed. 


8.    The  Battle  of  Brunanburh   (937) 

Here  Athelstan,  king, 

of  earls  the  lord, 

of  heroes  the  bracelet-giver, 

and  his  brother  eke, 

Edmund  etheling, 

life-long-glory 

in  battle  won 

with  edges  of  swords 

near  Brumby. 

The  board-walls  they  clove, 

they  hewed  the  war-lindens, 

Hamora  lafan' 
offspring  of  Edward, 
such  was  their  noble  nature 
from  their  ancestors, 
that  they  in  battle  oft 
'gainst  every  foe 
the  land  defended, 
hoards  and  homes. 
The  foe  they  crushed, 
the  Scottish  people 
and  the  shipmen 
fated  fell. 

The  field  '  daeniede ' 
with  warriors'  blood, 
since  the  sun  up 


Battle    of  Brunanburh        25 


at  morning-tide, 

mighty  planet, 

glided  o'er  grounds, 

God's  candle  bright, 

the  eternal  Lord's, 

till  the  noble  creature 

sank  to  her  settle. 

There  lay  many  a  warrior, 

by  javelins  strewed, 

northern  man 

over  shield  shot ; 

so  the  Scots  eke, 

weary,  war-sad. 

West- Saxons  onwards 

throughout  the  day, 

in  bands, 

pursued  the  footsteps 

of  the  loathed  nations. 

They  hewed  the  fugitives 

behind,  amain 

with  swords  mill-sharp 

Mercians  refused  not 

the  hard  hand-play 

to  any  heroes 

who  with  Anlaf, 

over  the  ocean, 

in  the  ship's  bosom, 

this  land  sought 

fated  to  the  fight. 

Five  lay 

on  the  battle-stead, 

youthful  kings, 

by  swords  fp  slumber  laid  : 

so  seven  eke 

of  Anlaf 's  earls ; 


Sharp  from 
the  grind- 
stone. 


Anlaf  or  Olaf, 
King  of  the 
Northmen  in 
Ireland. 


26      England   and   the   Danes 

of  the  army  countless, 
shipmen  and  Scots. 
There  was  made  flee 
the  North-men's  chieftain 
by  need  constrained, 
to  the  ship's  prow 
with  a  little  band. 
The  bark  drove  afloat : 
the  king  departed 
on  the  fallow  flood, 
his  life  preserved. 
So  there  eke  the  sage 
came  by  flight 
to  his  country  north, 

King  of  the  Constantine, 

hoary  warrior, 
He  had  no  cause  to  exult 
in  the  communion  of  swords. 
Here  was  his  kindred  band 
of  friends  o'erthrown 
on  the  folk-stead, 
in  battle  slain ; 
and  his  son  he  left 
on  the  slaughter-place, 
mangled  with  wounds, 
young  in  the  fight : 
he  had  no  cause  to  boast, 
hero  grizzly-haired, 
of  the  bill-clashing, 
the  old  deceiver ; 
nor  Anlaf  the  moor, 
with  the  remnant  of  their  armies ; 
they  had  no  cause  to  laugh 
that  they  in  war's  works 
the  better  men  were 


Battle   of  Brunanburh         27 

in  the  battle-stead 

at  the  conflict  of  banners 

meeting  of  spears, 

concourse  of  men, 

traffic  of  weapons ; 

that  they  on  the  slaughter-field 

with  Edward's 

offspring  played. 

The  North-men  departed 
in  their  nailed  barks ; 
bloody  relic  of  darts, 
on  roaring  ocean 
o'er  the  deep  water 
Dublin  to  seek, 
again  Ireland, 
shamed  in  mind. 

So  too  the  brothers, 
both  together 

king  and  etheling,  Athelstan 

their  country  sought, 
West-Saxons'  land, 
in  the  war  exulting. 
They  left  behind  them, 
the  corse  to  devour, 
the  sallowy  kite 
and  the  swarthy  raven 
with  horned  nib, 
and  the  dusky  '  pada,'  f.e.  dusky 

erne  white-tailed, 

. ,  .  erne  =  eagle. 

the  corse  to  enjoy, 

greedy  war-hawk 

and  the  grey  beast, 

wolf  of  the  wood. 

Carnage  greater  has  not  been 

in  this  island 


28      England   and   the   Danes 

ever  yet 

of  people  slain, 

before  this, 

by  edges  of  swords, 

as  books  us  say, 

old  writers, 

since  from  the  east  hither, 

Angles  and  Saxons 

came  to  land, 

o'er  the  broad  seas 

Britain  sought, 

mighty  war-smiths, 

the  Welsh  o'ercame, 

earls  most  bold, 

this  earth  obtained. 

The  Saxon  Chronicle  (translated  by  J.  A.  Giles,  London,  1847), 
375-377- 


The  accom- 
panying doc- 
ument is 
entitled  the 
"  Rectitudines 
Singularum 
Person- 
arum"  or 
"  The  Ser- 
vices due 
from  Various 
Persons" 
The  Saxon 
version  dates 
probably 
from  the  tenth 
century,  and 
the  Latin 
from  the 
twelfth.    It 
gives  a  de- 
scription of 
the  services 
due  from  the 
thane  to  the 


9.    Dues  and  Services  from  the  Land  in  the 
Tenth  Century 

Thane  s  Law 

The  thane's  law  is  that  he  be  worthy  of  his  boc-rights, 
and  that  he  do  three  things  for  his  land,  fyrd-faereld,  burh- 
bot,  and  brig-bot.  Also  from  many  lands  more  land-services 
are  due  at  the  king's  bann,  as  deer-hedging  at  the  king's 
ham,  and  apparel  for  the  guard,  and  sea-ward  and  head- 
ward  and  fyrd-ward  and  almsfee  and  kirkshot,  and  many 
other  various  things. 

Geneafs  Services 

The  geneat's  services  are  various  as  on  the  land  is  fixed. 
On  some  he  shall  pay  land-gafol  and  grass-swine  yearly,  and 


Dues   and   Services 


29 


ride,  and  carry,  and  lead  loads ;  work  and  support  his  lord, 
and  reap  and  mow,  cut  deer-hedge  and  keep  it  up,  build, 
and  hedge  the  burh,  make  new  roads  for  the  tun  :  pay  kirk- 
shot  and  almsfee :  keep  head-ward  and  horse-ward :  go 
errands  far  or  near  wherever  he  is  directed. 

Cottier's  Services 

The  cottier's  services  are  what  on  the  land  is  fixed.  On 
some  he  shall  each  Monday  in  the  year  work  for  his  lord, 
and  three  days  a  week  in  harvest.  He  ought  not  to  pay 
land-gafol.  He  ought  to  have  five  acres  in  his  holding, 
more  if  it  be  the  custom  on  the  land,  and  too  little  it  is  if 
it  be  less  :  because  his  work  is  often  required.  He  pays 
hearth-penny  on  Holy  Thursday,  as  pertains  to  every  free- 
man, and  defends  his  lord's  inland,  if  he  is  required,  from 
sea-ward  and  from  king's  deer-hedge,  and  from  such 
things  as  befit  his  degree.  And  he  pays  his  kirkshot  at 
Martinmas. 

Gebur's  Services 

The  Gebur's  services  are  various,  in  some  places  heavy, 
in  others  moderate.  On  some  land  he  must  work  at  week- 
work  two  days  at  such  work  as  he  is  required  through  the 
year  every  week,  and  at  harvest  three  days  for  week-work, 
and  from  Candlemas  to  Easter  three.  If  he  do  carrying 
he  has  not  to  work  while  his  horse  is  out.  He  shall  pay  on 
Michaelmas  Day  x.  gafol-pence,  and  on  Martinmas  Day 
xxiii.  sesters  of  barley  and  two  hens ;  at  Easter  a  young 
sheep  or  two  pence ;  and  he  shall  lie  from  Martinmas  to 
Easter  at  his  lord's  fold  as  often  as  he  is  told.  And  from 
the  time  that  they  first  plough  to  Martinmas  he  shall  each 
week  plough  one  acre,  and  prepare  himself  the  seed  in  his 
lord's  barn.  Also  iii.  acres  bene-work,  and  ii.  to  grass- 
yrth.  If  he  needs  more  grass  then  he  ploughs  for  it  as  he 


king,  and  of 
those  which 
the  various 
classes  that 
sat  upon  the 
land  owed 
their  lord. 

The  three 
duties  of  the 
thane  were  to 
accompany 
the  king  to 
war,  help 
build  his 
castles,  and 
keep  up  the 
bridges. 

Geneat,  Latin 
villanus,  or 
villain. 

Gafol  = 
tribute. 

Cottier  =  a 
class  of 
geneats  with 
small  hold- 
ings. 

Inland  = 
demesne  or 
land  reserved 
by  the  lord  to 
his  own  use. 

Gebur  = 
Villain 
proper,  hav- 
ing a  holding 
of  about 
thirty  acres. 


Bene-work  = 
special  work. 


30      England   and   the   Danes 

is  allowed.  For  his  gafol-yrth  he  ploughs  iii.  acres,  and 
sows  it  from  his  own  barn.  And  he  pays  his  hearth-penny. 
Two  and  two  feed  one  hound,  and  each  gebur  gives  vi.  loaves 
to  the  swineherd  when  he  drives  his  herd  to  mast.  On  that 
land  where  this  custom  holds  it  pertains  to  the  gebur  that 
he  shall  have  given  to  him  for  his  outfit  ii.  oxen  and  i.  cow 
and  vi.  sheep,  and  vii.  acres  sown  on  his  yard-land.  Where- 
fore after  that  year  he  must  perform  all  services  which  per- 
tain to  him.  And  he  must  have  given  to  him  tools  for  his 
work,  and  utensils  for  his  house.  Then  when  he  dies  his 
lord  takes  back  what  he  leaves. 

This  land-law  holds  on  some  lands,  but  here  and  there,  as 
I  have  said,  it  is  heavier  or  lighter,  for  all  land  services  are 
not  alike.  On  some  land  the  gebur  shall  pay  honey-gafol, 
on  some  meat-gafol,  on  some  ale-gafol.  Let  him  who  is 
over  the  district  take  care  that  he  knows  what  the  old  land- 
customs  are,  and  what  are  the  customs  of  the  people. 

Rectitudines  Singularum  Personarum  (cited  in  Anglo-Saxon, 
Latin,  and  English,  F.  Seebohm,  The  English  Village  Com- 
munity, London,  1890,  129-133). 


By  ETHEL- 
RED  II, 
or  ETHEL- 
RED  THE 
UNREADY 
(tioi6). 
This  oath  was 
taken  at  the 
bidding  of 
Dunstan. 
No.  ii  shows 
how  little  it 
was  kept. 


10.    Coronation  Oath  of  Ethelred  II  (979) 

In  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  three  things  do  I  promise 
to  this  Christian  people,  my  subjects ;  first,  that  I  will  hold 
God's  church  and  all  the  Christian  people  of  my  realm  in 
true  peace  ;  second,  that  I  will  forbid  all  rapine  and  injustice 
to  men  of  all  conditions  ;  third,  that  I  promise  and  enjoin 
justice  and  mercy  in  all  judgements,  in  order  that  a  just  and 
merciful  God  may  give  us  all  His  eternal  favor,  who  liveth 
and  reigneth. 

Reliquice  Antiques,  II,  194  (cited  in  English  translation  by  Kemble, 
Saxons  in  England,  London,  1849,  H>  3^)- 


King   Ethelred  3  i 


1  1  .    King  Ethelred  and  the  Danes          From  the 

0  SAXON 

(I006-IOIO)  CHRONICLE. 

\  /  Probably 

compiled 

A.  1006.  .  .  .    And  then,  after  mid-summer,  then  came  the   one'or  more 
great  fleet  to  Sandwich,  and  did  all  as  they  had  been  before   of  the  leading 

ii,  1       ,  monasteries 

wont  ;  they  ravaged,  and  burned,  and  destroyed,  wherever  of  the  king- 

they  went.  Then  the  king  commanded  all  the  people  of  Wessex  extending 

and  of  Mercia  to  be  called  out  ;  and  then  they  lay  out  all  the  from  at  least 

harvest  in  the  field  against  the  army.     But  it  availed  nothing  century  to 

the  more  than  it  oft  before  had  done:  but  for  all  this  the  "54-    "No 

other  nation 

army  went  wheresoever  itself  would,  and  the  forces  did  every  can  produce 
kind  of  harm  to  the  inhabitants  ;  so  that  neither  profited   ^"kten^ts 

them,  nor  the  home  army  nor  the  foreign  army.     When  it  own  vernacu- 

lar, at  all 
became  winter,  then  went  the  forces  home  ;  and  the  army   approaching 


then  came,  over  St.  Martin's-mass,  to  their  quarters  in  the 

Isle  of  Wight,  and  procured  themselves  there  from  all  parts   Chronicle. 

that  which  they  needed.     And  then,  at  mid-winter,  they 


went  to  their  ready  store,  throughout  Hampshire  into  Berk-   truthfulness, 

~       ,.  ,.  or  extent,  the 

shire,  to   Reading  :    and   they   did   their  old   wont  ;    they  historical 


lighted  their  war-beacons  as  they  went.     Then  went  they 

to  Wallingford,  and  that  all  burned,  and  were  then  one  day  excepted." 

in  Cholsey  :  and  they  went  then  along  Ashdown   to  Cuc- 

kamsley-hill,  and  there  abode,  as  a  daring  boast  ;  for  it  had   fleet,"  t.e.  the 

been  often  said,  if  they  should  reach  Cuckamsley-hill,  that   Danish  fleet- 

they  would  never  again  get   to   the   sea  :    then  they  went  '.L^t^/"^" 

homewards  another  way.     Then  were  forces  assembled  at  the  Unready. 

Kennet  and  they  there  joined  battle,  and  they  soon  brought  "  The  army," 

that  band  to  flight,  and  afterwards  carried  their  booty  to   ish  force!an" 

the  sea.     But  there  might  the  Winchester-men  see  an  army 

daring  and  fearless,  as  they  went  by  their  gates  towards  the 

sea,  and  fetched  themselves  food  and  treasures  over  fifty 

miles  from  the  sea.     Then  had  the  king  gone  over  Thames 

into  Shropshire,  and  there  took  his  abode  during  the  mid- 

winter's tide.     Then  became  the  dread  of  the  army  so  great, 


32      England   and   the    Danes 


Tribute  was 
first  paid  in 
991. 


Edric,  sur- 
named  the 
Gainer,  was 
the  evil 
genius  of  the 
English. 

The  later 
hide  was 
about  1 20 
acres.     The 
pre-Norman 
hide  was,  per- 
haps, from 
30  to  60 
acres. 


Reference 
obscure. 


that  no  man  could  think  or  discover  how  they  could  be 
driven  out  of  the  land,  or  this  land  maintained  against  them ; 
for  they  had  every  shire  in  Wessex  sadly  marked,  by  burning 
and  by  plundering.  Then  the  king  began  earnestly  with 
his  witan  to  consider  what  might  seem  most  advisable  to 
them  all,  so  that  this  land  might  be  saved,  before  it  was 
utterly  destroyed.  Then  the  king  and  his  witan  decreed, 
for  the  behoof  of  the  whole  nation,  though  it  was  hateful 
to  them  all,  that  they  needs  must  pay  tribute  to  the  army. 
Then  the  king  sent  to  the  army,  and  directed  it  to  be  made 
known  to  them,  that  he  would  that  there  should  be  a  truce 
between  them,  and  that  tribute  should  be  paid,  and  food 
given  them.  And  then  all  that  they  accepted :  and  then 
they  were  victualled  from  throughout  the  English  nation. 

A.  1007.  In  this  year  was  the  tribute  delivered  to  the 
army,  that  was  thirty- six  thousand  pounds.  In  this  year 
also  was  Edric  appointed  ealdorman  over  the  kingdom  of 
Mercia.  .  .  . 

A.  1008.  This  year  the  king  commanded  that  ships 
should  be  speedily  built  throughout  the  English  nation  :  that 
is  then,  from  three  hundred  hides  and  from  ten  hides,  one 
vessel ;  and  from  eight  hides,  a  helmet  and  a  coat  of  mail. 

A.  1009.  In  this  year  were  the  ships  ready  about  which 
we  before  spake ;  and  there  were  so  many  of  them  as  never 
before,  according  as  books  say  unto  us,  had  been  among 
the  English  nation  in  any  king's  days.  And  they  were  all 
brought  together  to  Sandwich,  and  there  they  were  to  lie 
and  defend  this  land  against  every  foreign  army.  But  still 
we  had  not  the  good  fortune  nor  the  worthiness,  that  the 
ship-force  could  be  of  any  use  to  this  land,  any  more  than 
it  oft  before  had  been.  Then  befell  it  at  this  same  time, 
or  a  little  before,  that  Brihtric,  Edric  the  ealdorman's 
brother,  accused  [of  treason]  to  the  king  Wulfnoth,  the 
"child"  of  the  South-Saxons,  father  of  Godwin  the  earl. 
He  then  went  out,  and  enticed  ships  unto  him,  until  he  had 


King   Ethelred  33 


twenty;   and   he   then   ravaged    everywhere   by  the   south 

coast,  and  wrought  every  kind  of  evil.     Then  it  was  told 

unto  the  ship-forces  that  they  might  be  easily  taken,  if  they 

would  go  about  it.     Then  Brihtric   took  with    him   eighty 

ships,  and  thought  that  he  should  acquire  great  fame  if  he 

could  seize  Wulfnoth  alive  or  dead.     But  as  they  were  on 

their  way  thither,  then  came  such  a  wind  against  them  as  no 

man  before  remembered,  and  the  ships  it  then  utterly  beat, 

and  smashed  to  pieces,  and  cast  upon  the  land  ;  and  soon 

came  Wulfnoth,  and  burned  the  ships.     When  this  was  thus 

known  in  the  other  ships  where  the  king  was,  how  the  others 

had  fared,  then  was  it  as  if  it  had  been  all  hopeless  ;  and 

the  king  went  his  way  home,  and  the  ealdormen  and  the 

nobility,  and  thus  lightly  left  the  ships  ;  and  then  afterwards, 

the  people  who  were  in  the  ships  brought  them  to  London  : 

and  they  let  the  whole  nation's  toil  thus  lightly  pass  away  ; 

and  no  better  was  that  victory  on  which  the  whole  English 

nation  had  fixed  their  hopes.     When  this   ship-expedition 

had  thus  ended,  then  came,  soon  after  Lammas,  the  vast  A  Danish 

hostile  army,  which  we  have  called  Thurkill's  army,  to  Sand- 


wich  ;  and  they  soon  went  their  way  to  Canterbury,  and  the   England  in 
city  would  soon  have  subdued,  if  the  citizens  had  not  first   i^'he  " 
desired  peace  of  them  :    and  all  the  people  of  East-Kent  j^fi^d1 
made  peace  with  the  army,  and  gave  them  three  thousand  service. 
pounds.     And  then,  soon  after  that,  the  army  went  forth  till  supported 
they  came  to  the  Isle  of  Wight;  and  thence  everywhere  in  Canute. 
Sussex,  and  in  Hampshire,  and  also  in  Berkshire,  they  ravished 
and  plundered  as  their  wont  is.     Then  the  king  commanded 
the  whole  nation  to  be  called  out  ;  so  that  they  should  be 
opposed  on  every  side  :  but  lo  !  nevertheless,  they  marched 
as  they  pleased.     Then,  upon  a  certain  occasion,  the  king 
had  got  before  them  with  all  his  forces,  as  they  would  go  to 
their  ships  ;  and  all  the  people  were  ready  to  attack  them. 
But  it  was  then  prevented  through  Edric  the  ealdorman,  as 
it  ever  is  still.  . 


34      England   and   the   Danes 


Ealdorman 
of  the  East- 
Angles, 
killed  at 
Assandun, 
1016. 


A.  i oio.  This  year,  after  Easter,  came  the  fore-mentioned 
army  into  East-Anglia,  and  landed  at  Ipswich,  and  went 
forthwith  where  they  understood  Ulf  kytel  was  with  his  forces. 
This  was  on  the  day,  called  the  first  of  the  ascension  of  our 
Lord.  The  East  Angles  soon  fled.  Then  stood  Cambridge- 
shire firmly  against  them.  There  was  slain  Athelstan  the 
king's  son-in-law,  and  Oswy  and  his  son,  and  Wulfric,  Leof- 
win's  son,  and  Eadwy,  Efy's  brother,  and  many  other  good 
thanes,  and  numberless  of  the  people  :  the  flight  first  began 
at  Thurkytel  Myrehead.  And  the  Danes  had  possession  of 
the  place  of  carnage  :  and  there  were  they  horsed ;  and 
afterwards  had  dominion  over  East-Anglia,  and  the  land 
three  months  ravaged  and  burned ;  and  they  even  went 
into  the  wild  fens,  and  they  destroyed  men  and  cattle,  and 
burned  throughout  the  fens  :  and  Thetford  they  burned,  and 
Cambridge.  And  after  that  they  went  southward  again  to 
the  Thames,  and  the  men  who  were  horsed  rode  towards 
the  ships;  and  after  that,  very  speedily,  they  went  westward 
into  Oxfordshire,  and  thence  into  Buckinghamshire,  and  so 
along  the  Ouse  until  they  came  to  Bedford,  and  so  onwards 
to  Temsford ;  and  ever  burning  as  they  went.  Then  went 
they  again  to  their  ships  with  their  booty.  And  when  they 
went  to  their  ships,  then  ought  the  forces  again  to  have 
gone  out  against  them,  until  they  should  land  ;  but  then  the 
forces  went  home  :  and  when  they  were  eastwards,  then 
were  the  forces  kept  westwards  ;  and  when  they  were  south- 
wards, then  were  our  forces  northwards.  Then  were  all  the 
witan  summoned  to  the  king,  and  they  were  then  to  counsel 
how  this  land  might  be  defended.  But  although  something 
might  be  then  counselled,  it  did  not  stand  even  one  month  : 
at  last  there  was  no  chief  who  would  assemble  forces,  but 
each  fled  as  he  best  might ;  nor,  at  the  last,  would  even  one 
shire  assist  another.  .  .  . 

The  Saxon  Chronicle  (translated  by  J.  A.  Giles,  Londcfn,  1847), 
398-401. 


Letter   from    Canute          35 

12,    A  Letter  from  Canute  to  the  English  This  letter  of 

r»  ,        ,  x  the  great 

rCOple        IO27)  Danish  king 

•  1  shows  the  in- 
fluence of  the 

"  CANUTE,  king  of  all  England,  and  of  Denmark,  Norway,  and  mediaeval 

part  of  Sweden,  to  Ethelnoth,  metropolitan,  and  ^Ifric,  drawing'to- 

archbishop  of  York,  and  to  the  bishops  and  prelates,  and  to  Sether  the 

the  whole  nation  of  the  English,  both  the  nobles  and  the  Western 

commons,  greeting  :  —  SSL* 

the  spirit  in 

"  I  notify  to  you  that  I  have  lately  taken  a  journey  to  which  Ca- 


Rome,  to  pray  for  the  forgiveness  of  my  sins,  and  for  the 
welfare  of  my  dominions,  and  the  people  under  my  rule.     I    ness  of  his 
had  long  since  vowed  this  journey  to  God,  but  I  have  been   AS  king  of 
hitherto  prevented  from  accomplishing  it  by  the  affairs  of  |£e  English, 
my  kingdom  and  other  causes  of  impediment.     I  now  return   the  Norwe- 
most  humble  thanks  to  my  God  Almighty  for  suffering  me  in   ||-eat'p^t  of 
my  lifetime  to  visit  the  sanctuary  of  his  apostles,  SS.  Peter   *h.e  Swedes, 
and  Paul,  and  all  others  which  I  could  find  either  within  or   equalled  by 
without  the  city  of  Rome,  and  there  in  person  reverentially   ^jfg/J]16 
worship  according  to  my  desire.      I  have   performed  this   alone. 
chiefly,  because  I  have  learnt  from  wise  men  that  St.  Peter 
the  apostle  has  received  from  God  great  power  in  binding 
and  in  loosing,  and  carries  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ; 
and  therefore  I  esteemed  it  very  profitable  to  seek  his  special 
patronage  with  the  Lord. 

"  Be  it  known  to  all  of  you  that,  at  the  celebration  of  Eas- 
ter, a  great  assembly  of  nobles  was  present  with  our  lord,  the 
pope  John,  and  Conrad  the  emperor  ;  that  is  to  say,  all  the  John  XIX. 
princes  of  the  nations  from  Mount  Garganus  to  the  neigh-   Conrad  II. 
bouring  sea.   All  these  received  me  with  honour  and  presented   Mountain  at 

.  .  ...  .  -         .  .   ,,  T    ,  the  eastern 

me  with  magnificent  gifts  ;  but  more  especially  was  I  hon-  en(j  Of  the 
cured  by  the  emperor  with  various  gifts  and  valuable  pres-  Apennines. 
ents,  both  in  gold  and  silver  vessels,  and  in  palls  and  very  Jhe  Medl- 

r  '     terranean. 

costly  robes.     I  spoke  with  the  emperor  himself,  and  the 
lord  pope,  and  the  princes  who  were  there,  in  regard  to  the 


36      England   and   the   Danes 

wants  of  my  people,  English  as  well  as  Danes  ;  that  there 
should  be  granted  to  them  more  equal  justice  and  greater 
security  in  their  journeys  to  Rome,  and  that  they  should  not 
be  hindered  by  so  many  barriers  on  the  road,  nor  harassed 
by  unjust  tolls.  The  emperor  assented  to  my  demands,  as 
well  as  king  Rodolph,  in  whose  dominions  these  barriers 
chiefly  stand ;  and  all  the  princes  made  edicts  that  my  peo- 
ple, the  merchants  as  well  as  those  who  go  to  pay  their  de- 
votions, shall  pass  to  and  fro  in  their  journies  to  Rome  in 
peace,  and  under  the  security  of  just  laws,  free  from  all  mo- 
lestation by  the  guards  of  barriers  or  the  receivers  of  tolls. 
I  made  further  complaint  to  my  lord  the  pope,  and  expressed 
my  high  displeasure,  that  my  archbishops  are  sorely  aggrieved 
by  the  demand  of  immense  sums  of  money,  when,  according 
to  custom,  they  resort  to  the  apostolical  see  to  obtain  the 
pallium ;  and  it  is  decreed  that  it  should  no  longer  be  done. 
All  things,  therefore,  which  I  requested  for  the  good  of  my 
people  from  my  lord  the  pope,  and  the  emperor,  and  king 
Rodolph,  and  the  other  princes  through  whose  territories  our 
road  to  Rome  lies,  they  have  most  freely  granted,  and  even 
ratified  their  concessions  by  oath  ;  to  which  four  archbishops, 
twenty  bishops,  and  an  innumerable  multitude  of  dukes  and 
nobles  who  were  there  present,  are  witnesses.  Wherefore  I 
return  most  hearty  thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  my  having 
successfully  accomplished  all  that  I  had  desired,  as  I  had 
resolved  in  my  mind,  and  having  satisfied  my  wishes  to  the 
fullest  extent. 

"  Be  it  known  therefore  to  all  of  you,  that  I  have  humbly 
vowed  to  the  Almighty  God  himself  henceforward  to  amend  my 
life  in  all  respects,  and  to  rule  the  kingdoms  and  the  people 
subject  to  me  with  justice  and  clemency,  giving  equitable 
judgments  in  all  matters  ;  and  if,  through  the  intemperance  of 
youth  or  negligence,  I  have  hitherto  exceeded  the  bounds 
of  justice  in  any  of  my  acts,  I  intend  by  God's  aid  to  make 
an  entire  change  for  the  better.  I  therefore  adjure  and  com- 


Letter   from   Canute          37 

mand  my  counsellors  to  whom  I  have  entrusted  the  affairs 
of  my  kingdom,  that  henceforth  they  neither  commit  them- 
selves, nor  suffer  to  prevail,  any  sort  of  injustice  throughout 
my  dominions,  either  from  fear  of  me,  or  from  favour  to  any 
powerful  person.  I  also  command  all  sheriffs  and  magis- 
trates throughout  my  whole  kingdom,  as  they  tender  my 
regard  and  their  own  safety,  that  they  use  no  unjust  violence 
to  any  man,  rich  or  poor,  but  that  all,  high  and  low,  rich  or 
poor,  shall  enjoy  alike  impartial  law  ;  from  which  they  are 
never  to  deviate,  either  on  account  of  royal  favour,  respect 
of  person  in  the  great,  or  for  the  sake  of  amassing  money 
wrongfully,  for  I  have  no  need  to  accumulate  wealth  by  ini- 
quitous exactions. 

"  I  wish  you  further  to  know,  that,  returning  by  the  way 
I  went,  I  am  now  going  to  Denmark  to  conclude  a  treaty  for  Reference 
a  solid  peace,  all  the  Danes  concurring,  with  those  nations  tc^2laf 
and  peoples  who  would  have  taken  my  life  and  crown  if  it 
had  been  possible ;  but  this  they  were  not  able  to  accom- 
plish, God  bringing  their  strength  to  nought.  —  May  He,  of 
his  merciful  kindness,  uphold  me  in  my  sovereignty  and  hon- 
our, and  henceforth  scatter  and  bring  to  nought  the  power 
and  might  of  all  my  adversaries  !  When,  therefore,  I  shall 
have  made  peace  with  the  surrounding  nations,  and  settled 
and  reduced  to  order  all  my  dominions  in  the  East,  so  that 
we  shall  have  nothing  to  fear  from  war  or  hostilities  in  any 
quarter,  I  propose  to  return  to  England  as  early  in  the  sum- 
mer as  I  shall  be  able  to  fit  out  my  fleet.  I  have  sent  this 
epistle  before  me  in  order  that  my  people  may  be  gladdened 
at  my  success;  because,  as  you  yourselves  know,  I  have 
never  spared,  nor  will  I  spare,  myself  or  my  exertions,  for 
the  needful  service  of  my  whole  people.  I  now  therefore 
command  and  adjure  all  my  bishops  and  the  governors  of 
my  kingdom,  by  the  duty  they  owe  to  God  and  myself,  to 
take  care  that  before  I  come  to  England  all  dues  belonging 
to  God,  according  to  the  old  laws,  be  fully  discharged ; 


38      England   and   the    Danes 

namely,  plough-alms,  the  tythe  of  animals  born  in  the  cur- 
rent year,  and  the  pence  payable  to  St.  Peter  at  Rome, 
whether  from  towns  or  vills  ;  and  in  the  middle  of  August 
the  tythes  of  corn ;  and  at  the  feast  of  St.  Martin  the  first- 
fruits  of  grain  (payable)  to  every  one's  parish  church,  called 
in  English  ciric-sceat.  If  these  and  such -like  dues  be  not 
paid  before  I  come,  those  who  make  default  will  incur  fines 
to  the  king,  according  to  law,  which  will  be  strictly  inforced 
without  mercy.  Farewell." 

Canute,  Epistola   (cited   in   Florence   of  Worcester,  Chronicle. 
Translated  by  T.  Forester,  London,  1854,  137-139). 


CHAPTER   III  — NORMAN    ENGLAND 


13.     A    Great   Year   in    England's   History 

(1066) 

A.  1066.  In  this  year  king  Harold  came  from  York  to 
Westminster,  at  Easter  which  was  after  the  mid-winter  in 
which  the  king  died;  and  Easter  was  then  on  the  day  i6th 
before  the  Kalends  of  May.  .  .  .  And  soon  after  came  in 
Tosty  the  earl  from  beyond  sea  into  the  Isle  of  Wight,  with 
so  great  a  fleet  as  he  might  procure  ;  and  there  they  yielded 
him  as  well  money  as  food.  And  king  Harold,  his  brother, 
gathered  so  great  a  ship-force,  and  also  a  land-force,  as  no 
king  here  in  the  land  had  before  done  ;  because  it  was  made 
known  to  him  that  William  the  bastard  would  come  hither 
and  win  this  land  ;  all  as  it  afterwards  happened.  And  the 
while,  came  Tosty  the  earl  into  Humber  with  sixty  ships ; 
and  Edwin  the  earl  came  with  a  land-force  and  drove  him 
out.  And  the  boatmen  forsook  him ;  and  he  went  to  Scot- 
land with  twelve  vessels.  And  there  met  him  Harold,  king 
of  Norway,  with  three  hundred  ships ;  and  Tosty  submitted 
to  him  and  became  his  man.  And  they  then  went  both  into 
Humber,  until  they  came  to  York  ;  and  there  fought  against 
them  Edwin  the  earl,  and  Morkar  the  earl,  his  brother ;  but 
the  Northmen  had  the  victory.  Then  was  it  made  known 
to  Harold,  king  of  the  Angles,  that  this  had  thus  happened  : 
and  this  battle  was  on  the  vigil  of  St.  Matthew.  Then  came 
Harold  our  king  unawares  on  the  Northmen,  and  met  with 
them  beyond  York,  at  Stanford-bridge,  with  a  great  army  of 
English  people ;  and  there  during  the  day  was  a  very  severe 
fight  on  both  sides.  There  was  slain  Harold  the  Fair-haired, 
and  Tosty  the  earl;  and  the  Northmen  who  were  there 

39 


From  .the 
SAXON 
CHRONICLE. 
See  No.  n. 
There  is  no 
good  account 
of  the  great 
battle  that 
decided  Eng- 
land's fate  in 
1066.    And 
the  other 
great  contest 
of  the  year, 
that  of  Stam- 
ford-bridge, 
has  come 
down  to  us 
only  in  the 
meagre  state- 
ments of  the 
chronicles 
and  the  po- 
etical relation 
of  the  Sagas 
of  Harold 
Hardrada. 
The  national 
chronicle, 
however, 
gives  us  a 
brief  view  of 
the  great 
events  of  one 
of  the  most 
critical  years 
in  English 
history. 

The  king,  i.e. 
Edward. 

Tosty,  Har- 
old's traitor 
brother, 
came  from 
Normandy, 
aided  by 
William. 


40  Norman   England 


Edwin,  Earl 
of  Mercia, 

Harold 
Hardrada,  a 
typical  vik- 
ing.    He  is 
said  to  have 
called  out  a 
levy  of  half 
the  fighting 
men  of  his 
kingdom  for 
this  expedi- 
tion.   This 
was  the  last 
great  Scan- 
dinavian de- 
scent upon 
England. 

Morkar,  Earl 
of  North- 
umbria. 

William 
landed  in 
England 
three  days 
after  the 
battle  of 
Stamford- 
bridge. 

In  three 
weeks  Har- 
old led  his 
forces  from 
the  south  to 
the  north, 
and  back 
again  to  the 
coast;  and 
fought  two 
great  battles. 

Archbishop 
of  York. 


There  were 
no  pitched 
battles  be- 
tween Eng- 
lish and 
Normans 
after  Senlac. 


remaining  were  put  to  flight ;  and  the  English  from  behind 
hotly  smote  them,  until  they  came,  some,  to  their  ships, 
some  were  drowned,  and  some  also  burned ;  and  thus  in 
divers  ways  they  perished,  so  that  there  were  few  left :  and 
the  English  had  possession  of  the  place  of  carnage.  The 
king  then  gave  his  protection  to  Olave,  son  of  the  king  of 
the  Norwegians,  and  to  their  bishop,  and  to  the  earl  of  Ork- 
ney, and  to  all  those  who  were  left  in  the  ships  :  and  they 
then  went  up  to  our  king,  and  swore  oaths  that  they  ever 
would  observe  peace  and  friendship  towards  this  land  ;  and 
the  king  let  them  go  home  with  twenty-four  ships.  These 
two  general  battles  were  fought  within  five  days.  Then 
came  William,  earl  of  Normandy,  into  Pevensey,  on  the  eve 
of  St.  Michael's-mass  :  and  soon  after  they  were  on  their 
way,  they  constructed  a  castle  at  Hasting's-port.  This  was 
then  made  known  to  king  Harold,  and  he  then  gathered  a 
great  force,  and  came  to  meet  him  at  the  estuary  of  Apple- 
dore ;  and  William  came  against  him  unawares,  before  his 
people  were  set  in  order.  But  the  king  nevertheless  strenu- 
ously fought  against  him  with  those  men  who  would  follow 
him ;  and  there  was  great  slaughter  made  on  either  hand. 
There  was  slain  King  Harold,  and  Leofwin  the  earl  his 
brother,  and  Girth  the  earl,  his  brother,  and  many  good 
men  ;  and  the  Frenchmen  had  possession  of  the  place  of 
carnage,  all  as  God  granted  them  for  the  people's  sins. 
Archbishop  Aldred  and  the  townsmen  of  London  would 
then  have  child  Edgar  for  king,  all  as  was  his  true  natu- 
ral right :  and  Edwin  and  Morcar  vowed  to  him  that  they 
would  fight  together  with  him.  But  in  that  degree  that  it 
ought  ever  to  have  been  forwarder,  so  was  it  from  day  to  day 
later  and  worse ;  so  that  at  the  end  all  passed  away.  .  .  . 
And  William  the  earl  went  afterwards  again  to  Hastings, 
and  there  awaited  to  see  whether  the  people  would  submit 
to  him.  But  when  he  understood  that  they  would  not  come 
to  him,  he  went  upwards  with  all  his  army  which  was  left  to 


Conquered  and  Conquerors     41 

him,  and  that  which  afterwards  had  come  from  over  sea  to 

him  ;   and  he  plundered  all   that   part  which  he  over-ran, 

until  he  came  to  Berkhampstead.     And  there  came  to  meet 

him  archbishop    Aldred,  the  child   Edgar,  and  Edwin  the 

earl,  and  Morcar  the  earl,  and  all  the  chief  men  of  London  ; 

and  then  submitted,  for  need,  when  the  most  harm  had  been 

done  :    and  it  was  very  unwise  that  they  had  not  done  so 

before  ;   since  God  would  not  better  it,  for  our  sins  :   and 

they  delivered  hostages,  and  swore  oaths  to  him  ;   and  he 

vowed  to  them  that  he  would  be  a  loving  lord  to  them  :  and 

nevertheless,  during  this,  they  plundered  all  that  they  over- 

ran.    Then,  on  mid-winter's  day,  archbishop  Aldred  conse- 

crated him  king  at  Westminster  ;  and  he  gave  him  a  pledge 

upon  Christ's  book,  and  also  swore,  before  he  would  set  the 

crown  upon  his  head,  that  he  would  govern  this  nation  as 

well  as  any  king  before  him  had  at  the  best  done,  if  they 

would  be  faithful  to  him.     Nevertheless,  he  laid  a  tribute  on 

the  people,  very  heavy  ;  and  then  went,  during  Lent,  over 

sea  to  Normandy,  and  took  with  him  archbishop  Stigand,  Archbishop 

and  Aylnoth,  abbat  of  Glastonbury,  and  child  Edgar,  and  bury?"* 

Edwin  the  earl,  and  Morkar  the  earl,  and  Waltheof  the  earl, 

and  many  other  good  men  of  England.     And  bishop  Odo   Odo,  King 

and  William  the  earl  remained  here  behind,  and  they  built  brother"  and 

castles  wide    throughout  the  nation,  and  poor  people  dis-   William  Fitz 

,r          *  Osbert,  his 

tressed  ;    and  ever  after  it  greatly  grew  in  evil.     May  the   most  trusted 
end  be  good  when  God  will  !  follower. 

The  Saxon  Chronicle  (translated  by  J.  A.  Giles,  London,  1847), 
439-442. 


14.    Conquered  and  Conquerors   (1066)     By  WILLIAM 

OF  MALMES- 

BURY 

This  was  a  fatal  day  to  England,  a  melancholy  havoc  of    (1095?- 
our  dear  country,  through  its  change  of  masters.     For  it   B^^ctine 
had  long  since  adopted  the  manners  of  the  Angles,  which   monk  born 


4.2  Norman   England 


of  a  Norman 
father  and  an 
English 
mother,  and 
chief  his- 
torian of  the 
Ang.o-Nor- 
man  period. 
He  had 
access  to  very 
extensive 
materials, 
and  he  used 
them  with  an 
intelligence 
and  discrim- 
ination which 
raise  him 
far  above  the 
level  of  the 
mere  chron- 
icler.  "  More 
information 
is  perhaps  to 
be  gathered 
from  him 
than  from  all 
the  writers 
who  pre- 
ceded him." 
Hardy.. 
His  sympa- 
thies were 
with  the  con- 
querors, but 
he  tries  to  be 
impartial  in 
his  treatment 
of  the  Anglo- 
Norman 
period.    The 
following 
extract  is 
taken  from 
William's 
most  impor- 
tant work, 
Gesta  Regum 
Anglorum, 
extending 
from  449  to 
1119. 


had  been  very  various  according  to  the  times  :  for  in  the  first 
years  of  their  arrival,  they  were  barbarians  in  their  look  and 
manners,  warlike  in  their  usages,  heathens  in  their  rites ; 
but,  after  embracing  the  faith  of  Christ,  by  degrees,  and 
in  process  of  time,  from  the  peace  they  enjoyed,  regarding 
arms  only  in  a  secondary  light,  they  gave  their  whole  atten- 
tion to  religion.  .  .  .  Nevertheless,  in  process  of  time,  the 
desire  after  literature  and  religion  had  decayed,  for  several 
years  before  the  arrival  of  the  Normans.  The  clergy,  con- 
tented with  a  very  slight  degree  of  learning,  could  scarcely 
stammer  out  the  words  of  the  sacraments  ;  and  a  person  who 
understood  grammar  was  an  object  of  wonder  and  astonish- 
ment. The  monks  mocked  the  rule  of  their  order  by  fine 
vestments,  and  the  use  of  every  kind  of  food.  The  nobility, 
given  up  to  luxury  and  wantonness,  went  not  to  church  in 
the  morning  after  the  manner  of  Christians,  but  merely  in  a 
careless  manner,  heard  matins  and  masses  from  a  hurrying 
priest  in  their  chambers.  .  .  .  The  commonalty,  left  unpro- 
tected, became  a  prey  to  the  most  powerful,  who  amassed 
fortunes,  by  either  seizing  on  their  property,  or  by  selling 
their  persons  into  foreign  countries  ;  although  it  be  an  innate 
quality  of  this  people,  to  be  more  inclined  to  revelling  than 
to  the  accumulation  of  wealth.  .  .  .  Drinking  in  parties 
was  a  universal  practice,  in  which  occupation  they  passed 
entire  nights  as  well  as  days.  They  consumed  their  whole 
substance  in  mean  and  despicable  houses ;  unlike  the  Nor- 
mans and  French,  who,  in  noble  and  splendid  mansions, 
lived  with  frugality.  The  vices  attendant  on  drunkenness, 
which  enervate  the  human  mind,  followed  ;  hence  it  arose 
that  engaging  William,  more  with  rashness  and  precipitate 
fury  than  military  skill,  they  doomed  themselves  and  their 
country  to  slavery,  by  one,  and  that  an  easy,  victory.  "  For 
nothing  is  less  effective  than  rashness  ;  and  what  begins  with 
violence,  quickly  ceases,  or  is  repelled."  In  fine,  the  English 
at  that  time  wore  short  garments  reaching  to  the  mid-knee ; 


Conquered  and  Conquerors     43 

they  had  their  hair  cropped ;  their  beards  shaven  ;  their 
arms  laden  with  golden  bracelets ;  their  skin  adorned  with 
punctured  designs.  They  were  accustomed  to  eat  till  they 
became  surfeited,  and  to  drink  till  they  were  sick.  These 
latter  qualities  they  imparted  to  their  conquerors ;  as  to  the 
rest  they  adopted  their  manners.  I  would  not,  however, 
have  these  bad  propensities  universally  ascribed  to  the  Eng- 
lish. I  know  that  many  of  the  clergy,  at  that  day,  trod  the 
path  of  sanctity  by  a  blameless  life ;  I  know  that  many  of 
the  laity,  of  all  ranks  and  conditions,  in  this  nation,  were 
well-pleasing  to  God.  Be  injustice  far  from  this  account; 
the  accusation  does  not  involve  the  whole  indiscriminately. 
"  But,  as  in  peace,  the  mercy  of  God  often  cherishes  the 
bad  and  the  good  together;  so,  equally,  does  his  severity 
sometimes  include  them  both  in  captivity." 

Moreover,  the  Normans,  that  I  may  speak  of  them  also, 
were  at  that  time,  and  are  even  now,  proudly  apparelled, 
delicate  in  their  food,  but  not  excessive.  They  are  a  race 
inured  to  war,  and  can  hardly  live  without  it ;  fierce  in  rush- 
ing against  the  enemy ;  and  where  strength  fails  of  success, 
ready  to  use  stratagem,  or  to  corrupt  by  bribery.  As  I  have 
related,  they  live  in  large  edifices  with  economy ;  envy  their 
equals,  wish  to  excel  their  superiors ;  and  plunder  their 
subjects,  though  they  defend  them  from  others ;  they  are 
faithful  to  their  lords,  though  a  slight  offence  renders  them 
perfidious.  They  weigh  treachery  by  its  chance  of  success, 
and  change  their  sentiments  with  money.  They  are,  how- 
ever, the  kindest  of  nations,  and  they  esteem  strangers  worthy 
of  equal  honour  with  themselves.  They  also  intermarry  with 
their  vassals.  They  revived,  by  their  arrival,  the  observances 
of  religion,  which  were  everywhere  grown  lifeless  in  England. 
You  might  see  churches  rise  in  every  village,  and  monas- 
teries in  the  towns  and  cities,  built  after  a  style  unknown 
before ;  you  might  behold  the  country  flourishing  with  reno- 
vated rites;  so  that  each  wealthy  man  accounted  that  day 


44  Norman    England 

lost  to  him,  which  he  had  neglected  to  signalize  by  some 
magnificent  action.  .  .  . 

William  of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Regitm  Anglorum  (translated  by 
J.  A.  Giles,  London,  1847),  278-280. 


From  the 
SAXON 
CHRONICLE. 
See  No.  II. 
The  accom- 
panying 
extract  refers 
to  two  of  the 
most  impor- 
tant events  in 
the  reign  of 
William  I, 
the  Great 
Survey,  and 
the  Salisbury 
Meeting. 
The  Survey 
was  com- 
pleted injuly, 
1086.    The 
Chronicle 
shows  the 
popular  feel- 
ing toward  a 
measure 
which  is  now 
the  common 
policy.    The 
result  of  the 
inquiry  was 
embodied  in 
the  Domes- 
day Book,  a 
record  of 
unique  char- 
acter and  ex- 
traordinary 
value  to  the 
historical  stu- 
dent.   "  The 
Great  Survey 
is  in  truth  a 
picture  of  the 
nation." 
Freeman. 


15.     England  under  the  Conqueror 

A.  1085.  .  .  .  After  this  the  king  had  a  great  consulta- 
tion, and  spoke  very  deeply  with  his  witan  concerning  this 
land,  how  it  was  held,  and  what  were  its  tenantry.  He 
then  sent  his  men  over  all  England,  into  every  shire,  and 
caused  them  to  ascertain  how  many  hundred  hides  of  land 
it  contained,  and  what  lands  the  king  possessed  therein, 
what  cattle  there  were  in  the  several  counties,  and  how 
much  revenue  he  ought  to  receive  yearly  from  each.  He 
also  caused  them  to  write  down  how  much  land  belonged 
to  his  archbishops,  to  his  bishops,  his  abbats,  and  his  earls, 
and,  that  I  may  be  brief,  what  property  every  inhabitant  of 
all  England  possessed  in  land  or  in  cattle,  and  how  much 
money  this  was  worth.  So  very  narrowly  did  he  cause  the 
survey  to  be  made,  that  there  was  not  a  single  hide  nor  a 
rood  of  land,  nor — it  is  shameful  to  relate  that  which  he 
thought  no  shame  to  do  —  was  there  an  ox,  or  a  cow,  or  a 
pig  passed  by,  and  that  was  not  set  down  in  the  accounts, 
and  then  all  these  writings  were  brought  to  him. 

A.  1086.  This  year  the  king  wore  his  crown  and  held  his 
court  at  Winchester  at  Easter,  and  he  so  journeyed  forward 
that  he  was  at  Westminster  during  Pentecost,  and  there  he 
dubbed  his  son  Henry  a  knight.  And  afterwards  he  trav- 
elled about,  so  that  he  came  to  Salisbury  at  Lammas  ;  and 
his  witan,  and  all  the  land-holders  of  substance  in  England, 
whose  vassals  soever  they  were,  repaired  to  him  there,  and 
they  all  submitted  to  him,  and  became  his  men,  and  swore 


England  under  the  Conqueror   45 


oaths  of  allegiance,  that  they  would  be  faithful  to  him 
against  all  others.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  the  Isle  of 
Wight  because  he  was  to  cross  over  to  Normandy  ;  and  this 
he  afterwards  did ;  but  first  according  to  his  custom,  he 
extorted  immense  sums  from  his  subjects,  upon  every  pre- 
text he  could  find,  whether  just  or  otherwise.  .  .  .  And  the 
same  was  a  very  heavy  year,  and  very  disastrous  and  sor- 
rowful ;  for  there  was  a  pestilence  among  the  cattle,  and 
the  corns  and  fruits  were  checked ;  and  the  weather  was 
worse  than  may  easily  be  conceived  :  so  violent  was  the 
thunder  and  lightning,  that  many  persons  were  killed  :  and 
things  ever  grew  worse  and  worse  with  the  people.  May 
Almighty  God  mend  them,  when  such  is  his  will ! 

A.  1087.  The  year  1087  after  the  birth  of  Christ  our 
Saviour,  and  the  one  and  twentieth  of  king  William's  reign, 
during  which  he  governed  and  disposed  of  the  realm  of 
England  even  as  God  permitted  him,  was  a  very  grievous  time 
of  scarcity  in  this  land.  There  was  also  so  much  illness,  that 
almost  every  other  man  was  afflicted  with  the  worst  of  evils, 
that  is,  a  fever ;  and  this  so  severe,  that  many  died  of  it. 
And  afterwards,  from  the  badness  of  the  weather  which  we 
have  mentioned  before,  there  was  so  great  a  famine  through- 
out England,  that  many  hundreds  died  of  hunger.  Oh,  how 
disastrous,  how  rueful  were  those  times  !  when  the  wretched 
people  were  brought  to  the  point  of  death  by  the  fever,  then 
the  cruel  famine  came  on  and  finished  them.  Who  would 
not  deplore  such  times,  or  who  is  so  hard-hearted  that  he 
will  not  weep  for  so  much  misery?  But  such  things  are,  on 
account  of  the  sins  of  the  people,  and  because  they  will  not 
love  God  and  righteousness.  Even  so  was  it  in  those  days ; 
there  was  little  righteousness  in  this  land  amongst  any, 
excepting  the  monks  alone,  who  fared  well.  The  king  and 
the  chief  men  loved  much,  and  over  much,  to  amass  gold 
and  silver,  and  cared  not  how  sinfully  it  was  gotten,  so  that 
it  came  into  their  hands.  The  king  sold  out  his  lands  as 


The  meeting 
at  Salisbury 
followed 
upon  the 
completion  of 
the  Survey. 
The  number 
present  is  put 
by  tradition 
at  60,000. 
William's 
policy  of 
exacting  the 
oath  of  fealty 
from  all  free- 
men shows 
his  determi- 
nationtobein 
truth  king  of 
the  English 
people  and 
not  merely 
England's 
feudal  over- 
lord. 

William 
never 

returned  to 
England. 


Norman   England 


Many  of 
William's 
sheriffs  were 
Englishmen. 


dear  as  dearest  he  might,  and  then  some  other  man  came 
and  bid  more  than  the  first  had  given,  and  the  king  granted 
them  to  him  who  offered  the  larger  sum ;  then  came  a  third 
and  bid  yet  more,  and  the  king  made  over  the  lands  to  him 
who  offered  most  of  all ;  and  he  cared  not  how  iniquitously 
his  sheriffs  extorted  money  from  the  miserable  people,  nor 
how  many  unlawful  things  they  did.  And  the  more  men 
spake  of  rightful  laws,  the  more  lawlessly  did  they  act. 
They  raised  oppressive  taxes,  and  so  many  were  their  unjust 
deeds,  it  were  hard  to  number  them. 

The  Saxon  Chronicle  (translated  by  J.  A.  Giles,  London,  1847), 
458-460. 


From  the 
SAXON 
CHRONICLE. 
See  No.  n. 
The  follow- 
ing estimate 
of  the  Con- 
queror is  of 
especial 
interest  as 
coining  from 
one  of  the 
conquered. 
It  should, 
however,  be 
kept  in  mind 
that  William 
was  a  gener- 
ous supporter 
of  the  church. 
—  On  Will- 
iam, see 
Edward 
Freeman, 
( I  'illiam  the 
Conqueror. 


1 6.    William  the  Great   (1087) 

....  Rueful  deeds  he  did,  and  ruefully  he  suffered. 
Wherefore  ruefully?  He  fell  sick  and  became  grievously  ill. 
What  can  I  say?  The  sharpness  of  death,  that  spareth 
neither  rich  nor  poor,  seized  upon  him.  He  died  in  Nor- 
mandy, the  day  after  the  nativity  of  St.  Mary,  and  he  was 
buried  in  Caen,  at  St.  Stephen's  monastery,  which  he  had 
built  and  had  richly  endowed.  Oh,  how  false,  how  unstable, 
is  the  good  of  this  world  !  He,  who  had  been  a  powerful 
king  and  the  lord  of  many  territories,  possessed  not  then, 
of  all  his  lands,  more  than  seven  feet  of  ground  ;  and  he, 
who  was  erewhile  adorned  with  gold  and  with  gems,  lay  then 
covered  with  mould.  He  left  three  sons  :  Robert,  the  eld- 
est, was  earl  of  Normandy  after  him ;  the  second,  named 
William,  wore  the  crown  of  England  after  his  father's 
death ;  and  his  third  son  was  Henry,  to  whom  he  be- 
queathed immense  treasures. 

If  any  would  know  what  manner  of  man  king  William 
was,  the  glory  that  he  obtained,  and  of  how  many  lands  he 


William  -the   Great  47 

was  lord  ;  then  will  we  describe  him  as  we  have  known  him, 

we,  who  have  looked  upon  him,  and  who  once  lived  in  his 

court.     This  king  William,  of  whom  we  are  speaking,  was  a 

very  wise  and  a  great  man,  and  more  honoured  and  more 

powerful   than  any  of  his  predecessors.     He  was  mild  to 

those  good  men  who  loved  God,  but  severe  beyond  meas- 

ure towards  those  who  withstood  his  will.     He  founded  a 

noble  monastery  on  the  spot  where  God  permitted  him  to 

conquer  England,  and  he  established  monks  in  it,  and  he 

made  it  very  rich.     In  his  days  the  great  monastery  at  Can- 

terbury was  built,  and  many  others  also  throughout  Eng- 

land ;  moreover  this  land  was  filled  with  monks  who  lived 

after  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  ;    and  such  was  the  state  of 

religion  in  his  days  that  all  that  would,  might  observe  that 

which   was  prescribed  by  their  respective  orders.      King  , 

William  was   also  held  in  much  reverence  :    he  wore   his 

crown  three  times  every  year  when  he  was  in  England  :  at 

Easter  he  wore  it  at  Winchester,  at  Pentecost  at  Westmin- 

ster, and  at  Christmas  at  Gloucester.     And  at  these  times, 

all  the  men  of  England  were  with  him,  archbishops,  bishops, 

abbats,  and  earls,  thanes,  and  knights.     So  also  was  he  a 

very  stern  and  a  wrathful  man,  so  that  none  durst  do  any- 

thing against  his  will,  and  he  kept  in  prison  those  earls  who  The  conspir- 

acted  against  his  pleasure.     He  removed  bishops  from  their  ators  of  I074- 

sees,  and   abbats    from   their   offices,    and    he   imprisoned 

thanes,  and  at  length  he  spared  not  his  own  brother  Odo. 

This  Odo  was  a  very  powerful  bishop  in  Normandy,  his  see  TO  Odo  next 

was  that  of  Bayeux,  and  he  was  foremost  to  serve  the  king, 


He  had  an  earldom  in  England,  and  when  William  was  in   due  the  suc- 
Normandy  he  was  the  first  man  in  this  country,  and  him   Norman 


did  he  cast  into  prison.     Amongst  other  things  the  good 

order  that  William  established  is  not  to  be  forgotten  ;  it  was  oppressive 

such  that  any  man,  who  was  himself  aught,  might   travel  ambitious 

over  the  kingdom  with  a  bosom-full  of  gold  unmolested  ;  designs  he 

and  no  man  durst  kill  another,  however  great  the  injury  he  Tmo  prison  in 


48 


Norman   England 


might  have  received  from  him.  He  reigned  over  England 
and  being  sharp-sighted  to  his  own  interest,  he  surveyed 
the  kingdom  so  thoroughly  that  there  was  not  a  single  hide 
of  land  throughout  the  whole,  of  which  he  knew  not  the 
possessor,  and  how  much  it  was  worth,  and  this  he  after- 
wards entered  in  his  register.  The  land  of  the  Britons  was 
under  his  sway,  and  he  built  castles  therein  ;  moreover  he 
had  full  dominion  over  the  Isle  of  Man  (Anglesey)  :  Scot- 
land also  was  subject  to  him  from  his  great  strength ;  the 
land  of  Normandy  was  his  inheritance,  and  he  possessed  the 
earldom  of  Maine ;  and  had  he  lived  two  years  longer  he 
would  have  subdued  Ireland  by  his  prowess,  and  that  with- 
out a  battle.  Truly  there  was  much  trouble  in  these  times, 
and  very  great  distress ;  he  caused  castles  to  be  built,  and 
oppressed  the  poor.  The  king  was  also  of  great  sternness, 
and  he  took  from  his  subjects  many  marks  of  gold  and 
many  hundred  pounds  of  silver,  and  this,  either  with  or 
without  right,  and  with  little  need.  He  was  given  to  ava- 
rice, and  greedily  loved  gain.  He  made  large  forests  for  the 
deer,  and  enacted  laws  therewith,  so  that  whoever  killed  a 
hart  or  a  hind  should  be  blinded.  As  he  forbade  killing 
the  deer,  so  also  the  boars ;  and  he  loved  the  tall  stags  as 
if  he  were  their  father.  He  also  appointed  concerning  the 
hares,  that  they  should  go  free.  The  rich  complained  and 
the  poor  murmured,  but  he  was  so  sturdy  that  he  recked 
nought  of  them ;  they  must  will  all  that  the  king  willed,  if 
they  would  live ;  or  would  keep  their  lands ;  or  would  hold 
their  possessions ;  or  would  be  maintained  in  their  rights. 

The  Saxon  Chronicle  (translated  by  J.  A.  Giles,  London,  1847), 
460-463. 


Charter   of  Henry   I          49 


17.    The  Charter  of  Henry  I   (iioo) 

"  Henry  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  England,  to  Hugh 
de  Boclande  justiciary  of  England,  and  all  his  faithful  sub- 
jects, as  well  French  as  English,  in  Hertfordshire,  greet- 
ing. —  Know  that  I,  by  the  Lord's  mercy,  have  been  crowned 
king  by  common  consent  of  the  barons  of  the  kingdom 
of  England ;  and  because  the  kingdom  has  been  oppressed 
by  unjust  exactions,  I,  out  of  respect  to  God,  and  the  love 
which  I  feel  towards  you,  in  the  first  place  constitute  the 
holy  church  of  God  a  free  church,  so  that  I  will  not  sell  it, 
nor  farm  it  out,  nor  will  I,  on  the  death  of  any  archbishop, 
bishop,  or  abbat,  take  anything  from  the  domain  of  the 
church  or  its  people,  until  his  successor  takes  his  place. 
And  I  from  this  time  do  away  with  all  the  evil  practices,  by 
which  the  kingdom  of  England  is  now  unjustly  oppressed, 
and  these  evil  practices  I  here  in  part  mention :  If  any 
baron,  earl,  or  other  subject  of  mine,  who  holds  possession 
from  me,  shall  die,  his  heir  shall  not  redeem  his  land,  as  was 
the  custom  in  my  father's  time,  but  shall  pay  a  just  and  law- 
ful relief  for  the  same  ;  and  in  like  manner  too,  the  depend- 
ants of  my  barons  shall  pay  a  like  relief  for  their  land  to 
their  lords.  And  if  any  baron  or  other  subject  of  mine  shall 
wish  to  give  his  daughter,  his  sister,  his  niece,  or  other  female 
relative,  in  marriage,  let  him  ask  my  permission  on  the  mat- 
ter ;  but  I  will  not  take  any  of  his  property  for  granting  my 
permission,  nor  will  I  forbid  his  giving  her  in  marriage  ex- 
cept he  wishes  to  give  her  to  an  enemy  of  mine ;  and  if  on 
the  death  of  a  baron  or  other  subject  of  mine  the  daughter 
is  left  heiress,  I,  by  the  advice  of  my  barons,  will  give  her 
in  marriage  together  with  her  land ;  and  if  on  the  death  of 
a  husband  the  wife  is  surviving  and  is  childless,  she  shall 
have  her  dowry  for  a  marriage  portion,  and  I  will  not  give 
her  away  to  another  husband  unless  with  her  consent ;  but 


HENRY  I. 
(1068-1135) 
issued  the 
Charter  of 
Liberties  at 
his  corona- 
tion in  noo, 
with  the  hope 
of  winning 
the  support 
of  the  people 
against  the 
rival  claims 
of  his  brother 
Robert,  and 
the  opposi- 
tion of  the 
feudal  bar- 
ons.    By  this 
act  Henry 
deliberately 
limited  his 
power  over 
his  subjects, 
promising  a 
restoration  of 
the  ancient 
customs 
which  pre- 
vailed before 
the  conquest. 
—  See  in  this 
connection 
Nos.  10,  18, 
and  24,  and 
MagnaCarta, 
Old  South. 
Leaflets, 
No.  5. 

Relief = 
payment 
made  by  the 
feudal  tenant 
to  his  lord  on 
taking  pos- 
session of 
the  land. 

These  sec- 
tions illus- 
trate the 
constant  in- 
terference in 
social  and 


50  Norman    England 


family  rela- 
tions under 
the  feudal 
system. 


"  A  payment 
by  the  money- 
ers  for  the 
privilege  of 
coining; 
otherwise 
explained  as 
a  payment  by 
the  subjects 
to  prevent 
loss  by  the 
depreciation 
or  change  of 
coinage." 
Stubbs. 

Perm  = 
"  profits  of 
the  county 
jurisdiction 
let  at  fixed 
sums  to  the 
sheriffs." 
Stubbs. 


if  a  wife  survives,  having  children,  she  shall  have  her  dowry 
as  a  marriage  portion,  as  long  as  she  shall  keep  herself 
according  to  law,  and  I  will  not  give  her  to  a  husband  unless 
with  her  consent;  and  the  guardian  of  the  children's  land 
shall  be  either  the  wife,  or  some  other  nearer  relation,  who 
ought  more  rightly  to  be  so ;  and  I  enjoin  on  my  barons  to 
act  in  the  same  way  towards  the  sons  and  daughters  and 
wives  of  their  dependants.  Moreover  the  common  mone- 
tage,  as  taken  throughout  the  cities  and  counties,  such  as 
was  not  in  use  in  king  Edward's  time,  is  hereby  forbidden  ; 
and  if  any  one,  whether  a  coiner  or  any  other  person,  be 
taken  with  false  money,  let  strict  justice  be  done  to  him  for 
it.  All  pleas  and  all  debts,  which  were  due  to  the  king  my 
brother,  I  forgive,  except  my  farms,  and  those  debts  which 
were  contracted  for  the  inheritances  of  others,  or  for  those 
things  which  more  justly  belong  to  others.  And  if  any  one 
shall  have  covenanted  anything  for  his  inheritance,  I  forgive 
it,  and  all  reliefs  which  were  contracted  for  just  inheritances. 
And  if  any  baron  or  subject  of  mine  shall  be  ill,  I  hereby 
ratify  all  such  disposition  as  he  shall  have  made  of  his 
money ;  but  if  through  service  in  war  or  sickness  he  shall 
have  made  no  disposition  of  his  money,  his  wife,  or  children, 
or  parents,  and  legitimate  dependants,  shall  distribute  it  for 
the  good  of  his  soul,  as  shall  seem  best  to  them.  If  any 
baron  or  other  subject  of  mine  shall  have  made  forfeiture, 
he  shall  not  give  bail  to  save  his  money,  as  was  done  in  the 
time  of  my  father  and  my  brother,  but  according  to  the 
degree  of  the  forfeiture  ;  nor  shall  he  make  amends  for  his 
fault  as  he  did  in  the  time  of  my  father  or  of  my  other 
ancestors ;  and  if  any  one  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  or 
other  crime,  his  punishment  shall  be  according  to  his  fault. 
I  forgive  all  murders  committed  previous  to  the  day  on 
which  I  was  crowned  king  ;  but  those  which  have  been  since 
committed,  shall  be  justly  punished,  according  to  the  law  of 
king  Edward.  By  the  common  advice  of  my  barons,  I  have 


retained  the  forests  in  my  possession  as  my  father  held  them.    Henry  actu- 
All  knights,  moreover,  who  hold  their  lands  by  service,  are   f  d 


hereby  allowed  to  have  their  domains  free  from  all  amerce-   the  forests- 

ments  and  from  all  peculiar  service,  that  as  they  are  thus   *•*•  fines- 

relieved  from  a  great  burden,  they  may  provide  themselves 

properly  with  horse  and  arms,  so  that  they  may  be  fit  and 

ready  for  my  service  and  for  the  defence  of  my  kingdom. 

I  bestow  confirmed  peace  in  all  my  kingdom,  and  I  order  it 

be  preserved  from  henceforth.     I  restore  to  you  the  law  of 

king  Edward,  with  the  amendments  which  my  father,  by  the 

advice  of  his  barons,  made  in  it.     If  any  one  has  taken  any- 

thing of  mine,  or  of  any  one  else's  property,  since  the  death 

of  my  brother  king  William,  let  it  all  be  soon  restored  with- 

out alteration  ;  and  if  any  one  shall  retain  anything  of  it,  he 

shall,  on  being  discovered,  atone  to  me  for  it  heavily.     Wit- 

ness Maurice  bishop  of  London,  William   elect   of   Win- 

chester, Gerard  of  Hereford,  earl  Henry,  earl  Simon,  earl 

Walter  Gifford,  Robert  de  Montfort,  Roger  Bigod,  and  many 

others." 

Roger  of  Wendover,  History  of  England  (translated  by  J.  A. 
Giles,  London,  1849),  H>  276-278. 


1 8.    The  Anarchy 

A.  1135.     This  year,  at  Lammas,  king  Henry  went  over   From  the 
sea :  and  on  the  second  day,  as  he  lay  asleep  in  the  ship,   CHRONICLE 
the  day  was  darkened  universally,  and  the  sun  became  as  if    See  No.  n. 
it  were  a  moon  three  nights  old,  with  the  stars  shining  round   Henry  I. 
it  at  mid-day.     Men  greatly  marvelled,  and  great  fear  fell 
on  them,  and  they  said  that  some  great  event  should  follow 
thereafter — and  so  it  was,  for  the  same  year  the  king  died 
in  Normandy,  on  the  day  after  the  feast  of  St.  Andrew.    Soon 
did  this  land  fall  into  trouble,  for  every  man  greatly  began 


Norman    England 


Henry  I.  had 
no  legitimate 
sons  who  sur- 
vived him. 

Archbishop 
of  Canter- 
bury. 


After  the  con- 
quest the 
Norman 
castle  plays 
an  important 
part  in  Eng- 
lish history. 
It  was  a 
stronghold 
which  was 
seldom  re- 
duced, save 
by  starvation 
of  the 
garrison. 


to  rob  his  neighbor  as  he  might.  Then  king  Henry's  sons 
and  his  friends  took  his  body,  and  brought  it  to  England, 
and  buried  it  at  Reading.  He  was  a  good  man,  and  great 
was  the  awe  of  him ;  no  man  durst  ill  treat  another  in  his 
time  :  he  made  peace  for  men  and  deer.  Whoso  bare  his 
burden  of  gold  and  silver,  no  man  durst  say  to  him  ought 
but  good.  In  the  meantime  his  nephew  Stephen  de  Blois 
had  arrived  in  England,  and  he  came  to  London,  and  the 
inhabitants  received  him,  and  sent  for  the  archbishop,  Will- 
iam Corboil,  who  consecrated  him  king  on  midwinter-day. 
In  this  king's  time  was  all  discord,  and  evil-doing,  and  rob- 
bery ;  for  the  powerful  men  who  had  kept  aloof  soon  rose  up 
against  him ;  .  .  . 

A.  1137.  This  year  King  Stephen  went  over  sea  to 
Normandy,  and  he  was  received  there  because  it  was  ex- 
pected that  he  would  be  altogether  like  his  uncle,  and 
because  he  had  gotten  possession  of  his  treasure,  but  this 
he  distributed  and  scattered  foolishly.  King  Henry  had 
gathered  together  much  gold  and  silver,  yet  did  he  no  good 
for  his  soul's  sake  with  the  same.  When  king  Stephen  came 
to  England,  he  held  an  assembly  at  Oxford ;  and  there  he 
seized  Roger  bishop  of  Salisbury,  and  Alexander  bishop  of 
Lincoln,  and  Roger  the  chancellor,  his  nephew,  and  he  kept 
them  all  in  prison  till  they  gave  up  their  castles.  When 
the  traitors  perceived  that  he  was  a  mild  man,  and  a  soft, 
and  a  good,  and  that  he  did  not  enforce  justice,  they  did  all 
wonder.  They  had  done  homage  to  him,  and  sworn  oaths, 
but  they  no  faith  kept ;  all  became  forsworn,  and  broke  their 
allegiance,  for  every  rich  man  built  his  castles,  and  defended 
them  against  him,  and  they  filled  the  land  full  of  castles. 
They  greatly  oppressed  the  wretched  people  by  making  them 
work  at  these  castles,  and  when  the  castles  were  finished  they 
filled  them  with  devils  and  evil  men.  Then  they  took  those 
whom  they  suspected  to  have  any  goods,  by  night  and  by 
day,  seizing  both  men  and  women,  and  they  put  them  in 


The   Anarchy  53 

prison  for  their  gold  and  silver,  and  tortured  them  with 
pains  unspeakable,  for  never  were  any  martyrs  tormented 
as  these  were.  .  .  .  Many  thousands  they  exhausted  with 
hunger.  I  cannot  and  I  may  not  tell  of  all  the  wounds, 
and  all  the  tortures  that  they  inflicted  upon  the  wretched 
men  of  this  land ;  and  this  state  of  things  lasted  the  nine- 
teen years  that  Stephen  was  king,  and  ever  grew  worse  and 
worse.  They  were  continually  levying  an  exaction  from  the 
towns,  which  they  called  Tenserie,  and  when  the  miserable  Chief  rent 
inhabitants  had  no  more  to  give,  then  plundered  they,  and 
burnt  all  the  towns,  so  that  well  mightest  thou  walk  a  whole 
day's  journey  nor  ever  shouldest  thou  find  a  man  seated  in 
a  town,  or  its  lands  tilled. 

Then  was  corn  dear,  and  flesh,  and  cheese,  and  butter, 
for  there  was  none  in  the  land  —  wretched  men  starved  with 
hunger  —  some  lived  on  alms  who  had  been  erewhile  rich  : 
some  fled  the  country  —  never  was  there  more  misery,  and 
never  acted  heathens  worse  than  these.  At  length  they 
spared  neither  church  nor  churchyard,  but  they  took  all 
that  was  valuable  therein,  and  then  burned  the  church  and 
all  together.  Neither  did  they  spare  the  lands  of  bishops, 
nor  of  abbats,  nor  of  priests ;  but  they  robbed  the  monks 
and  the  clergy,  and  every  man  plundered  his  neighbour  as 
much  as  he  could.  If  two  or  three  men  came  riding  to  a 
town,  all  the  township  fled  before  them,  and  thought  that 
they  were  robbers.  The  bishops  and  clergy  were  ever 
cursing  them,  but  this  to  them  was  nothing,  for  they  were 
all  accursed  and  forsworn,  and  reprobate.  The  earth  bare 
no  corn,  you  might  as  well  have  tilled  the  sea,  for  the  land 
was  all  ruined  by  such  deeds,  and  it  was  said  openly  that 
Christ  and  his  saints  slept.  These  things,  and  more  than 
we  can  say,  did  we  suffer  during  nineteen  years  because  of 
our  sins.  .  .  . 

A.  1140.  .  .  .  Then  there  arose  a  very  great  war  between 
the  king  and  Randolph  earl  of  Chester,  not  because  the  king 


54  Norman   England 


Natural  son 
of  Henry  I. 


Stephen's 
attack  upon 
the  bishops 
lost  him  the 
support  of 
the  church. 


1142. 


did  not  give  him  all  that  he  could  ask,  even  as  he  did  to  all 
others,  but  that  the  more  he  gave  them,  the  worse  they 
always  carried  themselves  to  him.  The  earl  held  Lincoln 
against  the  king,  and  seized  all  that  belonged  to  the  king 
there,  and  the  king  went  thither,  and  besieged  him  and  his 
brother  William  de  Romare  in  the  castle  :  and  the  earl  stole 
out  and  went  for  Robert  earl  of  Gloucester,  and  brought 
him  thither  with  a  large  army ;  and  they  fought  furiously 
against  their  lord  on  Candlemas-day,  and  they  took  him 
captive,  for  his  men  betrayed  him  and  fled,  and  they  led 
him  to  Bristol,  and  there  they  put  him  into  prison  and  close 
confinement.  Now  was  all  England  more  disturbed  than 
before,  and  all  evil  was  in  the  land.  After  this,  king  Henry's 
daughter,  who  had  been  empress  of  Germany,  and  was  now 
countess  of  Anjou,  arrived,  and  she  came  to  London,  and 
the  citizens  would  have  seized  her,  but  she  fled  with  much  loss. 
Then  Henry  bishop  of  Winchester,  King  Stephen's  brother, 
spake  with  earl  Robert  and  with  the  empress,  and  swore 
them  oaths  that  he  never  more  would  hold  with  the  king 
his  brother,  and  he  cursed  all  those  that  did  hold  with  him, 
and  he  said  that  he  would  give  up  Winchester  to  them,  and 
he  made  them  come  thither.  .  .  .  Now  was  England  much 
divided,  some  held  with  the  king  and  some  with  the  empress, 
for  when  the  king  was  in  prison  the  earls  and  the  great  men 
thought  that  he  would  never  more  come  out,  and  they 
treated  with  the  empress,  and  brought  her  to  Oxford,  and 
gave  her  the  town.  When  the  king  was  out  of  prison  he 
heard  this,  and  he  took  his  army  and  besieged  her  in  the 
tower,  and  they  let  her  down  from  the  tower  by  night  with 
ropes,  and  she  stole  away,  and  she  fled :  and  she  went  on 
foot  to  Wallingford.  After  this  she  went  over  sea,  and  all 
the  Normans  turned  from  the  king  to  the  earl  of  Anjou, 
some  willingly,  and  some  against  their  will ;  for  he  besieged 
them  till  they  gave  up  their  castles,  and  they  had  no  help 
from  the  king.  .  .  .  And  the  earl  of  Anjou  died,  and  his 


The   Anarchy  55 

son  Henry  succeeded  him ;  and  the  queen  of  France  was 
divorced  from  the  king,  and  she  went  to  the  young  earl   Later 
Henry,  and  he  took  her  to  wife,  and  received  all  Poitou   Henry  IL 
with  her.     Then  he  came  into  England  with  a  great  army 
and  won  castles  ;  and  the  king  marched  against  him  with  a 
much  larger  army,  howbeit  they  did  not  fight,  but  the  arch- 
bishop and  wise  men  went  between  them  and  made  a  treaty  Treaty  of 
on  these  terms :  that  the  king  should  be  lord  and  king  while 
he  lived,  and  that  Henry  should  be  king  after  his  death,  and   about  by  the 

..       ,.  i  •     ,-    i  11      i  •        i  •        leaders  of  the 

that  he  should  consider  him  as  his  father,  and  the  king  him   church,  who 
as  his  son,  and  that  peace  and  concord  should  be  between  were  a'1"  . 

powerful  m 

them,  and  in  all  England.  The  king,  and  the  earl,  and  the  the  crisis, 
bishop,  and  the  earls,  and  all  the  great  men  swore  to  observe 
these  and  the  other  conditions  that  were  then  made.  The 
earl  was  received  with  much  honour  at  Winchester  and  at 
London,  and  all  did  homage  to  him,  and  swore  to  keep  the 
peace,  and  it  soon  became  a  very  good  peace,  such  as  never 
was  in  this  land.  Then  the  king  was  more  powerful  here 
than  ever  he  was;  and  the  earl  went  over  sea,  and  all  the 
people  loved  him,  because  he  did  good  justice,  and  made 
peace. 

The  Saxon  Chronicle  (translated  by  J.  A.  Giles,  1847),  501-507. 


By  PETER  OF 
BLOIS 

(tl200?), 

secretary  to 
Henry  II. 
The  com- 
plaints of 
Peter,  which 
reappear 
often  in  his 
letters,  are 
supported  by 
other  con- 
temporary 
statements. — 
On  Henry  II 
see  A.  S. 
Green, 
Henry  II; 
K.  Norgate, 
England 
under  the 
Angevin 
Kings. 

Henry  re- 
tained the 
habit  of  con- 
stantly mov- 
ing about 
until  the  end 
of  his  days. 
It  was 

through  these 
incessant 
journey  ings 
that  he  be- 
came ac- 
quainted with 
tne  different 
parts  of  his 
great  empire, 
and  learned 
the  needs  of 
the  various 
peoples  sub- 
ject to  his 
rule. 


CHAPTER    IV  — UNDER   ANGEVIN 
RULE 

* 

19.    Henry  the  Second 

IF  the  king  has  promised  to  spend  the  day  anywhere,  es- 
pecially if  a  herald  has  publicly  proclaimed  that  such  is 
his  royal  will,  you  may  be  sure  that  he  will  start  off  early  in 
the  morning  and  by  his  sudden  change  of  mind  will  throw 
everybody's  plans  into  confusion.  You  may  see  men  run- 
ning about  as  if  they  were  mad,  urging  on  the  pack-horses, 
driving  chariots  one  into  another,  and  everything  in  a  state 
of  confusion.  The  tumult  is  such  as  to  give  you  a  vivid 
picture  of  the  infernal  regions.  But  if  the  king  declares  his 
intention  of  going  to  a  certain  place  early  the  next  morning, 
he  will  undoubtedly  change  his  mind,  and  you  may  be  sure 
that  he  will  sleep  till  midday.  You  will  see  the  pack-horses 
waiting  under  their  loads,  the  chariots  standing  ready,  the 
couriers  falling  asleep,  the  purveyors  uneasy  and  everybody 
grumbling.  .  .  . 

After  the  weariness  of  long  uncertainty  we  would  have  the 
comfort  of  learning  that  we  were  to  stay  in  a  place  where 
there  was  prospect  of  food  and  lodging.  Then  there  would 
be  such  confusion  and  running  about  of  footmen  and  horse- 
men that  you  would  think  the  infernal  regions  had  broken 
open.  But  when  our  couriers  had  already  gone  the  whole 
day's  journey  or  almost  the  whole,  the  king  would  change 
his  mind  and  turn  aside  to  some  other  place,  where  perhaps 
he  had  only  one  house  and  provisions  enough  for  himself, 

56 


Henry   the   Second  57 

but  not  enough  to  share  :  and  I  believe,  if  I  dared  to  say  it, 
that  his  pleasure  was  increased  by  the  straits  to  which  we 
were  put.  After  wandering  about  three  or  four  miles  through 
an  unknown  forest  and  frequently  in  the  dark,  we  would 
think  our  prayers  were  answered  if  we  found  by  chance 
some  mean,  filthy  hut.  There  was  often  fierce  and  bitter 
contention  over  these  hovels,  and  courtiers  fought  with 
drawn  swords  for  a  lodging  that  it  would  have  been  dis- 
graceful for  pigs  to  fight  for.  I  sometimes  became  sep- 
arated from  my  own  people  and  could  hardly  get  them 
together  again  in  three  days.  O  God  almighty,  thou  art 
king  of  kings  and  lord  of  lords,  who  art  terrible  to  the  kings 
of  the  earth,  who  dost  take  away  the  breath  of  princes  and 
dost  give  health  to  kings,  in  thy  power  is  the  heart  of  the 
king  to  turn  whithersoever  thou  dost  will.  Turn  and  con- 
vert the  heart  of  this  king  from  this  unwholesome  manner 
of  life,  that  he  may  know  that  he  is  a  man,  and  may  learn 
to  show  royal  grace  and  consideration  and  human  compas- 
sion to  the  men  who  are  drawn  after  him  not  by  ambition 
but  by  necessity.  .  .  . 

You  ask  me  to  send  you  an  accurate  description  of  the 
appearance  and  character  of  the  king  of  England.  That 
surpasses  my  powers,  for  the  genius  of  a  Vergil  would  hardly 
be  equal  to  it.  That  which  I  know  however  I  will  ungrudg- 
ingly share  with  you.  Concerning  David  we  read  that  it 
was  said  of  him,  as  evidence  for  his  beauty  that  he  was 
ruddy.  You  may  know  then  that  our  king  is  still  ruddy, 
except  as  old  age  and  whitening  hair  have  changed  his 
colour  a  little.  He  is  of  medium  stature  so  that  among 
small  men  he  does  not  seem  large,  nor  yet  among  large  men 
does  he  seem  small.  His  head  is  spherical,  as  if  the  abode 
of  great  wisdom  and  the  special  sanctuary  of  lofty  intelli- 
gence. The  size  of  his  head  is  in  proportion  to  the  neck 
and  the  whole  body.  His  eyes  are  full,  guileless  and  dove- 
like  when  he  is  at  peace,  gleaming  like  fire  when  his  temper 


58         Under   Angevin    Rule 

is  aroused,  and  in  bursts  of  passion  they  flash  like  lightning. 
As  to  his  hair  he  is  in  no  danger  of  baldness,  but  his  head 
has  been  closely  shaved.  He  has  a  broad,  square,  lion-like 
face.  His  feet  are  arched  and  he  has  the  legs  of  a  horse- 
man. His  broad  chest  and  muscular  arms  show  him  to  be 
a  strong,  bold,  active  man.  His  hands  show  by  their  coarse- 
ness that  he  is  careless  and  pays  little  attention  to  his  person, 
for  he  never  wears  gloves  except  when  he  goes  hawking.  .  .  . 
Although  his  legs  are  bruised  and  livid  from  hard  riding,  he 
never  sits  down  except  when  on  horseback  or  at  meals.  On 
a  single  day,  if  necessary,  he  travels  a  journey  of  four  or  five 
days,  and  thus  anticipating  the  plans  of  his  enemies  he  baf- 
fles their  devices  by  his  sudden  movements.  .  .  .  He  is  a 
passionate  lover  of  the  woods,  and  when  not  engaged  in  war 
he  exercises  with  birds  and  dogs.  .  .  .  He  does  not  loiter 
in  his  palace  like  other  kings,  but  hurrying  through  the  prov- 
inces he  investigates  what  is  being  done  everywhere,  and  is 
especially  strict  in  his  judgment  of  those  whom  he  has 
appointed  as  judges  of  others.  There  is  no  one  keener  in 
counsel,  of  more  fluent  eloquence,  no  one  who  has  less  anxi- 
ety in  danger  or  more  in  prosperity,  or  who  is  more  coura- 
geous in  adversity.  If  he  has  once  loved  any  one,  he  rarely 
ceases  to  love  him,  while  one  for  whom  he  has  once  taken  a 
dislike  he  seldom  admits  to  his  favour.  He  always  has  his 
weapons  in  his  hands  when  not  engaged  in  consultation  or 
at  his  books.  When  his  cares  and  anxieties  allow  him  to 
breathe  he  occupies  himself  with  reading,  or  in  a  circle  of 
clerks  tries  to  solve  some  knotty  question.  .  .  . 

Peter  of  Blois,  Epistolce  (edited  by  J.  A.  Giles,  Oxford,  1847),  I, 
50,  51,  193-195-     Translation  by  A.  B.  Hawes. 


Friendship   of  King   Henry     59 


20.    The   Friendship    of  King    Henry   and 
his   Chancellor 

The  chancellor  therefore  because  of  his  virtue,  his  noble 
spirit,  and  his  eminent  merits,  was  in  great  favour  with  the 
king,  the  clergy,  the  army  and  the  people.  After  business 
was  done  with,  the  king  and  the  chancellor  used  to  play 
together  like  two  little  boys,  whether  in  the  palace,  in 
church,  in  public,  'or  while  riding.  One  day  they  rode 
together  in  the  streets  of  London.  A  strong  wind  was  blow- 
ing, and  the  king  saw  a  poor  old .  man  approaching  in  thin 
and  worn  out  clothes.  He  said  to  the  chancellor,  "  Do  you 
see  that  man?"  "  Yes,"  said  the  chancellor.  "  How  poor, 
how  weak  he  is,"  said  the  king,  "  and  how  very  thinly  clad  ! 
Would  it  not  be  great  charity  to  give  him  a  thick  warm 
cloak?"  "Most  certainly,"  replied  the  chancellor,  "and 
your  majesty  ought  to  have  the  spirit  to  do  it."  In  the  mean 
time  the  poor  man  came  up  to  them,  and  the  king  stopped 
and  the  chancellor  with  him.  The  king  quietly  addressed 
the  beggar  and  asked  him  if  he  would  like  to  have  a  good 
cloak.  The  beggar,  not  knowing  who  they  were,  supposed 
they  were  not  in  earnest  but  joking.  But  the  king  said  to 
the  chancellor,  "You  are  the  one  to  show  this  great  charity," 
and  laying  his  hands  upon  him  he  tried  to  pull  off  a  fine  new 
cloak  made  of  thick  scarlet  cloth  which  the  chancellor  wore, 
while  the  chancellor  on  the  other  hand  tried  to  prevent  him. 
Thereupon  there  was  a  great  commotion  and  struggle.  The 
courtiers  who  were  following  them  ran  up  in  astonishment 
to  learn  the  reason  for  this  unexpected  contest.  There 
was  no  one  to  tell  them,  for  both  king  and  chancellor  were 
fully  occupied  with  their  hands,  and  seemed  to  be  in  danger 
of  falling  off  their  horses.  At  length  the  chancellor  reluc- 
tantly allowed  the  king  to  conquer,  to  draw  off  his  cloak  and 
give  it  to  the  beggar.  Then  the  king  told  his  followers  the 


By  WILLIAM 
FITZ- 

STEPHEN 

(t«9o?), 
friend  and 
best  of  the 
biographers 
of  Arch- 
bishop 
Thomas.   He 
says  of  him- 
self, "  I  was 
the  fellow- 
citizen  of  my 
lord,  his 
chaplain,  and 
of  his  house- 
hold, called 
by  his  mouth 
to  be  the 
sharer  of 
his  cares." 
Fitz-Stephen , 
although  not 
always  ap- 
proving, did 
not  swerve  in 
his  loyalty, 
and  was  pres- 
ent at  the 
jmurder  of  the 
Archbishop. 
Later  he 
passed  into 
the  service  of 
the  king,  and 
became  sher- 
iffof  Glouces- 
ter, and  an 
itinerant 
justice. 

The  unre- 
strained 
friendship 
between 
Henry  and 
his  chancel- 
lor was  one 
of  the  most 
beautiful  epi- 
sodes in  the 
king's  stormy 
career. 


The  chancel- 
lor was  noted 
for  his  dainty 
attire,  which 
was  in  sharp 
contrast  with 
the  careless 
dress  of  the 
king. 


60         Under  Angevin    Rule 

whole  story.  There  was  a  great  laugh  and  some  of  the 
courtiers  offered  the  chancellor  their  own  cloaks  and  capes. 
The  poor  old  man  went  away  happy  with  the  chancellor's 
cloak,  enriched  beyond  his  expectation  and  giving  thanks 
to  God. 

Sometimes  the  king  was  the  chancellor's  guest,  either 
simply  for  his  own  enjoyment,  or  in  order  to  learn  what 
was  talked  about  in  the  chancellor's  home  and  at  his  table. 
The  king  would  sometimes  send  away  his  horse  and  come 
in  when  the  chancellor  was  already  at  the  table  :  sometimes 
he  would  come  with  his  arrows  in  his  hand,  either  returning 
from  the  hunt  or  on  his  way  to  the  wood.  At  one  time  he 
would  drink  and,  after  seeing  the  chancellor,  go  away  again. 
At  another  he  would  leap  over  the  table,  sit  down  and  eat. 
Never  have  there  been  two  men  more  harmonious  and 
friendly  in  Christian  times. 

William  Fitz-Stephen,  Vita  Sancti  Thomce  {Materials  for  the 
History  of  Thomas  Becket,  edited  by  J.  Robertson,  London, 
1877,  III,  24,  25). 


By  HERBERT 
BOSHAM, 
the  chosen 
friend  and 
adviser  of 
Archbishop 
Thomas. 
Unfortu- 
nately, his 
counsel  was 
never  on  the 
side  of 
moderation. 


21.    Thomas  and  the  Primacy  (1162) 

The  king  was  living  at  that  time  outside  the  kingdom  be- 
yond the  seas  and  the  chancellor  was  with  him.  On  account 
of  frequent  hostilities  on  the  part  of  the  Welsh  and  other 
difficulties  in  the  realm  the  king  determined  to  send  the 
chancellor  to  England.  This  mission  he  entrusted  to  the 
chancellor  because  the  reasons  for  it  were  many  and  impor- 
tant and  no  one  of  his  own  men  was  so  well  fitted.  Now 
the  chancellor,  after  some  days  had  been  spent  in  making 
arrangements  for  the  embassy,  just  before  his  departure 
went  to  the  court  at  that  time  abiding  in  that  stronghold  of 
Normandy  which  is  called  Falaise,  intending  to  simply  take 


Thomas   and   the   Primacy      61 

leave  of  the  king  and  then  set  out  upon  his  journey.     But 

the  king  called  him  aside  and  said  to  him  in  secret,  "  You 

do  not  yet  know  in  full  the  reason  for  your  mission.     It  is   The  primacy 

my  will  that  you  should  be   archbishop    of  Canterbury."   canfhTrreii 

The  chancellor,   pointing  to  the  gay  fashion  in  which  he  by  the  death 

was  attired,  said  with  a  smile,  "  What  a  religious  man,  what  a  bishop 

holy  man  you  desire  to  place  in  the  sacred  seat  and  over  Theobald- 

that  celebrated  and  sacred  assembly  of  monks  !    Know  surely 

that  if  by  the  will  of  God  this  should  happen,  you  would 

speedily  turn  away  your  favour  from  me,  and  our  friendship 

which  is  now  so  great  would  be  changed  into  bitter  hatred. 

For  I  am  sure  that  you  would  assert  many  claims  in  ecclesi-   "  The  words 

astical  matters  and  you  would  demand  some  things  which   ph  elicit  hey 

I  could  not  quietly  endure.     Then  jealous  persons  would   sum  UP  the 

.  whole  history 

seize  the  opportunity  to  interpose  and  not  only  would  our   ofthepon- 


friendship   be  destroyed  but  they  would  arouse  perpetual 

hatred  between  us."  .  .  .  Becker."— 

But  the  king,  not  at  all  moved  by  these  warnings  of  the 
chancellor  which  were  prompted  by  his  very  affection,  re- 
mained fixed  in  his  purpose,  and  presently  he  gave  careful 
and  specific  directions  to  the  other  envoys,  men  of  impor- 

tance, to  make  known  his  wish  and  desire  in  regard  to  the  Richard  de 

chancellor's  promotion,  to  the  sacred  assembly  of  the  metro-  Loyal*  for 

politan  church  and  to  the  clergy  of  the  kingdom.     This  he  twenty-five 

did  in  the  chancellor's  presence  and  addressing  one  of  the  ciar^under 

envoys  especially  he  said,  "  Richard  "   (it  was  Richard  de  Heni7  n- 

Lucy),  "  if  I  were  lying  dead  in  my  shroud,  would  you  arguments  of 

strive  to  have  Henry,  my  first-born,  exalted  to  the  throne?"  deLucycom- 

"  Verily  your  majesty,  I  should  do  my  utmost."     And  the  fear  <rf  the 

king  replied.  "I  wish  you  to  use  the  same  endeavour  for  king  that 

induced  the 

the  promotion  of  the  chancellor  to  the  seat  of  Canterbury."  monks  of 

Canterbury 
to  elect' 

Herbert  Bosham.     Vita  S.  Thomce  (Materials  for  the  History  of  Thomas  to 

Thomas  Becket,  edited  by  J.  Robertson,  London,  1877,  III,  thePrimacy- 
180-182). 


62         Under    Angevin    Rule 


By  GERALD 
DE  BARRI 

(1147-1220?), 
a  kinsman  of 
the  Fitz-Ger- 
alds  and 
Fitz- 

Stephens,  the 
leaders  in  the 
opening 
years  of  the 
invasion  of 
Ireland. 
Gerald  was 
born  in 
Wales,  and 
trained  for 
the  church 
at  St.  Da- 
vid's, and  at 
the  Univer- 
sity of  Paris. 
Twice  he  vis- 
ited Ireland, 
once  in  1183, 
and  again  in 
1185  as  chap- 
lain and  tu- 
tor to  Prince 
John.  A  little 
later  he  pub- 
lished two 
works  on  Ire- 
land, the  To- 
pographia, 
and  the 
Expugnatio, 
which  form 
our  principal 
source  of  in- 
formation on 
Irish  affairs 
of  that  time. 
Gerald  wrote 
as  a  partisan, 
and  his  state- 
ments cannot 
be  accepted 
implicitly, 
especially  in 
matters 
which  con- 
cerned his 
kinsmen,  but 
he  was  mas- 


22.    The   Conquest   of  Ireland  in   the 
Reign   of  Henry  the   Second 

Happy  would  this  island  have  been,  long  since  would  it 
have  been  vigorously  and  successfully  subdued  from  end  to 
end,  long  since  reduced  without  difficulty  to  systematic  order 
and  kept  well  in  hand  by  the  building  of  castles  from  sea  to 
sea  in  commanding  situations  on  every  side,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  royal  edict  which  cut  off  the  supplies  of  the  first 
invaders  ;  or  rather,  perhaps,  I  should  say  if  domestic  plots 
had  not  so  prematurely  recalled  the  king  from  that  proud 
and  noble  expedition  which  he  conducted  himself  in  person. 

Happy,  too,  if  the  worth  of  the  original  conquerors  had 
been  only  appreciated  as  it  deserved,  and  the  care  and 
conduct  of  the  government  been  committed  to  the  strong 
hands  of  those  brave  and  trusty  men. 

For  the  natives  of  the  land  at  our  first  coming  had  been 
astounded  and  thrown  into  consternation  by  the  startling 
novelty  of  the  event,  and  were  terrified  at  the  speed  with 
which  the  archers  shot  and  at  the  might  of  the  heavy  men- 
at-arms.  But  delay  —  which  ever  brings  danger  in  its  train 
— ,  the  protracted,  dilatory,  and  feeble  character  of  the 
conquest,  and  the  unskilfulness  arid  cowardice  of  procura- 
tors and  governors  who  only  lulled  their  own  side  into  a 
false  security,  all  combined  to  give  them  heart.  Moreover, 
by  gradual  and  careful  training  in  the  use  of  the  bow  and 
other  weapons,  by  learning  caution  and  studying  the  art  of 
ambuscade,  by  the  confidence  gained  from  frequently  en- 
gaging in  conflict  with  our  troops,  lastly  taught  by  our  very 
successes,  these  Irishmen  whom  at  first  we  could  rout  with 
ease,  became  able  to  offer  a  stout  resistance.  .  .  . 

The  Irish  have  four  prophets,  Moling,  Berchan,  Patrick, 
and  Columba,  whose  writings  are  in  Irish  and  still  extant 
among  them.  They  speak  of  this  conquest,  and  all  pro- 


Conquest   of  Ireland          63 


nounce  that  it  will  be  terrible,  entailing  many  battles,  a 
long  struggle,  and  much  bloodshed,  which  will  continue 
into  the  times  of  far-distant  generations.  Indeed,  they 
hardly  allow  that  complete  victory  will  be  attained  by  the 
English,  and  the  island  be  entirely  subjugated  from  sea  to  sea 
and  planted  with  castles,  before  the  Day  of  Judgment.  .  .  . 

I  speak  from  my  own  knowledge ;  and  to  the  truth  of 
what  I  say  I  can  bear  witness  from  personal  experience. 
Inasmuch  as  we  insolently  spurned  the  loyal  advances  made 
to  us  by  the  natives  who  met  us  first,  since  God  at  all  times 
shatters  the  proud,  by  our  conduct  on  that  occasion  we 
deterred  not  only  them  but  all  the  chief  men  of  the  island 
from  uniting  with  us  in  the  ties  of  friendship.  .  .  . 

In  addition  to  the  above  reasons,  the  lands  of  the  friendly 
Irish,  who  from  the  first  arrival  of  Fitz-Stephen  and  the 
earl  had  faithfully  stood  by  us,  contrary  to  our  promises  we 
took  away  and  gave  to  new-comers  from  England  ;  while 
the  ejected  natives  at  once  joined  our  enemies  and  became 
hostile  spies,  guides  for  them  instead  of  as  formerly  guides 
for  us,  all  the  more  dangerous  from  our  previous  intercourse. 

The  custody,  too,  of  the  castles  and  maritime  towns  with 
their  adjacent  lands,  and  the  control  of  tribute  therefrom 
which  should  have  been  expended  for  the  public  good  and 
to  the  detriment  of  our  adversaries,  were  entrusted  to  mere 
lucre-hunters,  who  skulked  behind  their  stone  walls,  gave 
themselves  up  to  continual  drunkenness,  and  aimlessly 
squandered  and  wasted  right  and  left  to  the  ruin  of  the 
burghers  and  the  advantage  of  the  foe. 

There  was  this  also  besides  the  other  mischiefs,  that 
directly  the  king's  son  appeared  in  the  land,  among  a  people 
who  were  warlike,  hostile,  rebellious,  and  savage,  a  people 
in  short  in  no  mood  to  yield  obedience,  both  the  civil 
government  and  the  military  command  got  into  the  clutches 
of  men  who  had  in  their  composition  more  of  the  thief 
than  the  soldier,  knights  of  the  carpet  rather  than  knights 


ter  of  a  popu- 
lar, vivacious 
style,  and 
gives  a 
graphic  and 
fairly  com- 
plete account 
of  Ireland, 
and  of  its 
invasion  by 
the  Norman 
English.  — 
On  the  inva- 
sion, see 
F.  P.  Bar- 
nard, Strong- 
bow's  Con- 
quest of 
Ireland. 

Domestic 
plots  =  the 
rebellion  of 
Henry  II's 
sons  in  1173. 

Moling  flour- 
ished in  the 
seventh  cen- 
tury, and 
Berchan  in 
the  eighth. 
S.  Patrick, 
the  founder 
of  the  Irish 
church,  was 
brought  to 
Ireland  as  a 
slave,  prob- 
ably from 
Gaul,  in  the 
fifth  century. 
S.  Columba 
belonged  to 
the  sixth 
century. 

"  The  earl  " 
=  Strong- 
bow. 

The  king's 
son  =  John, 
later  king  of 
England, 
who  came  to 
Ireland  in 


64         Under  Angevin    Rule 


1185,  and 
ruled  five 
months. 


of  the  field,  rascals  intent  less  on  attacking  the  enemy  than 
on  looting  the  good  citizens.  Men,  I  say  and  marchers, 
forsooth,  such  as  Fitz-Aldelm  and  his  like,  under  whom 
both  Wales  and  Ireland  —  since  he  was  governor  in  each  — 
had  to  bewail  their  decay.  For  they  were  fellows  who 
neither  kept  faith  with  the  subdued  nor  struck  the  slightest 
fear  into  their  opponents ;  strangers  to  that  noble  sentiment 
of  higher  minds  which  prompts  us  "To  spare  the  humbled 
and  beat  down  the  proud,"  but  rather  on  the  contrary, 
their  way  was  "  leaving  the  foe  unharmed,  the  vanquished  to 
despoil."  Whence  it  happens  that  nothing  has  been  done 
to  establish  a  settled  state  of  things  in  the  island,  either  by 
making  incursions  into  the  hostile  districts,  by  the  erection 
of  castles,  or  by  the  opening  up  of  the  forest-roads  —  the 
"  ill  ways,"  as  they  are  commonly  called  —  for  the  security 
of  passengers  by  felling  and  removing  the  trees. 

The  bands  of  mercenaries  followed  the  example  set  by 
their  betters,  and  behaved  in  the  same  way  as  their  masters, 
giving  themselves  up  to  wine  and  women  and  taking  good 
care  to  keep  inside  the  towns  on  the  seaboard.  Thus  the 
inland  parts,  which  lay  nearer  to  the  enemy,  and  are  called 
march-lands  (perhaps  Mars'  lands,  from  Mars,  would  have 
been  a  better  name  for  them)  were  left  entirely  deserted 
and  unprotected,  and  the  undefended  villages  and  fortified 
posts  situated  between  the  marches  and  the  coast  were 
abandoned  to  rapine,  slaughter  and  fire.  In  the  growing 
insolence  of  the  new-comers,  the  veteran  soldiers  of  the 
early  leaders  were  slighted  and  regarded  with  scant  favour ; 
but  kept  in  the  background  and  held  their  peace,  waiting 
quietly  to  see  to  what  all  this  extravagance  and  disorder 
would  eventually  lead.  .  .  . 

Now  all  these  grave  disorders,  though  due  in  a  measure 
to  both  causes,  still  are  to  be  imputed  to  evil  counsels  even 
more  than  to  the  tender  years  of  the  king's  son  John.  For 
this,  which  had  always  been  a  rude  and  savage  land,  required 


A   Picture   of  London        65 


trained  and  experienced  minds  to  mould  it  into  shape.     To 
any  realm  you  will,  no  matter   though   it   may  long   have 
enjoyed  a  healthy  state,  with  a  child-king  comes  woe  ;  how  Eccles.  x.  16. 
much  the  more  then  if  an  ignorant  and  untaught  people  be 
committed  to  an  ignorant  and  untaught  stripling  prince  ! 

Giraldus  Cambrensis,  Expugnatio  Hibernice,  Lib.  II,  cc.  xxxiv, 
xxxvi.  Translation  by  F.  Barnard,  Strongbow 's  Conquest  of 
Ireland  (London,  1888),  123-133. 


23.    A  Picture  of  London   (circ.    1173) 

Of  the  Site  thereof 

Among  the  noble  cities  of  the  world  that  Fame  celebrates 
the  City  of  London  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  English,  is  the 
one  seat  that  pours  out  its  fame  more  widely,  sends  to 
farther  lands  its  wealth  and  trade,  lifts  its  head  higher  than 
the  rest.  It  is  happy  in  the  healthiness  of  its  air,  in  the 
Christian  religion,  in  the  strength  of  its  defences,  the  nature 
of  its  site,  the  honour  of  its  citizens,  the  modesty  of  its 
matrons ;  pleasant  in  sports ;  fruitful  of  noble  men.  Let 
us  look  into  these  things  separately.  .  .  . 

Of  Religion 

There  is  in  the  church  there  the  Episcopal  Seat  of  St. 
Paul ;  once  it  was  Metropolitan,  and  it  is  thought  will  again 
become  so  if  the  citizens  return  into  the  island,  unless  per- 
haps the  archiepiscopal  title  of  Saint  Thomas  the  Martyr, 
and  his  bodily  presence,  preserve  to  Canterbury  where  it  is 
now,  a  perpetual  dignity.  But  as  Saint  Thomas  has  made 
both  cities  illustrious,  London  by  his  rising,  Canterbury  by 
his  setting,  in  regard  of  that  saint,  with  admitted  justice, 
each  can  claim  advantage  of  the  other.  There  are  also,  as 
F 


By  WILLIAM 
FITZ- 
STEPHEN. 
See  No.  20. 
Fitz-Stephen 
was  a  native 
of  London 
and  lived 
there  much 
of  his  life,  and 
he  wrote  with 
the  love  and 
exaggeration 
of  a  citizen. 

The  begin- 
nings of  Lon- 
don go  back 
to  an  early 
date.    Even 
before  the 
Roman  con- 
quest there 
was  probably 
a  British 
settlement  at 
the  place 
where  Lon- 
don now 
stands.   Dur- 
ing the  first 
centuries  of 
the  present 
era  it  became 
a  place  of 
importance. 
After  the 
coming  of  the 


66         Under  Angevin    Rule 


Saxons  Lon- 
don almost 
disappears 
from  history. 
Although  not 
destroyed  it  is 
rarely  men- 
tioned in  the 
records. 
Gradually 
it  grew  in 
importance, 
and  in  the 
eleventh 
century  it 
became  the 
capital  and 
the  leading 
city  of  the 
realm. —  For 
map  and  de- 
scription see 
Norgate, 
England 
under  the 
Angevin 
Kings. 

In  1083  the 
church  of  St. 
Paul  was  be- 
gun on  the 
site  ot  the 
church  said 
to  have  been 
founded  by 
Ethelbert  in 
610.    "  S. 
Paul's  was 
the  rallying 
point  as  it 
had  been  the 
nucleus  of  the 
municipal 
life  in  Lon- 
don."—  Nor- 
gate.   This 
was  true  for 
many  cen- 
turies. 

The  White 
Tower,  keep 
of  the  Tower 
of  London, 
was  begun 
about  1078. 


regards  the  cultivation  of  the  Christian  faith,  in  London  and 
the  suburbs,  thirteen  larger  conventual  churches,  besides 
lesser  parish  churches  one  hundred  and  twenty-six. 

Of  the  Strength  of  the  City 

It  has  on  the  east  the  Palatine  Castle,  very  great  and 
strong,  of  which  the  ground  plan  and  the  walls  rise  from  a 
very  deep  foundation,  fixed  with  a  mortar  tempered  by  the 
blood  of  animals.  On  the  west  are  two  towers  very  strongly 
fortified,  with  the  high  and  great  wall  of  the  city  having 
seven  double  gates,  and  towered  to  the  north  at  intervals. 
London  was  walled  and  towered  in  like  manner  on  the 
south,  but  the  great  fish-bearing  Thames  river  which  there 
glides,  with  ebb  and  flow  from  the  sea,  by  course  of  time 
has  washed  against,  loosened,  and  thrown  down  those  walls. 
Also  upwards  to  the  west  the  royal  palace  is  conspicuous 
above  the  same  river,  an  incomparable  building  with  ram- 
parts and  bulwarks,  two  miles  from  the  city,  joined  to  it  by  a 
populous  suburb. 

Of  Gardens 

Everywhere  outside  the  houses  of  those  living  in  the  sub- 
urbs are  joined  to  them,  planted  with  trees,  the  spacious 
and  beautiful  gardens  of  the  citizens. 

Of  Pasture  and  Tilth 

Also  there  are,  on  the  north  side,  pastures  and  a  pleasant 
meadow  land,  through  which  flow  river  streams,  where  the 
turning  wheels  of  mills  are  put  in  motion  with  a  cheerful 
sound.  Very  near  lies  a  great  forest,  with  woodland  pas- 
tures, coverts  of  wild  animals,  stags,  fallow  deer,  boars  and 
wild  bulls.  The  tilled  lands  of  the  city  are  not  of  barren 
gravel  but  fat  plains  of  Asia,  that  make  crops  luxuriant,  and 
fill  their  tillers'  barns  with  Ceres'  sheaves. 


A    Picture   of  London        67 


Of  Springs 

J       *        s  built  by  the 

There  are  also  about  London,  on  the  north  side,  excellent  werTprob- 
suburban  springs,  with  sweet,  wholesome,  and  clear  water  that  ab'y  on  the 

.  lines  of  the 

flows  rippling  over  the  bright  stones  ;  among  which  Holy  ancient 

Well,  Clerken  Well,  and  Saint  Clements  are  frequented  by  Romanwalls- 

greater  numbers,  and  visited  more  by  scholars  and  youth  of  Jaiac™^1 

the  city  when  they  go  out  for  fresh  air  on  summer  evenings.  Westminster 

'         ,..,,,          •    ,  built  by  Will- 

It  is  a  good  city  indeed  when  it  has  a  good  master.  iam  Rufus. 

Of  Honour  of  the  Citizens 

That  City  is  honoured  by  her  men,  adorned  by  her  arms, 
populous  with  many  inhabitants,  so  that  in  the  time  of 
slaughter  of  war  under  King  Stephen,  of  those  going  out  to 
muster  twenty  thousand  horsemen  and  sixty  thousand  men 
on  foot  were  estimated  to  be  fit  for  war.  Above  all  other 
citizens,  everywhere,  the  citizens  of  London  are  regarded  as 
conspicuous  and  noteworthy  for  handsomeness  of  manners 
and  of  dress,  at  table,  and  in  way  of  speaking.  .  .  . 

Of  Schools 

In  London  three  principal  churches  have  by  privilege  and   st.  Paul,  St. 
ancient  dignity,  famous  schools  ;  yet  very  often  by  support  ^^'b^d  Of 
of  some  personage,  or  of  some  teachers  who  are  considered   our  Lady  at 
notable  and   famous   in   philosophy,   there  are  also  other 
schools  by  favour  and  permission.     On  feast  days  the  mas- 
ters have  festival  meetings  in  the  churches.     Their  scholars 
dispute,  some  by  demonstration,  others  by  dialectics  ;  some 
recite  enthymemes,  others  do  better  in  using  perfect  syllo- 
gisms.     Some  are  exercised  in  disputation  for  display,  as 
wrestling  with  opponents  ;    others  for  truth,  which  is  the 
grace  of  perfectness.     Sophists  who  feign  are  judged  happy 
in  their  heap  and  flood  of  words.    Others  paralogize.     Some 
orators,  now  and  then,  say  in  their  rhetorical  speeches  some- 


68         Under   Angevin    Rule 

thing  apt  for  persuasion,  careful  to  observe  rules  of  their  art, 
and  to  omit  none  of  the  contingents.  Boys  of  different 
schools  strive  against  one  another  in  verses,  and  contend 
about  the  principles  of  grammar  and  rules  of  the  past  and 
future  tenses.  .  .  . 

Of  the  ordering  of  the  City 

Those  engaged  in  the  several  kinds  of  business,  sellers  of 
several  things,  contractors  for  several  kinds  of  work,  are 
distributed  every  morning  into  their  several  localities  and 
shops.  Besides,  there  is  in  London  on  the  river  bank,  among 
the  wines  in  ships  and  cellars  sold  by  the  vintners,  a  public 
cook  shop ;  there  eatables  are  to  be  found  every  day,  accord- 
ing to  the  season,  dishes  of  meat,  roast,  fried  and  boiled, 
great  and  small  fish,  coarser  meats  for  the  poor,  more  deli- 
cate for  the  rich,  of  game,  fowls,  and  small  birds.  If  there 
should  come  suddenly  to  any  of  the  citizens  friends,  weary 
from  a  journey  and  too  hungry  to  like  waiting  till  fresh  food 
is  bought  and  cooked,  with  water  to  their  hands  comes 
bread,  while  one  runs  to  the  river  bank,  and  there  is  all  that 
can  be  wanted.  However  great  the  multitude  of  soldiers  or 
travellers  entering  the  city,  or  preparing  to  go  out  of  it,  at 
any  hour  of  the  day  or  night,  —  that  these  may  not  fast  too 
long  and  those  may  not  go  supperless,  —  they  turn  hither,  if 
they  please,  where  every  man  can  refresh  himself  in  his  own 
way.  .  .  .  Outside  one  of  the  gates  there, immediately  in  the 
suburb,  is  a  certain  field,  smooth  (Smith)  field  in  fact  and 
name.  Every  Friday,  unless  it  be  a  higher  day  of  appointed 
solemnity,  there  is  in  it  a  famous  show  of  noble  horses  for  sale. 
Earls,  barons,  knights,  and  many  citizens  who  are  in  town, 
come  to  see  or  buy.  ...  In  another  part  of  the  field  stand 
by  themselves  the  goods  proper  to  rustics,  implements  of 
husbandry,  swine  with  long  flanks,  cows  with  full  udders, 
oxen  of  bulk  immense,  and  woolly  flocks.  ...  To  this  city 
from  every  nation  under  heaven  merchants  delight  to  bring 


A   Picture   of  London        69 

their  trade  by  sea  — ....  This  city  .  .  is  divided  into 
wards,  has  annual  sheriffs  for  its  consuls,  has  senatorial  and 
lower  magistrates,  sewers  and  aqueducts  in  its  streets,  its 
proper  places  and  separate  courts  for  cases  of  each  kind, 
deliberative,  demonstrative,  judicial ;  has  assemblies  on 
appointed  days.  I  do  not  think  there  is  a  city  with  more 
commendable  customs  of  church  attendance,  honour  to 
God's  ordinances,  keeping  sacred  festivals,  almsgiving,  hos- 
pitality, confirming  betrothals,  contracting  marriages,  cele- 
bration of  nuptials,  preparing  feasts,  cheering  the  guests, 
and  also  in  care  for  funerals  and  the  interment  of  the  dead. 
The  only  pests  of  London  are  the  immoderate  drinking  of 
fools  and  the  frequency  of  fires.  To  this  may  be  added 
that  nearly  all  the  bishops,  abbots,  and  magnates  of  England 
are,  as  it  were,  citizens  and  freemen  of  London  ;  having 
there  their  own  splendid  houses,  to  which  they  resort,  where 
they  spend  largely  when  summoned  to  great  councils  by  the 
king  or  by  their  metropolitan,  or  drawn  thither  by  their  own 
private  affairs. 

Of  Sports 

Let  us  now  come  to  the  sports  and  pastimes,  seeing  it  is 
fit  that  a  city  should  not  only  be  commodious  and  serious, 
but  also  merry  and  sportful ;  .  .  .  But  London  .  .  .  hath 
holy  plays,  representations  of  miracles  which  holy  confessors 
have  wrought,  or  representations  of  torments  wherein  the 
constancy  of  martyrs  appeared.  Every  year  also  at  Shrove 
Tuesday,  that  we  may  begin  with  children's  sports,  seeing 
we  all  have  been  children,  the  schoolboys  do  bring  cocks 
of  the  game  to  their  master,  and  all  the  forenoon  they 
delight  themselves  in  cock-fighting :  after  dinner,  all  the 
youths  go  into  the  fields  to  play  at  the  ball. 

The  scholars  of  every  school  have  their  ball,  or  baton,  in 
their  hands ;  the  ancient  and  wealthy  men  of  the  city  come 
forth  on  horseback  to  see  the  sport  of  the  young  men, 


70         Under  Angevin    Rule 

and  to  take  part  of  the  pleasure  in  beholding  their  agility. 
Every  Friday  in  Lent  a  fresh  company  of  young  men 
comes  into  the  field  on  horseback,  and  the  best  horseman 
conducteth  the  rest.  Then  march  forth  the  citizens'  sons, 
and  other  young  men,  with  disarmed  lances  and  shields, 
and  there  they  practise  feats  of  war.  Many  courtiers  like- 
wise, when  the  king  lieth  near,  and  attendants  of  noblemen, 
do  repair  to  these  exercises ;  and  while  the  hope  of  victory 
doth  inflame  their  minds,  do  show  good  proof  how  service- 
able they  would  be  in  martial  affairs. 

In  Easter  holidays  they  fight  battles  on  the  water  ;  a  shield 
is  hung  upon  a  pole,  fixed  in  the  midst  of  the  stream,  a 
boat  is  prepared  without  oars,  to  be  carried  by  violence  of 
the  water,  and  in  the  fore  part  thereof  standeth  a  young 
man,  ready  to  give  charge  upon  the  shield  with  his  lance  ; 
if  so  be  he  breaketh  his  lance  against  the  shield,  and  doth 
not  fall,  he  is  thought  to  have  performed  a  worthy  deed  ; 
if  so  be,  without  breaking  his  lance,  he  runneth  strongly 
against  the  shield,  down  he  falleth  into  the  water,  for  the 
boat  is  violently  forced  with  the  tide ;  but  on  each  side  of 
the  shield  ride  two  boats,  furnished  with  young  men,  which 
recover  him  that  falleth  as  soon  as  they  may.  Upon  the 
bridge,  wharfs,  and  houses,  by  the  river's  side,  stand  great 
numbers  to  see  and  laugh  thereat. 

In  the  holidays  all  the  summer  the  youths  are  exercised 
in  leaping,  dancing,  shooting,  wrestling,  casting  the  stone, 
and  practising  their  shields ;  the  maidens  trip  in  their  tim- 
brels, and  dance  as  long  as  they  can  well  see.  In  winter, 
every  holiday  before  dinner,  the  boars  prepared  for  brawn 
are  set  to  fight,  or  else  bulls  and  bears  are  baited. 

When  the  great  fen,  or  moor,  which  watereth  the  walls  of 
the  city  on  the  north  side,  is  frozen,  many  young  men  play 
upon  the  ice  ;  some,  striding  as  wide  as  they  may,  do  slide 
swiftly ;  others  make  themselves  seats  of  ice,  as  great  as 
ri'llstones ;  one  sits  down,  many  hand  in  hand  to  draw 


A    Picture   of  London        71 

him,  and  one  slipping  on  a  sudden,  all  fall  together ;  some 
tie  bones  to  their  feet  and  under  their  heels ;  and  shoving 
themselves  by  a  little  picked  staff,  do  slide  as  swiftly  as  a 
bird  flieth  in  the  air,  or  an  arrow  out  of  a  cross-bow. 
Sometime  two  run  together  with  poles,  and  hitting  one  the 
other,  either  one  or  both  do  fall,  not  without  hurt ;  some 
break  their  arms,  some  their  legs,  but  youth  desirous  of 
glory  in  this  sort  exerciseth  itself  against  the  time  of  war. 
Many  of  the  citizens  do  delight  themselves  in  hawks  and 
hounds ;  for  they  have  liberty  of  hunting  in  Middlesex, 
Hertfordshire,  all  Chiltern,  and  in  Kent  to  the  water  of 
Cray.  .  .  . 

William  Fitz-Stephen,  Descriptio  Nobilissimce  Civitatis  Lon- 
donce  (translation  found  in  Henry  Morley's  edition  of  Stow's 
Survey  of  London.  London,  1890,  22-28,  117-119). 


CHAPTER   V  — THE   STRUGGLE    FOR 
CONSTITUTIONAL    LIBERTY 


By  ROGER 
OF  WEND- 
OVER 

(      trass?), 
a  monk  of 
St.  Albans, 
and  one  of 
the  remark- 
able group  of 
historical 
writers  asso- 
ciated with 
that  monas- 
tery in  the 
131)1  century. 
The  following 
extract  is 
taken  from 
the  Chronlca 
Majora, 
which, 
although 
often  appear- 
ing under  the 
name  of 
Matthew 
Paris,  are 
undoubtedly 
the  work  of 
Roger  of 
Wendover 
for  the  years 
from  1189  to 
1235.     For 
this  period  he 
forms  the 
chief  author- 
ity. 

"  About  this 
time"  = 
summer  of 
1214. 


24.    The  Winning  of  Magna  Carta  (1215) 

Of  a  conference  held  by  the  barons  against  king  John 

ABOUT  this  time  the  earls  and  barons  of  England  as- 
sembled at  St.  Edmund's,  as  if  for  religious  duties, 
although  it  was  for  some  other  reason  ;  for  after  they  had 
discoursed  together  secretly  for  a  time,  there  was  placed 
before  them  the  charter  of  king  Henry  the  First,  which  they 
had  received,  as  mentioned  before,  in  the  city  of  London 
from  Stephen  archbishop  of  Canterbury.  This  charter  con- 
tained certain  liberties  and  laws  granted  to  the  holy  church 
as  well  as  to  the  nobles  of  the  kingdom  besides  some  liber-  , 
ties  which  the  king  added  of  his  own  accord.  All  therefore 
assembled  in  the  church  of  St.  Edmund,  the  king  and  mar- 
tyr, and,  commencing  from  those  of  the  highest  rank,  they 
all  swore  on  the  great  altar  that,  if  the  king  refused  to  grant 
these  liberties  and  laws,  they  themselves  would  withdraw 
from  their  allegiance  to  him,  and  make  war  on  him,  till  he 
should,  by  a  charter  under  his  own  seal,  confirm  to  them 
every  thing  they  required  ;  and  finally  it  was  unanimously 
agreed  that,  after  Christmas,  they  should  all  go  together  to 
the  king  and  demand  the  confirmation  of  the  aforesaid  lib- 
erties to  them,  and  that  they  should  in  the  meantime  pro- 
vide themselves  with  horses  and  arms,  so  that  if  the  king 
should  endeavour  to  depart  from  his  oath,  they  might  by 
taking  his  castles,  compel  him  to  satisfy  their  demands ;  and 
having  arranged  this,  each  man  returned  home.  .  .  . 

72 


Magna    Carta  73 


Of  the  demand  made  by  the  barons  of  England  for 
their  rights 

A.D.  1215  ;  which  was  the  seventeenth  year  of  the  reign 
of  king  John ;  he  held  his  court  at  Winchester  at  Christmas 
for  one  day,  after  which  he  hurried  to  London,  and  took  up 
his  abode  at  the  New  Temple ;  and  at  that  place  the  above- 
mentioned  nobles  came  to  him  in  gay  military  array,  and  Jan.  16, 1215 
demanded  the  confirmation  of  the  liberties  and  laws  of 
king  Edward,  with  other  liberties  granted  to  them  and  to 
the  kingdom  and  church  of  England,  as  were  contained  in 
the  charter,  and  above-mentioned  laws  of  Henry  the  First ; 
they  also  asserted  that,  at  the  time  of  his  absolution  at  Win- 
chester, he  had  promised  to  restore  those  laws  and  ancient 
liberties,  and  was  bound  by  his  own  oath  to  observe  them. 
The  king,  hearing  the  bold  tone  of  the  barons  in  making 
this  demand,  much  feared  an  attack  from  them,  as  he  saw 
that  they  were  prepared  for  battle ;  he  however  made  an- 
swer that  their  demands  were  a  matter  of  importance  and 
difficulty,  and  he  therefore  asked  a  truce  till  the  end  of 
Easter,  that  he  might,  after  due  deliberation,  be  able  to  sat- 
isfy them  as  well  as  the  dignity  of  his  crown.  After  much 
discussion  on  both  sides,  the  king  at  length,  although  un- 
willingly, procured  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  bishop 
of  Ely,  and  William  Marshal,  as  his  sureties,  that  on  the  day 
pre-agreed  on  he  would,  in  all  reason,  satisfy  them  all,  on 
which  the  nobles  returned  to  their  homes.  The  king  how- 
ever, wishing  to  take  precautions  against  the  future,  caused 
all  the  nobles  throughout  England  to  swear  fealty  to  him 
alone  against  all  men,  and  to  renew  their  homage  to  him ;  The  cm- 
and,  the  better  to  take  care  of  himself,  he,  on  the  day  of  whjch 
St.  Mary's  purification,  assumed  the  cross  of  our  Lord,  conferred 
being  induced  to  this  more  by  fear  than  devotion.  .  .  .  sanctity. 


74        Constitutional   Liberty 

Of  the  principal  persons  who  compelled  tJie  king  to 
grant  the  laws  and  liberties 

In  Easter  week  of  this  same  year,  the  above-mentioned 
nobles  assembled  at  Stamford,  with  horses  and  arms ;  for 
they  had  now  induced  almost  all  the  nobility  of  the  whole 
kingdom  to  join  them,  and  constituted  a  very  large  army ; 
for  in  their  army  there  were  computed  to  be  two  thousand 
knights,  besides  horse  soldiers,  attendants,  and  foot  soldiers, 
who  were  variously  equipped.  .  .  .  The  king  at  this  time 
was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  nobles  at  Oxford.  On  the 
Monday  next  after  the  octaves  of  Easter,  the  said  barons 
assembled  in  the  town  of  Brackley :  and  when  the  king 
learned  this,  he  sent  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
William  Marshal  earl  of  Pembroke,  with  some  other  pru- 
dent men,  to  them  to  inquire  what  the  laws  and  liberties 
were  which  they  demanded.  The  barons  then  delivered  to 
the  messengers  a  paper,  containing  in  great  measure  the 
laws  and  ancient  customs  of  the  kingdom,  and  declared 
that,  unless  the  king  immediately  granted  them  and  con- 
firmed them  under  his  own  seal,  they  would,  by  taking  pos- 
session of  his  fortresses,  force  him  to  give  them  sufficient 
satisfaction  as  to  their  before-named  demands.  The  arch- 
bishop with  his  fellow  messengers  then  carried  the  paper  to 
the  king,  and  read  to  him  the  heads  of  the  paper  one  by 
one  throughout.  The  king  when  he  heard  the  purport  of 
these  heads,  derisively  said,  with  the  greatest  indignation, 
"Why,  amongst  these  unjust  demands,  did  not  the  barons 
ask  for  my  kingdom  also?  Their  demands  are  vain  and 
visionary,  and  are  unsupported  by  any  plea  of  reason  what- 
ever." And  at  length  he  angrily  declared  with  an  oath, 
that  he  would  never  grant  them  such  liberties  as  would  ren- 
der him  their  slave.  The  principal  of  these  laws  and  liber- 
ties, which  the  nobles  required  to  be  confirmed  to  them,  are 
partly  described  above  in  the  charter  of  king  Henry,  and 


Magna    Carta  75 


partly  are  extracted  from  the  old  laws  of  king  Edward,  as   King 
the  following  history  will  show  in  due  time. 


The  castle  of  Northampton  besieged  by  the  barons 

As  the  archbishop  and  William  Marshal  could  not  by 
any  persuasions  induce  the  king  to  agree  to  their  demands, 
they  returned  by  the  king's  order  to  the  barons,  and  duly 
reported  all  they  had  heard  from  the  king  to  them  ;  and 
when  the  nobles  heard  what  John  said,  they  appointed  Rob- 
ert Fitz-Walter  commander  of  their  soldiers,  giving  him  the 
title  of  "  Marshal  of  the  army  of  God  and  the  holy  church," 
and  then,  one  and  all  flying  to  arms,  they  directed  their 
forces  towards  Northampton.  On  their  arrival  there  they 
at  once  laid  siege  to  the  castle,  but  after  having  stayed  there 
for  fifteen  days,  and  having  gained  little  or  no  advantage, 
they  determined  to  move  their  camp  ;  for  having  come  with- 
out petrarise  and  other  engines  of  war,  they,  without  accom-  Engines  for 
plishing  their  purpose,  proceeded  in  confusion  to  the  castle  stones"8 
of  Bedford.  .  .  . 

How  the  city  of  London  was  given  up  to  the  barons 

When  the  army  of  the  barons  arrived  at  Bedford,  they 
were  received  with  all  respect  by  William  de  Beauchamp. 
There  also  came  to  them  there  messengers  from  the  city  of 
London,  secretly  telling  them,  if  they  wished  to  get  into  that 
city,  to  come  there  immediately.  The  barons,  inspirited  The  adhesion 

,.  of  London 

'by  the  arrival  of  this  agreeable  message,  immediately  moved  turned  the 

their  camp  and  arrived  at  Ware  ;  after  this  they  marched  ^slefo^.ed 

the  whole  night,  and  arrived  early  in  the  morning  at  the  city  by  a  great 

of  London,  and,  finding  the  gates  open,  they,  on  the  24th  of  from  ^e 

May,  which  was  the  Sunday  next  before  our  Lord's  ascension,  king's 

.        .    ,     ,  .  followers. 

entered  the  city  without  any  tumult  whilst  the  inhabitants 
were  performing  divine  service  ;  for  the  rich  citizens  were 
favourable  to  the  barons,  and  the  poor  ones  were  afraid  to 


7 6        Constitutional    Liberty 
r  7     •---'•>      -*-* 

,  rnurmur  Against  them.  The  barons  having  thus  got  into  the 
city,  placed  their  own  guards  in  charge  of  each  of  the  gates, 
and  then  arranged  all  matters  in  the  city  at  will.  They  then 
took  security  from  the  citizens,  and  sent  letters  through  Eng- 
land to  those  earls,  barons,  and  knights,  who  appeared  to  be 
still  faithful  to  the  king,  though  they  only  pretended  to  be 
so,  and  advised  them  with  threats,  as  they  regarded  the 
safety  of  all  their  property  and  possessions,  to  abandon  a 
king  who  was  perjured  and  who  warred  against  his  barons, 
and  together  with  them  to  stand  firm  and  fight  against  the 
king  for  their  rights  and  for  peace;  and  that,  if  they  refused 
to  do  this,  they,  the  barons,  would  make  war  against  them 
all,  as  against  open  enemies,  and  would  destroy  their  castles, 
burn  their  houses  and  other  buildings,  and  destroy  their 
warrens,  parks,  and  orchards.  .  .  .  The  greatest  part  of 
these,  on  receiving  the  message  of  the  barons,  set  out  to 
London  and  joined  them,  abandoning  the  king  entirely.  .  .  . 

The  conference  between  the  king  and  tJie  barons 

King  John,  when  he  saw  that  he  was  deserted  by  almost 
all,  so  that  out  of  his  regal  superabundance  of  followers 
he  scarcely  retained  seven  knights,  was  much  alarmed  lest 
the  barons  would  attack  his  castles  and  reduce  them  without 
difficulty,  as  they  would  find  no  obstacle  to  their  so  doing ; 
and  he  deceitfully  pretended  to  make  peace  for  a  time  with 
the  aforesaid  barons,  and  sent  William  Marshal  earl  of 
Pembroke,  with  other  trustworthy  messengers,  to  them,  and" 
told  them  that,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  and  for  the  exaltation 
and  honour  of  the  kingdom,  he  would  willingly  grant  them 
the  laws  and  liberties  they  required  ;  he  also  sent  word  to 
the  barons  by  these  same  messengers,  to  appoint  a  fitting 
day  and  place  to  meet  and  carry  all  these  matters  into  effect. 
The  king's  messengers  then  came  in  all  haste  to  London, 
and  without  deceit  reported  to  the  barons  all  that  had  been 


Magna   Carta  77 


deceitfully   imposed   on   them  ;    they   in    their    great    joy 
appointed  the  fifteenth  of  June  for  the  king  to  meet  them, 
at  a  field  lying  between  Staines  and  Windsor.     Accordingly,    Runnymede 
at  the  time  and  place  pre-agreed  on,  the  king  and  nobles 


came  to  the  appointed  conference,  and  when  each  party 
had  stationed  themselves  apart  from  the  other,  they  began 
a  long  discussion  about  terms  of  peace  and  the  aforesaid 
liberties.  ...     At  length,  after  various  points  on  both  sides   For  text  of 
had  been  discussed,  king  John,  seeing  that  he  was  inferior   Latin  :  ' 
in  strength  to   the   barons,  without   raising   any  difficulty,   w.  Stubbs. 

7J    Select  Char- 

granted  the  underwritten  laws  and  liberties,  and  confirmed  ters;  Eng- 
them  by  his  charter  as  follows  :  —  ls^utA°lf  a/- 

lets, No.  5. 
(Here  follows  the  Great  Charter.) 


How  the  king  of  England  by  letters  patent  ordered 
the  aforesaid  liberties  to  be  observed 

After  this  king  John  sent  his  letters  patent  throughout 
all  the  English  territories,  strictly  ordering  all  the  sheriffs  of 
the  whole  kingdom  to  make  the  inhabitants  in  their  jurisdic- 
tions of  every  rank,  swear  to  observe  the  above-written  laws 
and  liberties,  and  also,  as  far  as  lay  in  their  power,  to  annoy 
and  harass  him,  the  king,  by  taking  his  castles  till  he  fulfilled 
all  the  above-mentioned  terms,  as  contained  in  the  charter. 
After  which,  many  nobles  of  the  kingdom  came  to  the  king 
asking  him  for  their  rights  of  land  and  possessions,  and  the 
custody  of  the  castles,  which,  as  they  said,  belonged  to  them 
by  hereditary  right ;  but  the  king  delayed  this  matter  till  it 
was  proved  on  the  oath  of  liege  men,  what  of  right  was  due 
to  each ;  and,  the  more  fully  to  effect  this,  he  fixed  the 
1 6th  of  August  as  a  day  for  them  all  to  come  to  Westmin- 
ster. Nevertheless  he  restored  to  Stephen  archbishop  of 
Canterbury  the  castle  of  Rochester  and  the  Tower  of  Lon- 
don, which  by  old  right  belonged  to  his  custody  :  and  then 


78        Constitutional    Liberty 

breaking  up  the  conference,  the  barons  returned  with  the 
above-named  charter  to  London. 

Roger  of  Wendover,  Chronica  Majora  (translated  by  J.  A.  Giles, 
London,  1849),  U,  3O3~324- 


By  MAT- 
THEW PARIS 
(1-1259), 
monk,  travel- 
ler, courtier, 
and  most 
famous 
member  of 
the  group  of 
historians 
connected 
with  the 
abbey  of 
St.  Albans. 
Through  his 
constant 
intercourse 
with  the  lead- 
ing men  in 
Church  and 
State,  Mat- 
thew was  in 
the  centre  of 
public  activi- 
ties.   His 
Chronicle  is 
the  best 
authority  on 
affairs  in 
England,  and 
affords  much 
information 
concerning 
continental 
matters. 
Matthew's 
sympathies 
were  with  the 
national 
movement 
against 
Henry  III 


25.    England  in  1257 

How  the  abbats  of  tJie  Cistercian  order  were  convoked 
by  royal  warrant 

At  the  Epiphany  of  our  Lord,  the  king,  little  heeding  the 
heavy  rains,  the  violence  of  the  winds,  the  turbid  state  of 
the  rivers,  or  the  trouble  and  fatigue  that  would  be  incurred, 
convoked  the  abbats  of  the  Cistercian  order  to  assemble  at 
London,  to  hear  his  royal  commands.  They  therefore  came, 
as  they  were  obliged  so  to  do,  although  wretchedly  harassed, 
and  hopeless  of  mercy;  and  on  their  coming  before  the 
king,  he  at  once  urgently  demanded  of  them  pecuniary 
assistance  to  a  large  amount.  To  this  demand  they  all,  as 
if  animated  by  one  spirit,  unanimously  replied  that  they 
would  not  and  could  not  do  so  without  the  general  consent 
of  their  chapter,  or  at  least  without  the  common  consent  of 
all  the  abbats  of  the  Cistercian  order  in  England,  who  were 
not  then  present.  As  they  all  departed  without  fixing  a 
day  on  which  all  could  meet  together,  the  king,  with  great 
rancour,  gave  orders  that  no  favour  should  be  shown  to  the 
Cistercian  abbats ;  and  thus  he  gave  tacit  permission  to  the 
sheriffs,  foresters,  and  other  royal  agents  (who  were  ready 
enough  at  extortion,  without  any  order  from  the  king),  to 
injure  and  harass  all  the  abbats  of  the  Cistercian  order  in 
their  vicinity,  on  any  pretence  they  could  devise. 


England   in    1257 


79 


How  the  king  refused  to  accept  of  the  elected  bishop  of 

Ely 

About  this  time,  the  monks  of  Ely  duly  elected  their  sub- 
prior,  a  proper  and  irreproachable  man,  to  the  office  of 
bishop  of  Ely  and  as  pastor  of  their  souls,  refusing  to  comply 
with  the  wishes  of  the  king,  who  had  urged  his  entreaties, 
both  by  letter  and  by  special  messengers,  in  favour  of 
another  person.  The  king  therefore,  being  highly  incensed, 
gave  the  charge  of  that  church  to  John  Walerann,  which  was 
like  intrusting  a  lamb  to  a  famishing  wolf ;  and  he  at  once 
felled  their  woods,  impoverished  their  dependants,  and 
injured  the  monks  themselves  to  such  a  degree,  that  all 
fear  of  God  and  reverence  for  the  saints  was  laid  aside,  and 
everything  was  exposed  to  peril  and  ruin,  and  the  church 
was  reduced  to  the  most  abject  state  of  slavery,  and  was 
open  to  the  attacks  of  invading  plunderers. 

Of  the  arrival  of  the  archbishop  of  Messina,  and  of 
the  powers  with  wliich  he  was  invested 

In  this  year,  on  the  approach  of  Lent,  the  archbishop  of 
Messina  was  sent  by  the  pope  (for  what  reason  it  was  not 
known),  and  arrived  with  a  large  retinue  of  brethren  of  the 
Preacher  order,  mounted  on  horses.  As  he  had  letters 
from  the  pope  authorizing  him  to  levy  and  receive  procura- 
tions, and  to  inflict  heavy  punishment  on  all  gainsayers  and 
opposers,  he  sent  an  imperious  letter  to  each  of  the  prelates, 
ordering  them  to  furnish  him  with  procurations  to  the 
amount  fixed  on  by  him ;  and  from  the  house  of  St.  Alban's, 
and  a  monastery  dependent  on  it,  he  extorted  twenty-one 
marks.  The  monks  of  St  Alban's,  too,  having  gone  with  all 
civility  to  visit  him  at  his  abode,  he  would  not  allow  them 
to  leave,  but  detained  them  like  prisoners,  to  force  them  to 
satisfy  his  avaricious  demands  ;  and  on  the  monks  modestly 


and  the 
Pope,  and  he 
gives  a  vivid 
picture  of  the 
misrule  of  the 
time.    This 
extract  is 
taken  from 
the  Chronica 
Majora,  or 
the  Hisloria 
Major. 
These 
Chronicles 
are  the  work 
of  various 
hands,  but 
from  1235  to 
1259  they  are 
exclusively 
Matthew's 
production. 
—  See  on  this 
period, 
W.  H.  Hut- 
ton,  The  Mis- 
rule of 
Henry  III. 

The  king  = 
Henry  111. 

The  Cister- 
cians were 
famous  for 
their  wealth. 

Preacher 
order  = 
Dominican. 


8o        Constitutional    Liberty 

replying  that  they  had  not  a  penny  with  them,  the  enraged 
archbishop  insolently  replied,  "  Why  are  you  so  beggarly  ? 
send,  then,  for  some  merchant  who  will  lend  you  some 
money."  And  this  they  did,  as  they  were  under  compul- 
sion ;  for  these  monks  were  not  allowed  to  leave  the  house, 
although  they  were  the  select  brethren  of  the  convent ; 
namely,  the  arch-deacon  of  St.  Alban's,  and  John,  the 
abbat's  seal-bearer  and  proctor.  This  archbishop  of  Mes- 
sina was  a  brother  of  the  order  of  Preachers,  in  whom  we 
hoped  to  have  found  more  humility  than  he  showed.  .  .  . 


In  1257, 
Richard, 
Earl  of  Corn- 
wall, and 
brother  of 
Henry  III, 
was  chosen 
king  of  the 
Romans  by 
the  German 
electors. 


One  of  the 
complaints 
against 
Henry  was 
that  he  had 
foolishly  in- 
volved Eng- 
land in  the 
Pope's 
quarrels  by 
accepting  for 
his  son 
Edmund  the 
crown  of 
Sicily. 


Of  the  great  parliament,  at  which  Earl  Richard  bade 
farewell  to  the  English 

At  Mid-Lent  of  this  same  year,  a  great  parliament  was 
held,  .  .  .  Earl  Richard,  the  newly-elected  king  of  Ger- 
many, was  also  present  at  this  parliament  for  the  purpose 
of  bidding  farewell  to  the  general  community  of  England ; 
in  fact  almost  the  whole  of  the  nobility  of  England  were 
present  thereat.  .  .  . 

How  the  king  asked  assistance  for  his  son  Edmund 

Before  the  aforesaid  parliament  broke  up,  the  king 
brought  his  son  Edmund,  dressed  in  the  Apulian  fashion, 
before  the  assembly,  and  pointing  him  out  to  them,  said  in 
the  hearing  of  all,  "  You  see,  my  faithful  subjects,  my  son 
Edmund,  whom  the  Lord,  of  his  spontaneous  favour,  has 
called  to  the  kingly  dignity.  How  evidently  worthy  he  is 
of  the  favour  of  all  of  you  !  and  how  inhuman,  how  tyran- 
nical would  he  be,  who  could  refuse  him  seasonable  and 
effectual  aid  and  counsel  in  this  crisis  ! "  and  he  added 
that,  by  the  advice  and  good-will  of  the  pope  and  the 
English  church,  he  had,  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  the  king- 
dom of  Sicily,  bound  himself,  under  penalty  of  losing  his 


England  in    1257  81 

kingdom,  to  the  payment  of  a  hundred  and  forty  thousand 
marks,  exclusive  of  interest,  which  daily  increased,  although 
without  being  apparent.  Also,  that  he  had  obtained,  for 
five  ensuing  years,  the  tithes  to  be  levied  from  all  the  clergy 
in  general,  that  is  to  say,  from  all  their  benefices,  which 
were  to  be  computed  according  to  the  new  mode  of  taxation, 
without  deducting  any  expenses  save  those  which  were  in- 
curred necessarily.  Also,  the  profits  of  all  ecclesiastical 
benefices  vacated  during  the  first  year,  and  till  the  comple- 
tion of  the  five  years.  This  speech  made  the  ears  of  all 
tingle,  and  struck  fear  to  their  hearts,  especially  as  they 
knew  that  this  tyranny  took  its  rise  from  the  pope.  Although 
they  set  forth  excuses  and  asked  for  time  to  be  allowed 
them,  they  could  not  even  obtain  that  favour,  and  were  at 
length  compelled  to  give  a  promise  of  relieving  the  king's 
pressing  necessities,  on  the  condition,  however,  that  he 
would  from  that  time  forth  observe  inviolate  the  great 
charter,  which  he  had  so  often  promised  to  do,  and  which 
had  been  so  often  bought  and  rebought  by  them;  and  that 
he  would  refrain  from  injuring  and  impoverishing  them  on 
so  many  specious  pretexts.  On  these  conditions  they  prom- 
ised the  king  fifty-two  thousand  marks,  though  to  the  irrepar- 
able injury  of  the  English  church  ;  yet  the  king  is  said  not 
to  have  accepted  of  such  a  rich  gift  even  as  this. 

A  calculation  of  the  money  uselessly  expended  by  the 

king 

At  this  time  the  clerks  of  the  king's  chamber  examined 
all  the  finance  registers,  and  having  made  a  strict  calcula- 
tion of  the  amount  expended,  it  was  proved  by  them,  and 
they  were  worthy  of  belief,  that  since  the  king  had  com- 
menced plundering  and  wasting  the  wealth  of  his  kingdom, 
he  had  expended  nine  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  marks, 
which  it  was  dreadful  to  think  of;  ... 


8  2        Constitutional   Liberty 

How  the  prelates  of  England  promised  a  large  sum 
of  money  to  the  king  on  certain  conditions 

About  this  same  time  the  prelates  of  England,  who  had 
become  weak  and  timid  (not  imitating  the  constancy  of  the 
Cistercians,  who  gave  a  flat  refusal  to  the  king  in  person 
when  he  demanded  a  large  sum  of  money),  granted  to  the 
king  the  sum  of  forty-two  thousand  marks,  to  the  enormous 
and  irreparable  injury  of  the  Church  and  the  kingdom ;  and 
this  sum  was  granted  to  the  king  or  to  his  son  Edmund, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  possession  of  the  kingdom  of 
Apulia;  though  the  acquisition  of  that  kingdom  was  more 
and  more  despaired  of  every  day.  The  king,  who  was  but 
little  satisfied  with  this  gift,  promised  that  he  would,  as  soon 
as  possible,  moderate  the  Church's  oppressions,  and  restore 
her  to  her  proper  state  of  liberty.  .  .  . 

How  the  king  of  England  made  preparations  for  an 
expedition  to  Wales 

About  the  same  time  the  king  issued  his  warrants  through- 
out all  England,  calling  on  each  and  every  one  who  owed 
knightly  service  to  their  lord  and  king  to  be  ready  and  pre- 
pared, provided  with  horses  and  arms,  to  follow  him  into 
Wales,  on  the  feast  of  St.  Mary  Magdalen,  whither  he  was 
about  to  proceed  on  an  expedition  to  check  their  violence  ; 
as  they  were  roving  about  at  will,  seizing  the  castles  of  the 
frontier  nobles,  and  even  those  of  the  English,  with  impunity, 
putting  the  garrisons  to  death,  and  spreading  fire,  slaughter, 
and  incendiarism  in  all  directions.  The  Welsh,  thereon, 
learning  that  the  king  intended  to  take  the  field  against 
them  with  his  army,  prudently  sent  away  their  wives,  chil- 
dren, and  flocks  into  the  interior  of  the  country,  about 
Snowdon  and  other  mountainous  places  inaccessible  to  the 
English,  ploughed  up  their  fields,  destroyed  the  mills  in  the 
road  which  the  English  would  take,  carried  away  all  kinds 


England   in    1257  83 

of  provisions,  broke  down  the  bridges,  and  rendered  the 
fords  impassable  by  digging  holes,  in  order  that,  if  the 
enemy  attempted  to  cross,  they  might  be  drowned.  For- 
tune favoured  them  in  this  war ;  for  their  cause  appeared, 
even  to  their  enemies,  to  be  just ;  and  what  chiefly  sup- 
ported and  encouraged  them  was  the  thought  that,  like 
the  Trojans  (from  whom  they  were  descended),  they  were 
struggling,  with  a  firmness  worthy  of  their  descent,  for  their 
ancestral  laws  and  liberties.  Woe  to  the  wretched  English, 
who,  trodden  underfoot  by  every  foreigner,  allowed  the 
ancient  liberties  of  their  kingdom  to  be  extinguished,  and 
were  not  put  to  shame  by  the  example  of  the  Welsh.  .  .  . 

How  the  king  returned  from   Wales  without  having 
performed  any  remarkable  achievement 

At  the  decline  of  autumn,  as  the  approaching  winter  had 
shortened  the  days  and  brought  on  cold,  and  as  the  greatest 
scarcity  prevailed  in  his  army,  the  king,  by  the  advice  of 
his  especial  counsellors,  who  could  ill  bear  this  state  of  want, 
took  his  departure  from  Chester,  and  returned  towards 
London,  to  be  present  at  the  festival  of  the  Translation  of 
St.  Edward.  Llewellyn,  on  hearing  of  this,  followed  him  in  Llewellyn, 
pursuit  for  a  long  time,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  and 
slaying  any  stragglers  from  the  king's  army.  Thus,  after 
expending  a  great  deal  of  money,  the  king  returned  inglori- 
ously,  and  followed  by  the  derisive  sneers  of  the  enemy  to 
his  own  country,  which  was  a  place  of  greater  safety  for 
him.  .  .  . 

TJie  summary  of  the  year 

This  year  throughout  was  barren  and  meagre ;  for  what- 
ever had  been  sown  in  winter,  had  budded  in  spring,  and 
grown  ripe  in  summer,  was  stifled  and  destroyed  by  the 
autumnal  inundations.  The  scarcity  of  money,  brought  on 


84        Constitutional    Liberty 

by  the  spoliation  practised  by  the  king  and  the  pope  in 
England,  brought  on  unusual  poverty.  The  land  lay  un- 
cultivated, and  great  numbers  of  people  died  from  starva- 
tion. About  Christmas,  the  price  of  a  measure  of  wheat 
rose  to  ten  shillings.  Apples  were  scarce,  pears  more  so  ; 
figs,  beechnuts,  cherries,  plums  —  in  short,  all  fruits  which 
are  preserved  in  jars,  were  completely  spoiled.  This  pestif- 
erous year,  moreover,  gave  rise  to  mortal  fevers,  which  raged 
to  such  an  extent  that,  not  to  mention  other  cases,  at 
St.  Edmund's  alone  more  than  two  thousand  dead  bodies 
were  placed  in  the  large  cemetery  during  the  summer,  the 
largest  portion  of  them  during  the  dog-days.  There  were 
old  men,  who  had  formerly  seen  a  measure  of  wheat  sold 
for  a  mark,  and  even  twenty  shillings,  without  the  people 
being  starved  to  death.  .  .  . 

Matthew  Paris,  Chronica   Major  a    (translated   by  J.    A.    Giles, 
London,  1854),  III,  214-256. 


Probably  by 

WILLIAM 

RISHANGER 

(ti312?).  a 
monk  of  St. 
Albans.   The 
work  from 
which  the 
following 
extract  was 
taken  was 
doubtless  in- 
tended as  a 
continuation 
of  the  Chron- 
icle of  Mat- 
thew Paris, 
and  covers 
the  period 
from  1259  to 
1306. 


26.    The  Battle  of  Evesham     1265) 

.  .  .  Simon,  earl  of  Leicester,  always  keeping  the  king  in 
his  company,  returned  from  the  south  of  Wales,  and  on 
the  festival  of  St.  Peter  ad  Vincula,  arrived  at  Kempsey,  a 
manor  of  the  bishop  of  Worcester,  and  stayed  there  on  the 
day  following.  Edward  then  returned  from  Kenilworth  to 
Worcester,  which  is  only  three  miles  distant  from  the  above- 
named  manor ;  and  Simon,  on  hearing  of  his  arrival  there, 
went  away  with  the  king  at  nightfall,  and  took  up  his 
quarters  in  the  town  of  Evesham,  where  he  awaited  his 
unhappy  destiny.  For  on  the  morrow,  which  was  the  day 
of  the  Finding  of  St.  Stephen,  Edward  moved  from  Worces- 
ter, crossed  the  river  near  the  town  of  Claines,  and  cut  off 
the  approach  of  the  earl  to  his  son,  who  was  in  the  castle 


Battle    of  Evesham 


85 


of  Kenilworth,  and  prevented  all  chance  of  the  father  and 
son  meeting.  On  the  following  day  he  drew  near  the  town 
of  Evesham  on  one  side,  and  the  earl  of  Gloucester  and 
Roger  Mortimer  came  up  with  their  respective  forces  in 

,.  ,  i        r    T     • 

two  other  directions  ;  and  thus  the  earl  of  Leicester  was 
hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  and  was  under  the  necessity  either 
of  voluntarily  surrendering,  or  of  giving  them  battle.  On 
the  5th  of  August,  which  fell  on  the  third  day  of  the  week, 
both  armies  met  in  a  large  plain  outside  the  town,  where  a 
most  severe  conflict  ensued,  till  the  partisans  of  the  earl 
began  to  give  way,  and  the  whole  weight  of  the  battle  falling 
upon  him  he  was  slain  on  the  field  of  battle.  At  the  time 
of  his  death,  a  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning  occurred, 
and  darkness  prevailed  to  such  an  extent,  that  all  were 
struck  with  amazement.  Besides  the  earl,  there  fell,  in 
that  battle,  twelve  knights  bannerets  ;  namely,  Henry,  his 
son  ;  Peter  de  Montfort  ;  Hugh  Despenser,  justiciary  oT 
England  ;  William  de  M'andeville  ;  Ralph  Basset  ;  Walter 
de  Crespigny  ;  William  York  ;  Robert  Tregor  ;  Thomas 
Hostelee  ;  John  Beauchamp  ;  Guy  Balliol  ;  Roger  de 
Roulee  ;  and  a  great  number  of  others  of  inferior  rank, 
such  as  esquires  and  foot-soldiers  ;  the  greatest  loss  being 
amongst  the  Welsh.  Thus  ended  the  labours  of  that  noble 
man  Earl  Simon,  who  gave  up  not  only  his  property,  but 
also  his  person,  to  defend  the  poor  from  oppression,  and 
for  the  maintenance  of  justice  and  the  rights  of  the  kingdom. 
He  was  distinguished  for  his  learning  ;  to  him  an  assiduous 
attention  to  divine  duties  was  a  pleasure  ;  he  was  moderate 
and  frugal  ;  and  it  was  a  usual  practice  of  his  to  watch  by 
night,  in  preference  to  sleeping.  He  was  bold  in  speech, 
and  of  a  severe  aspect  ;  he  put  great  confidence  in  the 

r       ,  .    .  .  . 

prayers  of  religious  men,  and  always  paid  great  respect  to 
ecclesiastics.  .  .  . 

After  gaining  this  lamentable  victory,  Edward,  after  the 
battle,  gave  orders  to  the  monks  of  that  place  to  bury  the 


After  Lewes 


a  prisoner. 
Prince  Ed- 

ward,  taken 

captive  at 
Lewes,  had 

made  his 

escape. 


De  Montfort 

^fsu^ort 
of  the  Welsh. 


The  sympa- 
thies  of  the 

clergy  were 

with  De 


advantage  in 

the  chron- 

iciesofthe 
time' 


86        Constitutional   Liberty 

bodies  of  the  dead,  especially  those  of  the  higher  orders, 
with  decency.  He  himself  attended,  in  person,  the  obse- 
quies of  Henry  de  Montfort,  whom  the  king  his  father  had 
held  at  the  font  when  he  was  baptized,  and  who  had  been 
brought  up  with,  and  beloved  by,  himself  from  boyhood. 
Before  the  above  battle,  as  some  say,  Simon  having  gone 
out  of  the  town  of  Evesham,  and  seen  with  what  prudence 
and  skill  the  ranks  of  his  adversaries  were  drawn  up,  said 
to  his  companions,  "  By  St.  James's  arm  "  (such  was  his 
usual  oath),  "  they  are  approaching  with  wisdom,  and  they 
have  learned  this  method  from  me,  not  of  themselves. 
Let  us,  therefore,  commend  our  souls  to  God,  for  our  bodies 
are  theirs."  He  also  urged  Hugh  Despenser,  Ralph  Basset, 
and  others,  to  fly  and  save  themselves  for  better  times ;  but 
they  said  that  they  would  not  live  if  he  died.  After  he 
was  killed  [his  enemies]  cut  off  his  head,  feet,  and  hands, 
contrary  to  all  the  laws  of  the  knightly  order ;  and  his  head 
was  presented  to  the  wife  of  Roger  Mortimer,  who  was 
staying  in  the  castle  of  Worcester.  In  this  battle  the  king 
was  wounded  by  a  spear  inadvertently  hurled  at  him,  and 
was  in  danger  of  losing  his  life.  By  this  victory  over  his 
enemies,  the  king  was  re-established  in  his  royal  authority  .  .  . 

W.  Rishanger,  Chronica  Majora  (translated   by  J.    A.    Giles, 
London,  1854),  III,  354-356. 


ANONY- 
MOUS.   "  A 
striking  fea- 
ture of  the 
period  of 
Henry  Ill's 
misgovern- 
ment  and  the 
Barons'  War 
was  the  out- 


27.    The  Lament  of  Earl  Simon   (1265) 

i.   Sing  must  I  now,  my  heart  wills  so, 

Altho'  my  tongue  be  rude, 
With  tearful  thought,  this  song  was  wrought, 
Of  England's  barons  good  : 


Lament  of  Earl   Simon       87 


Who  for  the  peace,  made  long  ago, 

Went  gladly  to  the  grave, 
Their  bodies  gashed  and  scarred  and  slashed, 

Our  English  land  to  save. 

Refrain  —  Now  low  there  lies,  the  flower  of  price, 

That  knew  so  much  of  war, 
The  Earl  Montfort,  whose  luckless  sort 
The  land  shall  long  deplore. 

2.    On  a  Tuesday,  as  I  heard  say, 

The  battle  it  was  fought, 
From  horseback  all  they  fight  and  fall, 

Of  footmen  had  they  nought. 
Full  cruelly  they  struck  that  day 

All  with  the  brandished  brand, 
But  in  the  end  Sir  Edward's  men 

They  got  the  upper  hand.  Refrain. 


But  by  his  death  earl  Simon  hath 

In  sooth  the  victory  won, 
Like  Canterbury's  martyr  he 

There  to  the  death  was  done. 
Thomas  the  good,  that  never  would 

Let  holy  Church  be  tried, 
Like  him  he  fought  and  flinching  not 

The  good  earl  like  him  died. 


Refrain. 


Death  did  they  face  to  keep  in  place 

Both  righteousness  and  peace, 
Wherefore  the  saint  from  sin  and  taint 

Shall  give  their  souls  release  ; 
They  faced  the  grave  that  they  might  save 

The  people  of  this  land, 
For  so  his  will  they  did  fulfill, 

As  we  do  understand.  Refrain. 


burst  of  song 
on  political 
and  social 
evils."     Most 
of  these  songs 
favour  the 
popular  side, 
and  were 
probably  the 
production 
of  the  Grey 
Friars.     The 
song  given 
here  was 
written 
apparently 
soon  after  the 
battle  of 
Evesham. 


88        Constitutional    Liberty 


See  No.  26. 


The  young 
Earl  of 
Gloucester 
was  popularly 
held  respon- 
sible for 
Simon's 
overthrow 
and  death. 


5.  Next  to  the  skin  when  they  stripped  him 

They  found  a  shirt  of  hair, 
Those  felons  strong  that  wrought  the  wrong, 

And  foully  slew  him  there  ; 
But  worse  their  sin  to  mangle  him, 

A  man  that  was  so  good, 
That  how  to  fight  and  keep  the  right 

So  truly  understood.  Refrain. 

6.  Sir  Hugh  the  proud,  Despenser  good, 

That  noble  judge  and  wise, 
So  wrongfully  was  doomed  to  die 

In  very  evil  guise  ; 
Sir  Henry  too,  I  tell  you  true,' 

The  earl  of  Lincoln's  son, 
Others  also  earl  Gloucester  slew, 

As  ye  shall  hear  anon.  Refrain. 

7.  No  earl  or  lord  but  sore  hath  erred 

And  done  things  men  must  blame, 
Both  squire  and  knight  have  wrought  un-right, 

They  all  are  put  to  shame. 
Through  them,  in  sooth,  both  faith  and  truth 

Are  perished  from  this  land, 
The  wicked  men  unchecked  may  reign 

The  fool  in  folly  stand.  Refrain. 

8.  Sir  Simon  now,  that  knight  so  true, 

With  all  his  company, 
Are  gone  above  to  joy  and  love 

In  life  that  cannot  die  ; 
But  may  our  Lord  that  died  on  rood 

And  God  send  succour  yet 
To  them  that  lie  in  misery, 

Fast  in  hard  prison  set !  Refrain. 


Summoning   of  Parliament     89 

9.    Wherefore  I  pray,  sweet  friends  alvvay 

Seek  of  Saint  Mary's  Son, 
That  He  may  lead  to  His  high  meed 

Him  that  this  rime  hath  done  ; 
I  will  not  name  the  scholar's  name, 

I  would  not  have  it  known 
For  love  of  Him,  that  saves  from  sin, 

Pray  for  clerks  all  and  one.  Refrain. 

Political  Songs  (edited  by  T.  Wright,  London,  1839),  I25-  Ver- 
sion by  F.  York  Powell  (Simon  de  Montfort  and  his  Cause, 
edited  by  W.  H.  Hutton,  London,  1888,  166-168). 


28.    The  Summoning  of  the  Parliament     By 

c  EDWARD  I 

01     1295  (1239-1307). 

The  King  to  the  venerable  father  in  Christ,  Robert,  by 
the  same  grace  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  primate  of  all 
England,  greeting.  As  a  most  just  law,  established  by  the 
careful  providence  of  sacred  princes,  exhorts  and  decrees 
that  what  affects  all,  should  be  approved  by  all,  so  also, 
very  evidently  should  common  danger  be  met  by  means 
provided  in  common.  You  know  sufficiently  well,  and  it  is 
now,  as  we  believe,  known  through  all  regions  of  the  world, 
how  the  King  of  France  fraudulently  and  craftily  deprived 
us  of  our  land  of  Gascony,  by  withholding  it  unjustly  from 
us.  Now,  however,  not  satisfied  with  the  aforesaid  fraud 
and  injustice,  having  gathered  together  for  the  conquest  of 
our  kingdom  a  very  great  fleet,  and  a  very  large  force  of 
warriors,  with  which  he  has  made  a  hostile  attack  on  our 
kingdom  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  kingdom,  he  now  pro- 


90        Constitutional   Liberty 


Like  sum- 
mons were 
sent  to  the 
Archbishop 
of  York,  to 
eighteen 
bishops,  and, 
with  the 
omission  of 
the  last  para- 
graph, to 
seventy 
abbots  and 
other  great 
churchmen. 


Like  sum- 
mons were 
sent  to  seven 
earls  and 
forty-one 
barons. 


poses  to  stamp  out  the  English  language  altogether  from 
the  earth  if  his  power  should  be  equal  to  the  detestable 
task  of  the  proposed  iniquity,  which  God  forbid.  Because, 
therefore,  darts  seen  beforehand  do  less  injury,  and  your 
interest  especially,  as  that  of  other  fellow  citizens  of  the 
same  realm,  is  concerned  in  this  affair,  we  command  you, 
strictly  enjoining  you  in  the  fidelity  and  love  in  which  you 
are  bound  to  us,  that  on  the  Lord's  day  next  after  the  feast 
of  St.  Martin,  in  the  approaching  winter,  you  be  present  in 
person  at  Westminster ;  citing  beforehand  the  dean  and 
chapter  of  your  church,  the  archdeacons  and  all  the  clergy 
of  your  diocese,  causing  the  same  dean  and  archdeacons  in 
their  own  persons,  and  the  said  chapter  by  one  suitable 
proctor,  and  the  said  clergy  by  two,  to  be  present  along 
with  you,  having  full  and  sufficient  power  of  themselves 
from  the  chapter  and  clergy,  for  considering,  ordaining  and 
providing  along  with  us  and  with  the  rest  of  the  prelates 
and  principal  men  and  other  inhabitants  of  our  kingdom 
how  the  dangers  and  threatened  evils  of  this  kind  are  to  be 
met.  Witness,  the  King  at  Wengham,  the  thirtieth  day  of 
September. 

The  King  to  his  beloved  and  faithful  kinsman,  Edmund, 
Earl  of  Cornwall,  greeting.  Because  we  wish  to  have  a 
conference  and  meeting  with  you  and  with  the  rest  of  the 
principal  men  of  our  kingdom,  to  provide  remedies  for  the 
dangers  which  in  these  days  threaten  our  whole  kingdom  ; 
we  command  you,  strictly  enjoining  you  by  the  fidelity  and 
love  in  which  you  are  bound  to  us,  that  on  the  Lord's  day 
next  after  the  feast  of  St.  Martin,  in  the  approaching  winter, 
you  be  present  in  person  at  Westminster,  for  considering, 
ordaining  and  doing  with  us,  and  with  the  prelates,  and  the 
rest  of  the  magnates  and  other  inhabitants  of  our  kingdom, 
as  may  be  necessary  to  meet  dangers  of  this  kind.  Wit- 
ness, the  King  at  Canterbury,  on  the  first  day  of  October. 


Summoning   of  Parliament    91 

The  King  to  the  sheriff  of  Northamptonshire.  Since  we 
purpose  to  have  a  conference  and  meeting,  with  the  earls, 
barons,  and  other  principal  men  of  our  kingdom  to  provide 
remedies  for  the  dangers  which  in  these  days  threaten  the 
same  kingdom ;  and  on  that  account,  have  commanded 
them  to  be  with  us,  on  the  Lord's  day  next  after  the  feast 
of  St.  Martin,  in  the  approaching  winter,  at  Westminster,  to 
consider,  ordain,  and  do,  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  avoid- 
ance of  these  dangers  ;  we  strictly  require  you  to  cause  two 
knights  from  the  aforesaid  county,  two  citizens  from  each 
city  in  the  same  county,  and  two  burgesses  from  each 
borough,  of  the  more  discreet  and  capable,  to  be  elected 
without  delay,  and  to  cause  them  to  come  to  us,  at  the 
aforesaid  time  and  place. 

Moreover,  the  said  knights  are  to  have  full  and  sufficient 
power,  for  themselves  and  for  the  commonalty  of  the  afore- 
said county,  and  the  said  citizens  and  burgesses  for  themselves 
and  for  the  commonalty  of  the  aforesaid  cities  and  boroughs 
separately,  then  and  there  to  do  what  shall  be  ordained  by 
the  common  advice  in  the  premises ;  so  that  the  aforesaid  A  like  sum- 
business  shall  not  remain  unfinished  in  any  way  for  defect  "nucTthe 
of  this  power.     And  you  shall  have  there  the  names  of  the  sheriffofeach 
knights,  citizens  and  burgesses,  and  this  writ. 

Witness,  the  King  at  Canterbury,  on  the  third  day  of 
October. 

Select  Charters  (arranged  and  edited  by  W.  Stubbs,  London, 
1870),  484-486.  Translation  from  Oittliries  and  Documents 
of  English  Constitutional  History  (edited  by  C.  Wells  and 
F.  Anderson,  Minneapolis,  1895),  43-45. 


CHAPTER    VI  —  THE    HUNDRED 
YEARS'    WAR 


By  JEHAN. 

FROISSART 
(1337-1410), 
a  native  of 
Valen- 
ciennes, who 
came  to  Eng- 
land in  the 
service  of 
Philippa  of 
Hainault, 
queen  of 
Edward  III. 
Froissart  is 
in  nowise  a 
critical  his- 
torian.    He 
makes  no 
attempt  to 
weigh  evi- 
dence, and 
his  sympa- 
thies were 
with  the  Eng- 
lish.    Nor  is 
he  always 
contempor- 
ary authority, 
although  he 
must  have 
talked  with 
those  who 
were  actors  in 
the  scenes  he 
describes. 
But  in  spite 
of  these  limi- 
tations his 
writings  have 
a  lasting 
value  as  giv- 
ing a  vivid 
picture  of  the 
times.    The 


29.    The  Scots  in  War 

THESE  Scottish  men  are  right  hardy  and  sore  travail- 
ing in  harness  and  in  wars.  For  when  they  will  enter 
into  England,  within  a  day  and  a  night  they  will  drive  their 
whole  host  twenty-four  mile,  for  they  are  all  a-horseback, 
without  it  be  the  trandals  and  laggers  of  the  host,  who  follow 
after  afoot.  The  knights  and  squires  are  well  horsed,  and  the 
common  people  and  other  on  little  hackneys  and  geldings  ; 
and  they  carry  with  them  no  carts  nor  chariots,  for  the 
diversities  of  the  mountains  that  they  must  pass  through  in 
the  country  of  Northumberland.  They  take  with  them  no 
purveyance  of  bread  nor  wine,  for  their  usage  and  soberness 
is  such  in  time  of  war,  that  they  will  pass  in  the  journey  a 
great  long  time  with  flesh  half  sodden,  without  bread,  and 
drink  of  the  river  water  without  wine,  and  they  neither  care 
for  pots  nor  pans,  for  they  seethe  beasts  in  their  own  skins. 
They  are  ever  sure  to  find  plenty  of  beasts  in  the  country 
that  they  will  pass  through  :  therefore  they  carry  with  them 
none  other  purveyance,  but  on  their  horse  between  the 
saddle  and  the  panel  they  truss  a  broad  plate  of  metal, 
and  behind  the  saddle  they  will  have  a  little  sack  full  of 
oatmeal,  to  the  intent  that  when  they  have  eaten  of  the 
sodden  flesh,  then  they  lay  this  plate  on  the  fire  and  temper 
a  little  of  the  oatmeal ;  ahd  when  the  plate  is  hot,  they  cast 
of  the  thin  paste  thereon,  and  so  make  a  little  cake  in 
manner  of  a  cracknell  or  biscuit,  and  that  they  eat  to  com- 
fort withal  their  stomachs.  Wherefore  it  is  no  great  marvel 

92 


Battle   of  Crecy 


93 


though  they  make  greater  journeys  than  other  people  do. 
And  in  this  manner  were  the  Scots  entered  into  the  said 
country,  and  wasted  and  brent  all  about  as  they  went,  and 
took  great  number  of  beasts.  They  were  to  the  number 
of  four  thousand  men  of  arms,  knights  and  squires,  mounted 
on  good  horses,  and  other  ten  thousand  men  of  war  were 
armed  after  their  guise,  right  hardy  and  fierce,  mounted  on 
little  hackneys,  the  which  were  never  tied  nor  kept  at  hard 
meat,  but  let  go  to  pasture  in  the  fields  and  bushes.  .  .  . 

Froissart,  Chronicles  (translation  of  Lord  Berners,  edited  by  G.  C. 
Macaulay,  London,  1895),  Ch.  XVII. 


following 
extract  is 
based  upon 
the  chronicle 
of  Jehan  )e 
Bel,  a  writer 
of  whom  little 
is  known. 
During  the 
civil  troubles 
of  1327  the 
Scots  in- 
vaded the 
north.  Jehan 
le  Bel  took 
part  in  the 
expedition 
sent  against 
them. 


30.    The  Battle  of  Crecy   (1346) 

The  Englishmen,  who  were  in  three  battles  lying  on  the 
ground  to  rest  them,  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  Frenchmen 
approach,  they  rose  upon  their  feet  fair  and  easily  without  any 
haste  and  arranged  their  battles.  The  first,  which  was  the 
prince's  battle,  the  archers  there  stood  in  the  manner  of  a 
herse  and  the  men  of  arms  in  the  bottom  of  the  battle. 
The  earl  of  Northampton  and  the  earl  of  Arundel  with  the 
second  battle  were  on  a  wing  in  good  order,  ready  to  comfort 
the  prince's  battle,  if  need  were. 

The  lords  and  knights  of  France  came  not  to  the  assem- 
bly together  in  good  order,  for  some  came  before  and  some 
came  after  in  such  haste  and  evil  order,  that  one  of  them 
did  trouble  another.  When  the  French  king  saw  the 
Englishmen,  his  blood  changed,  and  said  to  his  marshals : 
'  Make  the  Genoways  go  on  before  and  begin  the  battle  in 
the  name  of  God  and  Saint  Denis.'  There  were  of  the 
Genoways  cross-bows  about  a  fifteen  thousand,  but  they 
were  so  weary  of  going  afoot  that  day  a  six  leagues  armed 
with  their  cross-bows,  that  they  said  to  their  constables  : 


By  JEHAN 
FROISSART. 
See  No.  29. 
Although 
Froissart  was 
but  a  boy 
when  Crecy 
was  fought, 
yet  he  must 
have  known 
men  who 
took  part  in 
the  battle, 
and  his 
descriptions 
have  the  life-/ 
like  touch  of'' 
the  eye- 
witness.— 
For  the  Hun- 
dred Years' 
War,  see 
W.J.Ashley, 
Edward  the 
III  and  his 
Wars. 

Battle  =  divi- 
sion or  line 
of  battle. 

Herse  = 
harrow. 


French 
king  = 
Philip  VI. 

Genoways  = 
Genoese. 

A  mistransla- 
tion of 
"esclistrc  "  = 
"  lightning." 


Mistransla- 
tion ;  should 
be  "  uttered 
cries." 


94         Hundred   Years'    War 

'  We  be  not  well  ordered  to  fight  this  day,  for  we  be  not  in 
the  case  to  do  any  great  deed  of  arms  :  we  have  more  need 
of  rest.'  These  words  came  to  the  earl  of  Alencon,  who 
said  :  '  A  man  is  well  at  ease  to  be  charged  with  such  a  sort 
of  rascals,  to  be  faint  and  fail  now  at  most  need.'  Also  the 
same  season  there  fell  a  great  rain  and  a  clipse  with  a  terri- 
ble thunder,  and  before  the  rain  there  came  flying  over  both 
battles  a  great  number  of  crows,  for  fear  of  the  tempest 
coming.  Then  anon  the  air  began  to  wax  clear,  and  the 
sun  to  shine  fair  and  bright,  the  which  was  right  in  the 
Frenchmen's  eyen  and  on  the  Englishmen's  backs.  When 
the  Genoways  were  assembled  together  and  began  to 
approach,  they  made  a  great  leap  and  cry  to  abash  the 
Englishmen,  but  they  stood  still  and  stirred  not  for  all  that : 
then  the  Genoways  again  the  second  time  made  another 
leap  and  a  fell  cry,  and  stept  forward  a  little,  and  the 
Englishmen  removed  not  one  foot :  thirdly,  again  they  leapt 
and  cried,  and  went  forth  till  they  came  within  shot ;  then 
they  shot  fiercely  with  their  cross-bows.  Then  the  English 
archers  stept  forth  one  pace  and  let  fly  their  arrows  so  wholly 
[together]  and  so  thick,  that  it  seemed  snow.  When  the 
Genoways  felt  the  arrows  piercing  through  heads,  arms  and 
breasts,  many  of  them  cast  down  their  cross-bows  and  did 
cut  their  strings  and  returned  discomfited.  When  the  French 
king  saw  them  fly  away,  he  said  :  '  Slay  these  rascals,  for  they 
shall  let  and  trouble  us  without  reason.'  Then  ye  should 
have  seen  the  men  of  arms  dash  in  among  them  and  killed 
a  great  number  of  them  :  and  ever  still  the  Englishmen  shot 
whereas  they  saw  thickest  press ;  the  sharp  arrows  ran  into 
the  men  of  arms  and  into  their  horses,  and  many  fell,  horse 
and  men,  among  the  Genoways,  and  when  they  were  down, 
they  could  not  relieve  again,  the  press  was  so  thick  that  one 
overthrew  another.  And  also  among  the  Englishmen  there 
were  certain  rascals  that  went  afoot  with  great  knives,  and 
they  went  in  among  the  men  of  arms,  and  slew  and  mur- 


Battle   of  Crecy  95 

dered  many  as  they  lay  on  the  ground,  both  earls,  barons, 
knights  and  squires,  whereof  the  king  of  England  was  after 
displeased,  for  he  had  rather  they  had  been  taken  prisoners. 

The  valiant  king  of  Bohemia  called  Charles  of  Luxem- 
bourg, son  to  the  noble  emperor  Henry  of  Luxembourg,  for 
all  that  he  was  nigh  blind,  when  he  understood  the  order  of 
the  battle,  he  said  to  them  about  him  :  '  Where  is  the  lord 
Charles  my  son  ? '  His  men  said  :  '  Sir,  we  cannot  tell ;  we 
think  he  be  fighting.'  Then  he  said  :  '  Sirs,  ye  are  my  men, 
my  companions  and  friends  in  this  journey  :  I  require  you 
bring  me  so  far  forward,  that  1  may  strike  one  stroke  with 
my  sword.'  They  said  they  would  do  his  commandment, 
and  to  the  intent  that  they  should  not  lose  him  in  the  press 
they  tie  all  their  reins  of  their  bridles  each  to  other  and  set 
the  king  before  to  accomplish  his  desire,  and  so  they  went 
on  their  enemies.  The  lord  Charles  of  Bohemia  his  son,  Emperor 
who  wrote  himself  king  of  Almaine  and  bare  the  arms,  (-'harles  IV- 
he  came  in  good  order  to  the  battle ;  but  when  he  saw  that 
the  matter  went  awry  on  their  party,  he  departed,  I  cannot 
tell  you  which  way.  The  king  his  father  was  so  far  forward 
that  he  strake  a  stroke  with  his  sword,  yea  and  more  than 
four,  and  fought  valiantly  and  so  did  his  company  ;  and  they 
adventured  themselves  so  forward,  that  they  were  all  slain, 
and  the  next  day  they  were  found  in  the  place  about  the 
king,  and  all  their  horses  tied  each  to  other.  .  .  . 

This  battle  between  Broye  and  Cressy  this  Saturday  was 
right  cruel  and  fell,  and  many  a  feat  of  arms  done  that  came 
not  to  my  knowledge.  In  the  night  divers  knights  and 
squires  lost  their  masters,  and  sometime  came  on  the  Eng- 
lishmen, who  received  them  in  such  wise  that  they  were  ever 
nigh  slain  ;  for  there  was  none  taken  to  mercy  nor  to  ran- 
som, for  so  the  Englishmen  were  determined. 

In  the  morning  the  day  of  the  battle  certain  Frenchmen 
and  Almains  perforce  opened  the  archers  of  the  prince's 
battle  and  came  and  fought  with  the  men  of  arms  hand  to 


96 


Hundred   Years'    War 


hand.  Then  the  second  battle  of  the  Englishmen  came  to 
succour  the  prince's  battle,  the  which  was  time,  for  they  had 
as  then  much  ado  ;  and  they  with  the  prince  sent  a  messen- 
ger to  the  king,  who  was  on  a  little  windmill  hill.  Then  the 
knight  said  to  the  king  :  '  Sir,  the  earl  of  Warwick  and  the 
earl  of  Oxford,  sir  Raynold  Cobham  and  other,  such  as  be 
about  the  prince  your  son,  are  fiercely  fought  withal  and  are 
sore  handled ;  wherefore  they  desire  you  that  you  and  your 
battle  will  come  and  aid  them  ;  for  if  the  Frenchmen  increase, 
as  they  doubt  they  will,  your  son  and  they  shall  have  much 
ado.'  Then  the  king  said  :  '  Is  my  son  dead  or  hurt  or  on 
the  earth  felled?'  '  No,  sir,'  quoth  the  knight,  '  but  he  is 
hardly  matched ;  wherefore  he  hath  need  of  your  aid.' 
'  Well,'  said  the  king,  '  return  to  him  and  to  them  that  sent 
you  hither,  and  say  to  them  that  they  send  no  more  to  me 
for  any  adventure  that  falleth,  as  long  as  my  son  is  alive  : 
and  also  say  to  them  that  they  suffer  him  this  day  to  win  his 
spurs  ;  for  if  God  be  pleased,  I  will  this  journey  be  his  and 
the  honour  thereof,  and  to  them  that  be  about  him.'  Then 
the  knight  returned  again  to  them  and  shewed  the  king's 
repoined  =  words,  the  which  greatly  encouraged  them,  and  repoined  in 
repined.  that  they  had  sent  to  the  king  as  they  did.  .  .  . 

In  the  evening  the  French  king,  who  had  left  about  him 
no  more  than  a  three-score  persons,  one  and  other,  whereof 
Sir  John  of  Hainault  was  one,  who  had  remounted  once  the 
king,  for  his  horse  was  slain  with  an  arrow,  then  he  said  to 
the  king  :  '  Sir,  depart  hence,  for  it  is  time  ;  lose  not  your- 
self wilfully  :  if  ye  have  loss  at  this  time,  ye  shall  recover  it 
again  another  season.'  And  so  he  took  the  king's  horse  by 
the  bridle  and  led  him  away  in  a  manner  perforce.  Then 
the  king  rode  till  he  came  to  the  castle  of  Broye.  The  gate 
was  closed,  because  it  was  by  that  time  dark  :  then  the  king 
called  the  captain,  who  came  to  the  walls  and  said  :  '  Who 
is  that  calleth  there  this  time  of  night?'  Then  the  king 
said  :  '  Open  your  gate  quickly,  for  this  is  the  fortune  of 


Song  of  Neville's   Cross       97 

France.'  The  captain  knew  then  it  was  the  king,  and 
opened  the  gate  and  let  down  the  bridge.  Then  the  king 
entered,  and  he  had  with  him  but  five  barons,  sir  John  of 
Hainault,  sir  Charles  of  Montmorency,  the  lord  of  Beaujeu, 
the  lord  d'Aubigny  and  the  lord  of  Montsault.  The  king 
would  not  tarry  there,  but  drank  and  departed  thence  about 
midnight,  and  so  rode  by  such  guides  as  knew  the  country 
till  he  came  in  the  morning  to  Amiens,  and  there  he  rested. 
This  Saturday  the  Englishmen  never  departed  from  their 
battles  for  chasing  of  any  man,  but  kept  still  their  field,  and 
ever  defended  themselves  against  all  such  as  came  to  assail 
them.  This  battle  ended  about  evensong  time. 

Froissart,  Chronicles  (translation  of  Lord  Berners,  edited  by  G.  C. 
Macaulay,  London,  1895),  Ch.  CXXX. 


31.    The  Song  of  Neville's  Cross  (1346) 

Sir  David  had  of  his  men  great  loss 
With  sir  Edward  at  Neville's  Cross. 


Sir  David  the  Bruce, 

Would  strive,  did  he  say, 

To  ride  through  all  England, 
For  naught  would  he  stay. 

At  Westminster  Hall 
Should  his  steeds  stand 

Whilst  our  king  Edward 
Was  out  of  the  land. 

But  now  hath  sir  David 
Missed  of  his  marks, 

And  Philip  of  Valois 

With  all  their  great  clerks. 


By  LAW- 
RENCE 
Ml  NOT,  a 
professional 
song-writer 
of  the 
fourteenth 
century. 

David  Bruce, 
King  of 
Scotland. 


Edward  was 
in  France 
besieging 
Calais. 


Philip  VI 
of  France. 


98         Hundred   Years'   War 

Sir  Philip  the  Valois, 

Sooth  for  to  say, 
Sent  unto  Sir  David 

And  fair  'gan  him  pray, 

To  ride  through  all  England 
Their  foemen  to  slay, 

And  said  "  none  is  at  home 
To  hinder  the  way." 

None  hinders  his  way 
To  wend  where  he  will, 

But  with  shepherds'  staves 
Found  he  his  fill. 

From  Philip  the  Valois 

\Yas  sir  David  sent, 
All  England  to  win, 

From  Tweed  unto  Trent. 

He  brought  many  bagmen, 
Ready  bent  was  their  bow, 

They  robbed  and  they  ravaged 
And  nought  they  let  go. 


The  arch- 
bishop of 
York  com- 
manded a 
division  of 
the  English. 


But  shamed  were  the  knaves 
And  sad  must  they  feel, 

For  at  Neville's  Cross 
Needs  must  they  kneel. 

Of  the  archbishop  of  York 

Now  will  I  begin, 
For  he  may  with  his  right  hand 

Absolve  us  of  sin. 


Song   of  Neville's   Cross       99 


Both  Durham  and  Carlisle 
They  would  never  blin 

The  worship  of  England 
With  weapons  to  win. 

Mickle  worship  they  won, 
And  well  have  they  waken, 

For  sir  David  the  Bruce 
Was  in  that  time  taken. 

When  sir  David  the  Bruce 

Sat  on  his  steed, 
He  said  of  all  England 

Had  he  no  dread. 

But  brave  John  of  Copland, 
A  man  gay  in  weed, 

Talked  to  sir  David 

And  learned  him  his  creed. 

There  was  sir  David, 
So  doughty  in  deed, 

The  fair  town  of  London 
Had  he  as  his  meed. 

Soon  was  sir  David 

Brought  into  the  Tower, 
And  William  the  Douglas, 

WTith  men  of  honour. 


I.e.  cease. 


The  Scottish 
king  was 
taken 
prisoner. 


Sir  David  the  Bruce 

Maketh  his  moan, 
The  fair  crown  of  Scotland 

All  hath  he  foregone. 


Eldest  son  of 
the  French 
king. 


He  looked  unto. France 

And  help  had  he  none 
Of  sir  Philip  the  Valois 

Nor  yet  of  sir  John. 

***** 

The  Scots  with  their  falsehood 

Thus  went  they  about 
All  for  to  win  England 

Whilst  Edward  was  out. 

Lawrence  Minot,  Song  of  Neville's  Cross  {Political  Poems,  edited 
by  T.  Wright,  London,  1859,  I,  83).  Version  by  W.  J. 
Ashley,  Ed-ward  ///,  and  his  Wars  (London,  1887),  112-115. 


The  accom- 
panying 
extract  is 
taken  from 
a  document 
of  the  four- 
teenth cen- 
tury, giving  a 
full  statement 
of  the  extent 
and  value  of 
the  manor  of 
Borley  in 
Essex,  with  a 
list  of  the 
tenants,  their 
holdings, 
dues,  and 
services. 
The  account 
is  based  on 
the  testimony 
of  sworn  men 
of  the  manor. 
Through  this 
document  we 
have  a  view 
of  the  indus- 
trial organi- 


32.    A  Customary  Tenant  in  the  Reign  of 
Edward  II 

Walter  Johan  holds  from  the  lord  in  villenage  one 
messuage  and  10  acres  of  land  by  paying  thence  yearly 
at  the  festival  of  the  Purification  of  the  Blessed  Mary, 
of  Hunthield,  45.  5^-d. ;  and  at  Easter,  2o^-d. ;  and  at  the 
feast  of  St.  Michael,  26^-d. ;  and  at  the  feast  of  Christmas, 
i  hen  and  a  half,  the  hen  being  of  the  price  of  i^cl. 
And  from  the  feast  of  St.  Michael  (September  29)  to  the 
feast  of  St.  Peter  ad  Vincula  (August  i)  in  each  week  3 
works  with  one  man  without  the  food  of  the  lord,  the  price 
of  a  work  being  M.,  three  weeks  being  excepted,  that  is  to 
say,  Christmas  week,  Easter  week  and  Whitsuntide,  in  which 
they  will  not  work  unless  it  is  absolutely  required  by  the 
necessity  for  binding  the  grain  in  autumn  and  for  carrying 
hay.  And  he  shall  plough  with  his  plough,  whether  he  has 
to  join  or  not,  4  acres  of  the  land  of  the  lord  without  the 


Customary   Tenant         101 


food  of  the  lord,  the  price  of  each  acre  being  S^d.,  of  which 
2  acres  are  to  be  in  the  season  for  planting  wheat  and  2  for 
oats.  And  he  shall  carry  the  manure  of  the  lord  of  the 
manor  with  his  horse  and  cart  at  the  food  of  the  lord  ;  that 
is,  each  day  a  loaf  and  a  half  of  rye  bread,  of  the  size  of 
40  loaves  to  the  quarter,  and  to  weed  the  grain  of  the  lord 
so  long  as  there  shall  be  any  weeding  to  be  done,  and  it 
shall  be  reckoned  in  his  services.  And  he  ought  to  mow  the 
meadow  of  the  lord  ;  that  is  to  say,  i  acre  and  the  third  part 
of  an  acre,  according  to  suitable  measure.  And  it  will  be 
reckoned  in  his  services,  that  is  for  each  acre,  3  works. 

And  it  is  to  be  known  that  whenever  he,  along  with  the 
other  customary  tenants  of  the  vill,  shall  mow  the  meadow 
of  Rainholm,  they  shall  have,  according  to  custom,  3  bushels 
of  wheat  for  bread  and  i  ram  of  the  price  of  i8d.,  and  i 
jar  of  butter,  and  i  cheese  next  to  the  best  from  the  dairy 
of  the  lord,  and  salt  and  oatmeal  for  their  porridge,  and  all* 
the  morning  milk  from  all  the  cows  of  the  whole  dairy  at 
that  time.  And  he  shall  toss,  carry  and  pile  the  said  acre 
and  a  half  of  hay,  and  shall  carry  it  to  the  manor,  and  it  will 
be  reckoned  in  his  works.  And  he  shall  have  for  each  work 
of  mowing  as  much  of  the  green  grass,  when  he  shall  have 
mowed  it,  as  he  shall  be  able  to  carry  on  the  point  of  his 
scythe.  And  when  he  has  carried  the  said  hay  he  shall  have, 
at  the  end  of  the  said  carrying,  the  body  of  his  cart  full  of 
hay.  And  he  shall  reap  in  autumn  from  the  feast  of  St. 
Peter  ad  Vincula  (August  i)  to  the  feast  of  St.  Michael 
(September  29)  through  the  whole  autumn,  24  works,  with- 
out food  from  the  lord,  the  price  of  one  work  being  id. 
And  he  shall  carry  the  grain  of  the  lord  and  pile  it,  and  it 
shall  be  accounted  for  in  his  works.  And  he  shall  have  as 
often  as  he  carries,  one  bundle  called  the  mensheaf;  and 
he  shall  haul  with  his  horse  twelve  leagues  around  the  manor 
as  much  as  the  weight  of  2  bushels  of  salt  or  of  3  bushels 
of  wheat,  or  rye,  of  peas,  or  of  beans ;  and  of  oats,  4 


zation  of  a 
mediaeval 
manor.    The 
selected  ex- 
tract shows 
the  position 
of  a  member 
of  the  most 
numerous 
class  of  ten- 
ants, villains 
holding  a 
limited  ex- 
tent of  land 
on  condition 
of  certain 
services  and 
payments 
fixed  by 
custom. 

The  com- 
plexity and 
wastefulness 
of  the 
manorial 
labour  sys- 
tem is  plainly 
shown  here. 
—  See,  on 
the  manor, 
University 
of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Trans- 
lations and 
Reprints, 
111,5- 


/>.,  yard  or 
small  en- 
closure. 


io2       Hundred   Years'   War 

bushels.  And  he  ought  to  go  for  the  said  grain  and  bring  it 
to  the  granary  of  the  lord  with  the  aforesaid  horse  and  his 
own  sack.  And  he  shall  have  as  often  as  he  hauls  as  much 
oats  as  he  is  able  to  measure  and  carry  in  the  palm  of  his 
hand  three  times.  And  if  he  shall  not  have  carried  he  is 
not  to  give  anything,  but  there  will  be  appointed  in  the  place 
of  each  carrying  one  work  of  the  price  of  a  half  penny. 
And  he  shall  give  aid  and  must  attend  the  court.  And  he 
shall  give  merchet  on  the  marriage  of  his  daughter,  at  the 
will  of  the  lord. 

The  same  Walter  holds  one  toft  which  contains  2  acres 
of  land.  And  he  shall  perform  in  each  week,  from  the 
feast  of  the  Trinity  to  the  first  of  August,  2  works,  the  price 
of  a  work  being  a  half  penny.  And  for  a  half  toft  in  each 
week  during  the  same  period,  i  work,  the  price  as  above. 
And  from  the  first  of  August  to  the  feast  of  St.  Michael  in 
-each  week,  i  work  and  a  half,  without  the  food  of  the  lord, 
the  price  of  a  work  being  id.  And  he  shall  have  a  bundle 
called  the  tofsheaf,  as  large  as  he  is  able  to  bind  in  a  band 
cut  off  and  not  uprooted  nor  extracted  from  the  earth  along 
with  its  roots. 

Contemporary  Document.  Translated  and  edited  by  E.  P. 
Cheyney,  Annals  of  the  American  Academy  of  Political  and 
Social  Science,  IV,  282-284. 


By  HENRY 
KNIGHTON, 
a  canon  of 
Leicester 
in  the  four- 
teenth cen- 
tury.   Con- 
temporary 
accounts  of 
the  visitation 
of  the  plague 
in  1348  and 


33.    The  Foul   Death   (1349) 

Then  the  grievous  plague  penetrated  the  seacoasts  from 
Southampton,  and  came  to  Bristol,  and  there  almost  the 
whole  strength  of  the  town  died,  struck  as  it  were  by  sudden 
death ;  for  there  were  few  who  kept  their  beds  more  than 
three  days,  or  two  days,  or  half  a  day ;  and  after  this  the 
fell  death  broke  forth  on  every  side  with  the  course  of  the 


The    Foul    Death  103 

sun.      There   died    at    Leicester   in   the    small   parish    of  1349  are  ex- 

S.  Leonard  more  than  380,  in  the    parish  of  Holy  Cross  ^mfagrT 

more  than  400  ;  in  the  parish  of  S.  Margaret  of  Leicester  Knighton's 

more  than   700  ;  and  so  in   each  parish  a  great  number.  may  be 

Then  the  bishop  of  Lincoln  sent  through  the  whole  bish-  accePte<?  as 

correct  in  the 

opric,  and  gave  general  power  to  all  and  every  priest,  both  main,  and 

regular  and  secular,  to  hear  confessions,  and  absolve  with  |icmre  o7  the 

full  and  entire  episcopal  authority  except  in  matters  of  debt,  condition  of 

...  ,         ,    .  ....  ,  the  country. 

in  which  case  the  dying  man,  if  he  could,  should  pay  the  it  is  taken 


debt  while  he  lived,  or  others  should   certainly  fulfil   that 

duty  from  his  property  after  his  death.     Likewise,  the  pope   work,  a  Ms- 

granted  full  remission  of  all  sins  to  whoever  was  absolved  i^d?    "^' 

in  peril  of  death,  and  granted  that  this  power  should  last 

till  next    Easter,    and    everyone   could  choose  a  confessor 

at  his  will.     In  the  same  year  there  was  a  great  plague  of 

sheep  everywhere  in  the  realm,  so  that  in  one  place  there 

died  in  one  pasturage  more  than  5,000  sheep,  and  so  rotted 

that  neither  beast  nor  bird  would  touch  them.     And  there 

were  small  prices  for  everything  on  account  of  the  fear  of 

death.     For  there  were  very  few  who  cared  about  riches  or 

anything  else.    For  a  man  could  have  a  horse,  which  before 

was  worth  403.,  for  6s.  8d.,  a  fat  ox  for  45.,  a  cow  for  i2d.,  a 

heifer  for  6d.,  a  fat  wether  for  4d.,  a  sheep  for  3d.,  a  lamb  for 

ad.,  a  big  pig  for  5d.,  a  stone  of  wool  for  gd.    Sheep  and  cattle 

went  wandering   over  fields  and  through  crops,  and  there 

was  no  one  to  go  and  drive  or  gather  them,  so  that   the 

number  cannot  be  reckoned  which  perished  in  the  ditches 

in  every  district,  for  lack  of  herdsmen;  for  there  was  such 

a  lack  of  servants  that  no  one  knew  what  he  ought  to  do. 

In  the  following  autumn  no  one  could  get  a  reaper  for  less 

than  8d.  with  his  food,  a  mower  for  less  than  i2d.  with  his   it  is  esti- 

food.     Wherefore    many  crops   perished    in   the   fields  for   "ages  rose 

want  of  some  one  to  gather  them;  but  in   the  pestilence   from  50  to 

year,  as  is  above  said  of  other  things,  there  was  such  abun- 

dance of  all  kinds  of  corn  that  no  one  troubled  about  it. 


104      Hundred   Years'   War 

The  Scots,  hearing  of  the  cruel  pestilence  of  the  English, 
believed  it  had  come  to  them  from  the  avenging  hand  of 
God,  and  —  as  it  was  commonly  reported  in  England  — 
took  for  their  oath  when  they  wanted  to  swear,  "  By  the 
foul  death  of  England."  But  when  the  Scots,  believing  the 
English  were  under  the  shadow  of  the  dread  vengeance  of 
God,  came  together  in  the  forest  of  Selkirk,  with  purpose 
to  invade  the  whole  realm  of  England,  the  fell  mortality 
came  upon  them,  and  the  sudden  and  awful  cruelty  of  death 
winnowed  them,  so  that  about  5,000  died  in  a  short  time. 
Then  the  rest,  some  feeble,  some  strong,  determined  to 
return  home,  but  the  English  followed  and  overtook  them 
and  killed  many  of  them. 

Master  Thomas  of  Bradwardine  was  consecrated  by  the 
pope  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  when  he  returned  to 
England  he  came  to  London,  but  within  two  days  was  dead. 
He  was  famous  beyond  all  other  clerks  in  the  whole  of 
Christendom,  especially  in  theology,  but  likewise  in  the 
other  liberal  sciences.  At  the  same  time  priests  were  in 
such  poverty  everywhere  that  many  churches  were  widowed 
and  lacking  the  divine  offices,  masses,  mattins,  vespers,  sac- 
raments, and  other  rites.  A  man  could  scarcely  get  a  chap- 
lain under  j£io  or  10  marks  to  minister  to  a  church.  And 
when  a  man  could  get  a  chaplain  for  5  or  4  marks  or  even 
for  two  marks  with  his  food  when  there  was  an  abundance 
of  priests  before  the  pestilence,  there  was  scarcely  anyone 
now  who  was  willing  to  accept  a  vicarage  for  £20  or  20 
marks ;  but  within  a  short  time  a  very  great  multitude  of 
those  whose  wives  had  died  in  the  pestilence  flocked  into 
orders,  of  whom  many  were  illiterate  and  little  more  than 
laymen,  except  so  far  as  they  knew  how  to  read  although 
they  could  not  understand. 

in  1349  a  Meanwhile  the  king  sent  proclamation  into  all  the  coun- 

royai  ordi-       {jes  tnaj-  reapers  and  other  labourers  should  not  take  more 

nance  to  this 

effect  was        than  they  had  been  accustomed  to  take,  under  the  penalty 


The    Foul    Death  105 

appointed  by  statute.     But  the  labourers  were  so  lifted  up  issued.   Two 
and  obstinate  that  they  would  not  listen  to  the  king's  com-   theirs?*61 
mand,  but  if  anyone  wished  to  have  them  he  had  to  give   Statute  of 
them  what  they  wanted,  and  either  lose  his  fruit  and  crops,  was  passed. 
or  satisfy  the  lofty  and  covetous  wishes  of  the  workmen. 
And  when  it  was  known  to  the  king  that  they  had  not 
observed  his  command,  and  had  given  greater  wages  to  the 
labourers,  he  levied  heavy  fines  upon  abbots,  priors,  knights, 
greater  and  lesser,  and  other  great  folk  and  small  folk  of 
the  realm,  of  some   iocs.,  of  some  405.,  of  some  203.,  from 
each  according  to  what  he  could  give.     He  took  from  each 
carucate  of  the  realm  203.,  and,  notwithstanding  this,  a  fif-  A  hundred 
teenth.     And  afterwards  the  king  had  many  labourers  ar-   acres- 
rested,  and  sent  them  to  prison  ;  many  withdrew  themselves 
and  went  into  the  forests  and  woods ;  and  those  who  were 
taken  were  heavily  fined.     Their  ringleaders  were  made  to 
swear   that   they  would  not  take  daily  wages   beyond   the 
ancient  custom,  and  then  were  freed  from  prison.     And  in 
like  manner  was  done  with  the  other  craftsmen  in  the  bor- 
oughs and  villages.    .    .    .     After  the.  aforesaid  pestilence, 
many  buildings,  great  and  small,  fell  into  ruins  in  every  city, 
borough,  and  village  for  lack  of  inhabitants,  likewise  many 
villages  and   hamlets  became  desolate,  not  a  house  being 
left  in  them,  all  having  died  who  dwelt  there ;  and  it  was 
probable  that  many  such  villages  would  never  be  inhabited. 
In  the  winter  following  there  was  such  a  want  of  servants  in 
work  of  all  kinds,  that  one  would  scarcely  believe  that  in 
times  past  there  had  been  such  a  lack.  .  .  .     And  so  all 
necessaries  became  so  much  dearer  that  what  in  times  past 
had  been  worth  a  penny,  was  then  worth  4d.  or  5d. 

Magnates  and  lesser  lords  of  the  realm  who  had  tenants 
made  abatements  of  the  rent  in  order  that  the  tenants  should 
not  go  away  on  account  of  the  want  of  servants  and  the 
general  dearness,  some  half  the  rent,  some  more,  some  less, 
some  for  two  years,  some  for  three,  some  for  one  year, 


106       Hundred   Years'   War 

according  as  they  could  agree  with  them.  Likewise,  those 
who  received  of  their  tenants  daywork  throughout  the  year, 
as  is  the  practice  with  villeins,  had  to  give  them  more  leis- 
ure, and  remit  such  works,  and  either  entirely  to  free  them, 
or  give  them  an  easier  tenure  at  a  small  rent,  so  that  homes 
should  not  be  everywhere  irrecoverably  ruined,  and  the  land 
everywhere  remain  entirely  uncultivated. 

Henry  Knighton,  History  of  England  (Hearne,  Historic  Angli- 
cance  Scriptores  Decitm,  London.  1652),  2599.  Translation  by 
W.  J.  Ashley,  Ed-ward  III  and  his  Wars  (London,  1887), 
122-127. 


By  JEHAN 

FROISSART. 
See  No.  29. 
The  account 
here  given  of 
the  popular 
rising  of  1381 
is  from  the 
point  of  view 
of  the  ruling 
classes,  and 
is  unsympa- 
thetic,' 
although  on 
the  whole 
correct  as  to 
facts.  —  On 
the  Peasants' 
Rising,  see 
University  of 
Pennsyl- 
vania, Trans- 
lations and 
Reprints, 
II.  5;  G.  M. 
Trevelyan, 
England 
in  the  Age  of 
Wycliffe. 

See  No.  32. 


34.    The  Peasants'   Rising  of  1381 

In  the  mean  season  while  this  treaty  was,  there  fell  in 
England  great  mischief  and  rebellion  of  moving  of  the 
common  people,  by  which  deed  England  was  at  a  point  to 
have  been  lost  without  recovery.  There  was  never  realm 
nor  country  in  so  great  adventure  as  it  was  in  that  time,  and 
all  because  of  the  ease  and  riches  that  the  common  people 
were  of,  which  moved  them  to  this  rebellion,  as  sometime 
they  did  in  France,  the  which  did  much  hurt,  for  by  such 
incidents  the  realm  of  France  hath  been  greatly  grieved. 

It  was  a  marvellous  thing  and  of  poor  foundation  that  this 
mischief  began  in  England,  and  to  give  ensample  to  all 
manner  of  people  I  will  speak  thereof  as  it  was  done,  as  I 
was  informed,  and  of  the  incidents  thereof.  There  was  an 
usage  in  England,  and  yet  is  in  divers  countries,  that  the 
noblemen  hath  great  franchise  over  the  commons  and  keep- 
eth  them  in  servage,  that  is  to  say,  their  tenants  ought  by 
custom  to  labour  the  lords'  lands,  to  gather  and  bring  home 
their  corns,  and  some  to  thresh  and  to  fan,  and  by  servage 
to  make  their  hay  and  to  hew  their  wood  and  bring  it 
home.  All  these  things  they  ought  to  do  by  servage,  and 


The   Peasants'    Rising       107 


there  be  more  of  these  people  in  England  than  in  any  other 
realm.  Thus  the  noblemen  and  prelates  are  served  by 
them,  and  especially  in  the  county  of  Kent,  Essex,  Sussex 
and  Bedford.  These  unhappy  people  of  these  said  coun- 
tries began  to  stir,  because  they  said  they  were  kept  in  great 
servage,  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  world,  they  said,  there 
were  no  bondmen,  wherefore  they  maintained  that  none 
ought  to  be  bond,  without  he  did  treason  to  his  lord,  as 
Lucifer  did  to  God ;  but  they  said  they  could  have  no  such 
battle,  for  they  were  neither  angels  nor  spirits,  but  men 
formed  to  the  similitude  of  their  lords,  saying  why  should 
they  then  be  kept  so  under  like  beasts ;  the  which  they  said 
they  would  no  longer  suffer,  for  they  would  be  all  one,  and 
if  they  laboured  or  did  anything,  for  their  lords,  they  would 
have  wages  therefor  as  well  as  other.  And  of  this  imagina- 
tion was  a  foolish  priest  in  the  country  of  Kent  called  John 
Ball,  for  the  which  foolish  words  he  had  been  three  times  in 
the  bishop  of  Canterbury's  prison  :  for  this  priest  used  often- 
times on  the  Sundays  after  mass,  when  the  people  were  going 
out  of  the  minster,  to  go  into  the  cloister  and  preach,  and 
made  the  people  to  assemble  about  him,  and  would  say 
thus  :  '  Ah,  ye  good  people,  the  matters  goeth  not  well  to 
pass  in  England,  nor  shall  not  do  till  everything  be  common, 
and  that  there  be  no  villains  nor  gentlemen,  but  that  we 
may  be  all  united  together,  and  that  the  lords  be  no  greater 
masters  than  we  be.  What  have  we  deserved,  or  why  should 
we  be  kept  thus  in  servage  ?  We  be  all  come  from  one 
father  and  one  mother,  Adam  and  Eve  :  whereby  can  they 
say  or  shew  that  they  be  greater  lords  than  we  be,  saving  by 
that  they  cause  us  to  win  and  labour  for  that  they  dispend  ? 
They  are  clothed  in  velvet  and  camlet  furred  with  grise, 
and  we  be  vestured  with  poor  cloth :  they  have  their  wines, 
spices  and  good  bread,  and  we  have  the  drawing  out  of  the 
chaff  and  drink  water :  they  dwell  in  fair  houses,  and  we 
have  the  pain  and  travail,  rain  and  wind  in  the  fields ;  and 


I.e.  they  were 
not  of  that 
nature. 


John  Ball 
began 
preaching 
about  1366. 
His  teach- 
ings, so  far 
as  known  to 
us,  were  a 
perverted    • 
and  practical 
application  of 
Wycliffe's 
theories. 
During  the 
rising  he  was 
seized  at 
Coventry  and 
hanged. 


A  doggerel 
couplet,  often 
heard  at  this 
time,  ran 
"  When 
Adam 
delved,  and 


io8       Hundred  Years'   War 

Eve  span,  by  that  that  cometh  of  our  labours  they  keep  and  maintain 
then°th^S  their  estates  :  we  be  called  their  bondmen,  and  without  we 
gentleman  ? "  do  readily  them  service,  we  be  beaten ;  and  we  have  no 
sovereign  to  whom  we  may  complain,  nor  that  will  hear  us 
nor  do  us  right.  Let  us  go  to  the  king,  he  is  young,  and 
shew  him  what  servage  we  be  in,  and  shew  him  how  we  will 
have  it  otherwise,  or  else  we  will  provide  us  of  some  remedy  ; 
and  if  we  go  together,  all  manner  of  people  that  be  now  in 
any  bondage  will  follow  us  to  the  intent  to  be  made  free ; 
and  when  the  king  seeth  us,  we  shall  have  some  remedy, 
either  by  fairness  or  otherwise.'  Thus  John  Ball  said  on 
Sundays,  when  the  people  issued  out  of  the  churches  in  the 
villages ;  wherefore  many  of  the  mean  people  loved  him, 
and  such  as  intended  to  no  goodness  said  how  he  said 
truth ;  and  so  they  would  murmur  one  with  another  in  the 
fields  and  in  the  ways  as  they  went  together,  affirming  how 
John  Ball  said  truth. 

The  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who  was  informed  of  the 
saying  of  this  John  Ball,  caused  him  to  be  taken  and  put 
in  prison  a  two  or  three  months  to  chastise  him  :  howbeit, 
it  had  been  much  better  at  the  beginning  that  he  had  been 
condemned  to  perpetual  prison  or  else  to  have  died,  rather 
than  to  have  suffered  him  to  have  been  again  delivered  out 
of  prison ;  but  the  bishop  had  conscience  to  let  him  die. 
And  when  this  John  Ball  was  out  of  prison,  he  returned 
again  to  his  error,  as  he  did  before. 

Of  his  words  and  deeds  there  were  much  people  in  Lon- 
don informed,  such  as  had  great  envy  at  them  that  were 
rich,  and  such  as  were  noble ;  and  then  they  began  to  speak 
among  them  and  said  how  the  realm  of  England  was  right 
evil  governed,  and  how  that  gold  and  silver  was  taken  from 
them  by  them  that  were  named  noblemen  :  so  thus  these 
unhappy  men  of  London  began  to  rebel  and  assembled 
them  together,  and  sent  word  to  the  foresaid  countries  that 
they  should  come  to  London  and  bring  their  people  with 


The   Peasants'    Rising       109 

them,  promising  them  how  they  should  find  London  open 
to  receive  them  and  the  commons  of  the  city  to  be  of  the 
same  accord,  saying  how  they  would  do  so  much  to  the  king 
that  there  should  not  be  one  bondman  in  all  England. 

This  promise  moved  so  them  of  Kent,  of  Essex,  of  Sus-  The  rising 
sex,  of  Bedford  and  of  the  countries  about,  that  they  rose 
and  came  towards  London  to  the  number  of  sixty  thousand.  Yorkshire. 
And  they  had  a  captain  called  Water  Tyler,  and  with  him 
in  company  was  Jack  Straw  and  John  Ball :  these  three  were 
chief  sovereign  captains,  but  the  head  of  all  was  Water  Tyler, 
and  he  was  indeed  a  tiler  of  houses,  an  ungracious  patron. 
When  these  unhappy  men  began  thus  to  stir,  they  of  Lon- 
don, except  such  as  were  of  their  band,  were  greatly  affrayed. 
Then  the  mayor  of  London  and  the  rich  men  of  the  city 
took  counsel  together,  and  when  they  saw  the  people  thus 
coming  on  every  side,  they  caused  the  gates  of  the  city  to 
be  closed  and  would  suffer  no  man  to  enter  into  the  city. 
But  when  they  had  well  imagined,  they  advised  not  so  to 
do,  for  they  thought  they  should  thereby  put  their  suburbs 
in  great  peril  to  be  brent ;  and  so  they  opened  again  the 
city,  and  there  entered  in  at  the  gates  in  some  place  a  hun- 
dred, two  hundred,  by  twenty  and  by  thirty,  and  so  when 
they  came  to  London,  they  entered  and  lodged  :  and  yet  of 
truth  the  third  part  of  these  people  could  not  tell  what  to 
ask  or  demand,  but  followed  each  other  like  beasts,  as  the 
shepherds  did  of  old  time,  saying  how  they  would  go  con-  Reference 
quer  the  Holy  Land,  and  at  last  all  came  to  nothing.  In 
like  wise  these  villains  and  poor  people  came  to  London,  a  of  1320. 
hundred  mile  off,  sixty  mile,  fifty  mile,  forty  mile  and  twenty 
mile  off,  and  from  all  countries  about  London,  but  the  most 
part  came  from  the  countries  before  named,  as  they  came 

they  demanded  ever  for  the  king.  .  .  . 

• 

Froissart,   Chronicles   (translation   of  Lord   Berners,   edited  by 
G.  C.  Macaulay,  London,  1895),  Ch.  CCCLXXXI. 


iio       Hundred  Years'   War 
BV JOHN       35.    The  Reply  of  Wycliffe  to   the  Pope's 

WYCLIFFE  n  /        o     \ 

(1320-1384),  bummons   (1304) 

priest, 
scholar, 

^d  reformer.  j  nave  joy  fully  to  tell  to  all  true  men  that  believe  what 

was  cited  to  I  hold,  and  algates  to  the  Pope  ;  for  I  suppose  that  if  my 

arTswer'the  faith  be  rightful  and  given  of  God,  the  Pope  will  gladly 

charges  confirm  it :  and  if  my  faith  be  error,  the  Pope  will  wisely 

against  him.  . 

His  reply  is     amend  it. 

§newhvecrieffe~  I  suppose  over  this  that  the  gospel  of  Christ  be  heart  of 
see  Transia-  the  corps  of  God's  law ;  for  I  believe  that  Jesus  Christ,  that 
Reprints,  gave  m  his  own  person  this  gospel,  is  very  God  and  very 
11  •  5-  man,  and  by  this  heart  passes  all  other  laws. 

I  suppose  over  this  that  the  Pope  be  most  obliged  to  the 
keeping  of  the  gospel  among  all  men  that  live  here  ;  for  the 
Pope  is  highest  vicar  that  Christ  has  here  in  earth.  For 
moreness  of  Christ's  vicar  is  not  measured  by  worldly  more- 
ness,  but  by  this,  that  this  vicar  sues  more  Christ  by  virtuous 
living  ;  for  thus  teacheth  the  gospel,  that  this  is  the  sentence 
of  Christ. 

And  of  this  gospel  I  take  as  believe,  that  Christ  for  time 
that  he  walked  here,  was  most  poor  man  of  all,  both  in  spirit 
and  in  having ;  for  Christ  says  that  he  had  nought  for  to 
rest  his  head  on.  And  Paul  says  that  he  was  made  needy 
for  our  love.  And  more  poor  might  no  man  be,  neither 
bodily  nor  in  spirit.  And  thus  Christ  put  from  him  all 
manner  of  worldly  lordship.  For  the  gospel  of  John  telleth 
that  when  they  would  have  made  Christ  king,  he  fled 
and  hid  him  from  them,  for  he  would  none  such  worldly 
highness. 

And  over  this  I  take  it  as  believe,  that  no  man  should  sue 
the  Pope,  nor  no  saint  that  now  is  in  heaven,  but  in  as  much 
as  he  sues  Christ.  For  John  and  James  erred  when  they 
coveted  worldly  highness ;  and  Peter  and  Paul  sinned  also 
when  they  denied  and  blasphemed  in  Christ ;  but  men 


Reply   of  Wycliffe 


iii 


should  not  sue  them  in  this,  for  then  they  went  from  Jesus 
Christ.  And  this  I  take  as  wholesome  counsel,  that  the 
Pope  leave  his  worldly  lordship  to  worldly  lords,  as  Christ 
gave  them,  —  and  move  speedily  all  his  clerks  to  do  so. 
For  thus  did  Christ,  and  taught  thiis  his  disciples,  till  the 
fiend  had  blinded  this  world.  And  it  seems  to  some  men 
that  clerks  that  dwell  lastingly  in  this  error  against  God's 
law,  and  flee  to  sue  Christ  in  this,  been  open  heretics,  and 
their  fautors  been  partners. 

And  if  I  err  in  this  sentence,  I  will  meekly  be  amended, 
yea,  by  the  death,  if  it  be  skilful,  for  that  I  hope  were  good 
to  me.  And  if  I  might  travel  in  mine  own  person,  I  would 
with  good  will  go  to  the  Pope.  But  God  has  needed  me  to 
the  contrary,  and  taught  me  more  obedience  to  God  than 
to  men.  And  I  suppose  of  our  Pope  that  he  will  not  be 
Antichrist,  and  reverse  Christ  in  this  working,  to  the  con- 
trary of  Christ's  will ;  for  if  he  summon  against  reason,  by 
him  or  by  any  of  his,  and  pursue  this  unskilful  summoning, 
he  is  an  open  Antichrist.  And  merciful  intent  excused  not 
Peter,  that  Christ  should  not  clepe  him  Satan ;  so  blind 
intent  and  wicked  counsel  excuses  not  the  Pope  here ;  but 
if  he  ask  of  true  priests  that  they  travel  more  than  they  may, 
he  is  not  excused  by  reason  of  God,  that  he  should  not  be 
Antichrist.  For  our  belief  teaches  us  that  our  blessed  God 
suffers  us  not  to  be  tempted  more  than  we  may ;  how  should 
a  man  ask  such  service  ?  And  therefore  pray  we  to  God 
for  our  Pope  Urban  the  Sixth,  that  his  old  holy  intent  be 
not  quenched  by  his  enemies.  And  Christ,  that  may  not 
lie,  says  that  the  enemies  of  a  man  been  especially  his  home 
family  ;  and  this  is  sooth  of  men  and  fiends. 

Select  English  Works  of  Wyclif  (edited  by  T.  Arnold,  Oxford, 
1869),  III,  504-506.  Modernized  version  by  E.  P.  Cheyney, 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  Translations  and  Reprints,  II,  5. 


ii2       Hundred   Years'   War 


The  remark- 
able poem  of 
which  the 
prologue  is 
here  given 
was  written 
probably  in 
1436.    The 
writer  is  un- 
known.    He 
was  plainly 
well  ac- 
quainted with 
commercial 
affairs  of  the 
time,  and  he 
seems  to  have 
had  the  fav- 
our of  Cardi- 
nal Beaufort 
and  other 
great  men. 
As  he  states 
in  the  pro- 
logue his  pur- 
pose was  to 
call  attention 
to  the  view 
which  he 
discusses  at 
length,  that 
England's 
power  was  on 
the  sea  rather 
than  on  the 
land. 

Libel,  i.e. 
little  book. 

Sigismond  of 
Germany. 


36.    The  Libel  of  English  Policy 

The  true  intent  of  English  policy 

Is  to  keep  our  land  from  all  attack  at  rest, 

That  of  our  England  no  man  may  deny 
That  it,  in  sooth,  is  not  one  of  the  best ; 
That  he  who  sails  south,  north  or  east  or  west, 

May  carry  merchandise  and  keep  the  admiralty, 

And  say  that  we  are  masters  of  the  narrow  sea. 

For  when  the  emperor,  Sigismond,  the  great, 
(Who  reigneth  yet)  once  visited  this  strand 

With  Henry  fifth,  king  over  all  our  state, 

He  thought  he  found  much  glory  in  this  land ; 
A  mighty  nation  which  had  taken  in  hand 

To  war  with  France,  with  great  mortality, 

And  ever  more  to  keep  their  power  upon  the  sea. 

And  when  he  saw  the  towns  of  Calais  and  of  Dover, 
Then  unto  the  king  spake  he,  '  My  brother, 

'  If  you're  to  keep  the  sea,  and  soon  cross  over, 
You  of  your  towns  must  choose  one  or  another, 
From  which  to  make  attack,  your  kingdom  to  recover, 

Keep,  sire,  these  two,  'neath  your  supremacy 

As  your  two  eyes  to  watch  the  narrow  sea.' 


If  this  sea  were  kept,  in  days  of  alarm 

Who  could  pass  here  without  danger  and  woe, 

Who  could  escape,  and  who  could  work  us  harm? 
And  what  merchandise  through  the  sea  could  go? 
Then  we  could  take  a  truce  from  every  foe, 

Flanders  and  Spain,  and  all  the  rest,  pardie, 

Or  hinder  them  all  within  this  narrow  sea. 


Libel   of  English    Policy      113 


Therefore  I  purpose  another  word  to  take 
And  open  and  plain  my  conclusion  to  show, 

For  mine  own  acquittal  and  for  conscience'  sake 
Before  God,  and  against  revilings  low, 
And  cowardice,  to  confusion  of  our  foe ; 

These  four  things  our  noble  shows  to  us, 

King,  ship  and  sword,  and  the  power  of  the  sea. 

Where  are  our  ships,  and  where  our  swords  to-day? 

We  are  bid  by  our  foes  for  the  ship  put  a  sheep  ! 
Alas  !  our  power  fails,  it  is  taken  away, 

But  who  dares  to  say,  that  a  watch  we  must  keep  ? 

Tho'  for  very  shame  my  heart  begins  to  weep, 
Yet  I  will  attempt  this  work,  if  we  hope  to  be, 
Ever  more  the  masters  of  the  narrow  sea. 


Noble  =  an 
English  coin 
first  issued  by 
Edward  III. 
It  bore  on 
one  side  the 
king  and  a 
sword,  on  the 
other  a  ship. 


Shall  any  prince,  of  whatsoever  name 
Who  hath  nobles  very  much  like  ours, 

Be  lord  of  the  sea,  and  Flemings,  to  our  shame, 
Stop  us  and  take  us,  and  so  make  fade  the  flowers 
Of  English  state,  and  trample  on  our  powers? 

Alas  !  for  cowardice  that  it  so  should  be  ! 

Wherefore  I  begin  to  write  now  of  the  sea. 

Political  Poems  and  Songs  (edited  by  T.  Wright,  London,  1861), 
II,  157-159.     Version  by  M.  G.  Gordon. 


CHAPTER  VII  — THE  WARS  OF    THE 
ROSES 


By  JOHN 
BLAKMAN,  a 
monk  of  the 
Charter- 
house in 
London  in 
the  reign  of 
Henry  VI.- 
From  him- 
self we  know 
that  he  as- 
sisted the 
king  in  his 
studies  and 
pious  works. 
His  account 
is  based, 
therefore, 
on  close  per- 
sonal obser- 
vation.    It  is 
plainly  in- 
fluenced, 
however,  by 
the  writer's 
sympathies. 
—  On  the 
Wars  of  the 
Roses,  see  E. 
Thompson, 
The  Wars  of 
York  and 
Lancaster  ; 
C.  W.Oman, 
Warwick,  the 
King-maker. 

Cardinal 
Beaufort,  son 
of  }ohn  of 
Gaunt,  died 
in  1447. 

i  Peter  II.  5. 


37.    King  Henry  VI 

WHEN  the  executors  of  the  right  reverend  Lord  Cardi- 
nal and  Bishop  of  Winchester,  his  uncle,  came  to  the 
King  with  a  very  great  sum,  to  wit,  ^2,000,  to  be  given  to  the 
King's  use,  and  towards  lightening  the  necessary  burthens  of 
the  realm,  he  utterly  refused  the  gift,  nor  would  he  in  any 
way  have  it,  saying,  "  My  uncle  was  very  dear  to  me,  and 
did  us  much  kindness  while  he  lived  :  the  Lord  reward  him. 
Do  ye  with  his  goods  as  ye  are  bounden ;  we  will  not  take 
them."  The  executors,  astonished  at  that  royal  saying, 
besought  the  King's  Majesty  at  least  to  accept  that  gift 
from  their  hands  towards  the  endowment  of  his  two  colleges 
at  Cambridge  and  Eton,  which  he  might  then  as  it  were 
found  anew.  This  their  supplication  and  donation  the  King 
most  willingly  accepted,  enjoining  that,  for  the  relief  of  his 
uncle's  soul,  they  should  confer  the  gift  upon  the  colleges 
aforesaid ;  and  they  forthwith  fulfilled  the  Royal  mandate. 

For  the  beginning  and  foundation  of  these  two  colleges, 
he  diligently  sought  out  everywhere  the  best  "  living  stones," 
—  youths  well  found  in  virtue  and  knowledge,  and  priests 
who  should  be  set  as  doctors  and  tutors  over  the  others. 
With  respect  to  obtaining  these  priests,  the  King  had  said 
to  him  whom  he  employed  about  the  business,  "  We  had 
rather  put  up  with  their  falling  short  in  musical  matters  than 
in  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures."  And  with  respect  to  the 
boys  or  youths,  brought  to  him  to  be  made  scholars  of,  the 
King  wished  them  altogether  to  be  educated  and  nurtured 

114 


King    Henry   VI  115 


as  much  in  virtue  as  in  knowledge.  So  when  now  and  then 
he  met  some  of  them  in  Windsor  Castle,  where  they  some- 
times went  to  visit  acquaintances  in  the  King's  service,  .  .  . 
he  admonished  them  to  follow  the  path  of  virtue,  giving 
them  along  with  his  words  also  money  to  attract  them,  and 
saying,  "  Be  good  boys,  gentle  and  teachable,  and  servants 
of  the  Lord."  And  if  he  found  any  of  them  visiting  his 
court,  he  sometimes  stopped  them  by  chiding  them,  that 
they  should  not  do  that  again  ;  lest  his  lambkins  should 
become  acquainted  with  the  profligate  ways  and  doings  of 
his  courtiers,  or  should  in  part  or  wholly  lose  their  own  good 
morals,  like  lambs  or  sheep,  which,  grazing  among  bram- 
bles or  thorns,  tear  to  pieces  their  fleeces,  and  often  wholly 
lose  them.  .  .  . 

This  most  pious  King  was  not  ashamed  to  serve  as  a  dili- 
gent assistant  to  the  priest  celebrating  before  him,  answer- 
ing to  the  mass,  Amen.  Sed  libera  nos,  and  the  like.  So 
indeed  he  commonly  did  even  to  me,  unworthy  priest.  .  .  . 
Concerning  his  humility  in  his  walk  [and]  in  his  clothes,  .  .  . 
from  his  youth  up  he  had  been  accustomed  to  wear  broad- 
toed  shoes  and  boots  like  a  countryman.  Also  he  had  usu- 
ally a  long  gown  with  a  rounded  hood  after  the  manner  of  a 
burgess,  and  a  tunic  falling  below  the  knees,  shoes,  boots, 
hose,  everything  of  a  dark  grey  colour  —  for  he  would  have 
nothing  fanciful. 

Moreover,  on  the  principal  feasts  of  the  year,  but  chiefly 
when  by  custom  he  should  wear  his  crown,  he  would  put  on 
next  his  skin  a  rough  hair-shirt,  ...  in  order  to  keep 
down  all  arrogance  or  vain-glory,  to  which  such  occasions 
are  likely  to  give  rise. 

Concerning  the  occupation  of  the  King,  ...  it  is 
known  to  very  many  now  living  that  he  was  wont  to  dedi- 
cate holy  days  and  Sundays  wholly  to  hearing  the  divine 
offices,  and  to  devout  prayers  on  his  part  for  himself  and 
his  people,  "  lest  the  adversaries  should  mock  at  his  Sab- 


The  response 
in  the  Pater 
Noster  — 
"  But  deliver 
us  [from 
evil]." 

In  opposition 
to  the  ab- 
surdly long 
and  pointed 
toes  in  fash- 
ion during 
the  later  part 
of  his  reign. 

This  must 
refer  to  his 
everyday 
dress,  as  on 
occasion  he 
wore  a  blue 
velvet  gown. 


1 1 6        Wars   of  the    Roses 


Lamenta- 
tions I.  7. 


Tunstall  fol- 
lowed Henry 
in  his  wan- 
derings after 
Towton,  and 
fought 
bravely  to 
save  him 
from  capture. 
After  this  he 
held  out  in 
Harlech 
Castle  till 
1468. 


Swearing 
with  a  fan- 
tastic ingenu- 
ity of  irrever- 
ence was  one 
of  the  vices 
of  the  age. 


baths."  And  he  also  diligently  endeavoured  to  induce  others 
to  do  the  like.  But  the  other  less  holy  days  ...  he 
spent,  not  less  diligently,  either  in  treating  of  the  affairs  of 
the  realm  with  his  Council,  according  as  the  necessity  of 
the  case  demanded,  or  in  readings  of  the  Scriptures,  or  in 
perusing  writings  and  chronicles.  Concerning  which,  a 
certain  worthy  knight,  once  a  right  faithful  chamberlain  of 
his,  Sir  Richard  Tunstall,  bore  verbal  and  written  testimony, 
saying,  "  In  the  law  of  the  Lord  was  his  delight  day  and 
night."  Evidence  to  the  same  effect  is  afforded  by  the 
bitter  complaint  which  the  Lord  King  himself  made  to  me 
in  his  chamber  at  Eltham,  when  I  was  there  alone  with  him 
working  with  him  in  his  holy  books,  intent  upon  wholesome 
admonitions  and  devout  aspirations  :  —  a  certain  most  pow- 
erful Duke  of  the  realm  having  just  then  knocked  at  the 
royal  door,  the  King  said,  "So  do  they  disturb  me.  that 
scarce  am  I  able  by  snatches,  day  or  night,  to  refresh  my- 
self with  the  reading  of  the  sacred  dogmata,  without  some- 
body making  a  noise." 

It  was  his  wont  to  use  no  oaths  to  confirm  the  truth  of 
his  sayings,  except  by  uttering  these  words,  "  Forsooth,  and 
forsooth,"  that  he  might^hake  those  to  whom  he  spoke 
certain  of  what  he  said.  Wherefore,  sometimes  by  gently 
advising,  sometimes  by  severely  chiding,  he  restrained  very 
many,  magnates  as  well  as  commons,  from  great  oaths ; 
since  every  one  who  swore  was  abominable  to  him.  For  the 
King,  hearing  a  certain  great  lord,  his  chamberlain,  thought- 
lessly break  out  swearing,  seriously  reproved  him,  saying, 
"  Alas  !  while  you,  the  master  of  a  household,  thus,  con- 
trary to  God's  command,  rap  out  oaths,  you  set  the  worst 
example  to  your  servants  and  subjects,  for  you  incite  them 
to  do  the  like." 

John  Blakman,  De  Virtutibus  et  Miraculis  Henrici  VI  (Hearne, 
Oxford,  1732),  294-302.  Translation  and  notes  by  E.  Thomp- 
son, The  Wars  of  York  and  Lancaster  (London,  1892),  11-15. 


Tampering   with  Juries      117 


38.    Tampering  with   Juries  and   Elections 
under  Henry  VI 

Master  Paston,  we  commend  us  to  you,  letting  you  know 
that  the  Sheriff  is  nought  so  whole  as  he  was,  for  now  he  will 
show  but  a  part  of  his  friendship.  And  also  there  is  great 
press  of  people,  and  few  friends,  as  far  as  we  can  feel  it. 
And  therefore  be  ye  sadly  advised  whether  ye  seem  best  to 
come  yourself,  or  send,  or,  etc.,  for  we  will  assay  in  as  much 
as  in  us  is  to  prevail  to  your  intent.  And  yet,  if  it  needed, 
we  would  have  a  man  to  give  us  information,  or  show  evi- 
dence after  the  case  requireth.  Also  the  Sheriff  informed 
us  that  he  hath  writing  from  the  King  that  he  shall  make 
such  a  panel  to  acquit  Lord  Moleynes.  And  also  he  told  us, 
and  as  far  as  we  can  conceive  and  feel,  the  Sheriff  will  panel 
gentlemen  to  acquit  the  Lord,  and  jurors  to  acquit  his  men ; 
and  we  suppose  that  it  is  by  the  motion  and  means  of  the 
other  party.  And  if  any  means  of  treaty  be  proffered,  we 
know  not  what  mean  should  be  to  your  pleasure.  And 
therefore  we  would  fain  have  more  knowledge,  if  you  think 
it  were  to  do.  ^ 

No  more  at  this-  time,  but  the  nPly  Trinity  have  you  in  his 
keeping.  Written  at  Walsingham,  in  haste,  the  second  day 
of  May.  By  your  true  and  faithful  friends, 

DEBENHAM,  TYMPERLEY  AND  WHITE. 

1451,  2  May. 

To  MY  WORSHIPFUL  MASTER,  JOHN  PASTON,  SQUIRE.  My 
worshipful  master,  I  recommend  me  to  you  ;  and  I  thank 
you  that  it  pleaseth  you  to  take  such  labour  for  me  as  ye 
do.  My  servant  told  me  ye  desired  to  know  what  my  Lord 
of  Norfolk  said  to  me  when  I  spake  of  you  ;  and  he  said  in 
asmuch  as  Howard  might  not  be,  he  would  write  a  letter  to 
the  Under-Sheriff  that  the  shire  should  have  free  election,  so 


The  accom- 
panying let- 
ters are  taken 
from  The 
Paston 

Letters,  a  col- 
lection of 
letters  and 
papers 
mostly  writ- 
ten by  or  to 
members  of 
the  Paston 
family  in 
Norfolk 
during  the 
fifteenth  and 
early  six- 
teenth cen- 
turies.   They 
throw  much 
light  on  the 
social  condi- 
tions which 
mainly  con- 
duced to  the 
Wars  of  the 
Roses. 

Sadly 
advised  = 
consider 
seriously. 
After  =  ac- 
cording as. 


Howard  was 
objected  to 
because  he 
had  no  land 
in  the  county; 
and  John 
Paston  was 
put  forward. 


n8         Wars   of  the    Roses 

that  Sir  Thomas  Todenham  were  not,  nor  none  that  was 
toward  the  Duke  of  Suffolk ;  he  said  he  knew  ye  were 
Inclined  to.  never  to  him  ward.  Ye  may  send  to  the  Under-Sheriff 
and  see  my  Lord  letter.  Howard  was  as  mad  as  a  wild 
J.e.  honour,  bullock  ;  God  send  him  such  worship  as  he  deserveth.  It 
is  a  evil  precedent  for  the  shire  that  a  strange  man  should 
be  chosen,  and  no  worship  to  my  Lord  of  York,  nor  to  my 
Lord  of  Norfolk  to  write  for  him ;  for  if  the  gentlemen  of 
the  shire  will  suffer  such  inconveniences,  in  good  faith,  the 
shire  shall  not  be  called  of  such  worship  as  it  hath  been. 

Written  at  Intwood,  this  Wednesday  next  after  Saint  John, 
in  haste. 

Your  servant, 

JOHN  JEXNEY. 
1455»  25  June- 

Paslon  Letters  (edited  by  J.  Gairdner,  London,  1872),  I,  Nos. 
155,  250.     Spelling  modernized. 


By  JOHN 
STODELEY. 
This  letter, 
although 
apparently 
having  no 
connection 
with  the 
Paston 
family, 
was  found 
among  the 
Paston  Let- 
ters.   It  gives 
a  good  view 
of  the  begin- 
ning of  the 
factional 
strife  of  York 
and  Lan- 
caster under 
the  weak  rule 
of  Henry  VI. 


39.    The  Beginning  of  Strife   (1454) 

As  touching  tidings,  prcase  it  you  to  -know  that  at  the 
Prince's  coming  to  Windsor,  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  took 
him  in  his  arms  and  presented  him  to  the  King  in  goodly 
wise,  beseeching  the  King  to  bless  him,  and  the  King  gave 
no  manner  answer.  Nevertheless  the  Duke  abode  still 
with  the  Prince  by  the  King ;  and  when  he  could  no 
manner  answer  have,  the  Queen  came  in,  and  took  the 
Prince  in  her  arms  and  presented  him  in  like  form  as  the 
Duke  had  done,  desiring  that  he  should  bless  it ;  but  all 
their  labour  was  in  vain,  for  they  departed  thence  without 
any  answer  or  countenance,  saving  only  that  once  he  looked 
on  the  Prince,  and  cast  down  his  eyes  again,  without  any 
more. 


Beginning   of  Strife         119 


Item,  the  Cardinal  hath  charged  and  commanded  all  his 
servants  to  be  ready  with  bowe  and  arrows,  sword  and 
buckler,  crossbows  and  all  other  habiliments  of  war,  such  as 
they  can  meddle  with,  to  wait  upon  the  safeguard  of  his  person. 

Item,  the  earl  of  Wiltshire  and  the  Lord  Bonvile  have 
caused  to  be  cried  at  Taunton  in  Somerset  shire,  that  every 
man  that  is  likely  and  will  go  with  them  and  serve  them, 
shall  have  6d.  every  day  as  long  as  he  abideth  with  them.  .  .  . 

Item,  Thorpe  of  the  exchequer  articuleth  fast  against  the 
Duke  of  York,  but  what  his  articles  be  it  is  yet  unknown. 

Item,  Tresham,  Joseph,  Daniel,  and  Trevilian  have  made 
a  bill  to  the  Lords,  desiring  to  have  a  garrison  kept  at 
Windsor  for  the  safeguard  of  the  King  and  of  the  Prince.  .  .  . 

Item,  the  Duke  of  Somerset's  herberger  hath  taken  up  all 
the  lodging  that  may  be  gotten  near  the  Tower,  in  Thames 
street,  Mart  lane,  Saint  Katherine's,  Tower  hill  and  there 
about. 

Item,  the  Queen  hath  made  a  bill  of  five  articles,  desiring 
these  articles  to  be  granted  ;  whereof  the  first  is  that  she 
desireth  to  have  the  whole  rule  of  this  land ;  the  second  is 
that  she  may  make  the  Chancellor,  the  Treasurer,  the 
Privy  Seal,  and  all  other  officers  of  this  land,  with  sheriffs 
and  all  other  officers  that  the  King  should  make ;  the  third 
is  that  she  may  give  all  the  bishoprics  of  this  land,  and  all 
other  benefices  belonging  to  the  King's  gift ;  the  fourth  is 
that  she  may  have  sufficient  livelode  assigned  her  for  the 
King  and  the  Prince  and  herself.  But  as  for  the  fifth 
article,  I  cannot  yet  know  what  it  is. 

Item,  the  Duke  of  York  will  be  at  London  justly  on 
Friday  next  coming  at  night,  as  his  own  men  tell  for  certain, 
and  he  will  come  with  his  household  meynee,  cleanly  beseen 
and  likely  men.  And  the  earl  of  March  cometh  with  him, 
but  he  will  have  another  fellowship  of  good  men  that  shall 
be  at  London  before  him.  .  .  .  The  Earl  of  Salisbury  will 
be  at  London  on  Monday  or  Tuesday  next  coming  with 


—  On  Eng- 
land at  this 
time,  see  W. 


land  in  the 

fifteenth 

Century. 

The  infant 
Prince  Ed- 
ward, killed 
at  Tewks- 
bury,  1471. 

This  was 

during  Henry 

VI's  first 

attack 

of  insanity. 

Archbishop 
Kemp  of 
Canterbury. 

Descended 
from  John  of 
Gaunt,  and 
leader  of  the 
Lancastrian 
party. 

This  was  be- 
fore York 
was  made 
Protector. 


I.e.  com- 
pany. 

Richard's 
son,  Edward, 
later  Edward 
IV. 


I2O         Wars   of  the    Roses 


Head  of  the 
House  of 
Neville,  bro- 
ther-in-law of 
Richard  of 
York. 

-Richmond 
anoTViii* 
broke  were 
half-brothers 
of  the  king. 

Warwick 
the  King- 
maker. 


seven  score  knights  and  squires,  beside  other  meynee. 
The  Earls  of  Warwick,  Richmond  and  Pembroke  come  with 
the  Duke  of  York,  as  it  is  said,  every  each  of  them  with 
a  goodly  fellowship.  And  nevertheless  the  earl  of  Warwick 
will  have  1000  men  awaiting  on  him  beside  the  fellowship 
that  cometh  with  him,  as  far  as  I  can  know.  And  as  Geof- 
fry  Poole  saith,  the  King's  brothers  be  likely  to  be  arrested 
at  their  coming  to  London,  if  they  come.  Wherefore  it  is 
thought  by  my  Lord's  servants  and  well  wishers  here  that 
my  Lord,  at  his  coming  hither  shall  come  with  a  good  and 
cleanly  fellowship,  such  as  is  likely  and  according  to  his 
estate  to  have  about  him ;  and  their  harness  to  come  in 
carts,  as  my  Lord  of  York's  men's  harness  did  the  last  term, 
and  shall  at  this  time  also.  And  over  that,  that  my  Lord 
shall  have  another  good  fellowship  to  wait  on  him  and  be 
here  afore  him,  or  else  soon  after  him,  in  like  wise  as  other 
Lords  of  his  blood  will  have.  .  .  . 

The  Duke  of  Somerset  hath  spies  going  in  every  Lord's 
house  of  this  land ;  some  gone  as  friars,  some  as  shipmen 
taken  on  the  sea,  and  some  in  other  wise ;  which  report 
unto  him  all  that  they  can  see  or  hear  touching  the  said 
Duke.  And  therefore  make  good  watch,  and  beware  of 
such  spies.  .  .  . 

The  mayor  and  merchants  of  London,  and  the  mayor 
and  merchants  of  the  staple  of  Calais,  were  with  the  Chan- 
cellor on  Monday  last  passed  at  Lamhithe  and  complained 
on  the  Lord  Bonvile  for  taking  of  the  ships  and  goods  of 
the  Flemings  and  other  of  the  Duke  of  Burgoynes  Lord- 
ships, and  the  Chancellor  gave  them  none  answer  to  their 
pleading ;  wherefore  the  substance  of  them  with  one  voice 
cried  aloud,  "Justice,  justice,  justice  !"  whereof  the  Chan- 
cellor was  so  dismayed  that  he  could  nor  might  no  more 
say  to  them  for  fear. 

Paston  Letters  (edited  by  J.  Gairdner,  London,  1872),  I,  No, 
195.     Spelling  modernized. 


Battle   of  Towton 


121 


40.    The  Battle  of  Towton    (1461) 

Now  is  the  Rose  of  Rone  grown  to  great  honour, 
Therefore  sing  we,  every  one,  blessed  be  that  flower ! 
Blessed  be  that  royal  Rose  that  is  so  fresh  of  hue, 
Almighty  Jesu  bless  the  soul  that  the  seed  did  strew, 
And  blessed  be  the  garden  where  the  sweet  Rose  grew, 
Christ's  blessing  have  they  every  one  that  to  the  Rose  be 

true  ! 
And  blessed  be  the  time  that  ever  God  spread  that  flower  ! 

Between  Christmas  and  Candelmas,  a  little  before  the  Lent, 
All  the  lords  of  the  north  they  wrought  by  one  consent, 
For  to  'stroy  the  south  countrie  was  their  whole  intent, 
Had  the  Rose  of  Rone  not  been,  all  England  had  been  spent. 
Blessed  be  the  time  that  ever  God  spread  that  flower  ! 

Upon  a  Shrove-Tuesday  in  a  green  mead 
Between  Sandridge  and  Saint  Albans,  many  man  did  bleed ; 
On  an  Ash-Wednesday  we  were  sore  pressed,  indeed, 
Then  came  the  Rose  of  Rone  down  to  help  us  in  our  need. 
Blessed  be  the  time  that  ever  God  spread  that  flower  ! 

The  northern  men,  they  made  their  boast  when  they  had 

done  that  deed, 
"  We  will  dwell  in  the  south  countrie  and  take  all  that  we 

need; 
These  wives  and  their  daughters,  our  purpose  shall   they 

speed, —  " 

Then  said  the  Rose  of  Rone,  "  Nay,  that  work  will  I  forbede." 
Blessed  be  the  time  that  ever  God  spread  that  flower  ! 


This  poem 
was  com- 
posed by  a 
nameless 
adherent  of 
the  house  of 
York. 

Rone,  i.e. 
Rouen,  where 
Edward  IV 
was  born. 


Roughly 
speaking,  the 
north  and 
west  were 
Lancastrian, 
while  the 
south  and 
east  sup- 
ported the 
house  of 
York. 

The  second 
battle  of  St. 
Albans  was 
fought  on 
Shrove-Tues- 
day, Febru- 
ary 17,  1461. 


For  to  save  all  England  was  the  Rose  of  Rone's  intent, 
With  Calais  and  with  London,  with  Essex  and  with  Kent ; 


122         Wars    of  the    Roses 

And  all  the  south  of  England,  unto  the  water  of  Trent, 
And  when  he  saw  the  time  ripe,  the  Rose  from  London  went. 
Blessed  be  the  time  that  ever  God  spread  that  flower  ! 

The  way  into  the  north  countrie  the  Rose  full  fast  he  sought 
The  ragged     And  with  him  went  the  Ragged  Staff,  that  many  man  dear 

staff  was  the  hnmrht  • 

badge  of  the  DOUgllt  , 

Earl  of  War-  So  too  did  the  White  Lion,  full  worthily  he  wrought. 

wick 

Almighty  Jesu  bless  his  soul,  that  those  arms  ought  ! 

Lion  =  the 


nortnern  party  made  them  strong  with  spear  and  eke 

in  Septem-  with  shield, 

And  on  Palm  Sunday,  after  noon,  they  met  us  in  the  field  : 
ownedT          Within  an  hour  they  were  right  fain  to  flee  and  eke  to  yield, 
Twenty  seven  thousand  men  the  Rose  killed  on  that  field. 
Blessed  be  the  time  that  ever  God  spread  that  flower  ! 

The  Rose  won  then  the  victory,  the  field  and  eke  the  chase, 
Husband,  i.e.  Now  may  the  husband  in  the  south  dwell  quiet  for  a  space, 
man.  His  wife  and  eke  his  daughter,  and  his  goods,  in  his  own 

place, 
Such  joyance  has  the  Rose  thus  made,  by  virtue  and  by 

grace. 
Blessed  be  the  time  that  ever  God  spread  that  flower  ! 

The  Rose  came  down  to  London,  full  royally  riding, 

Two  Archbishops  of  England,  they  crowned  the  Rose,  our 

king; 

Almighty  Jesu  save  the  Rose,  and  give  him  His  blessing, 
And  all  the  realm  of  England,  joy  from  his  crowning, 
That  we  may  bless  the  time  that  ever  God  spread  that 

flower  ! 

Amen  par  charife. 

Anonymous.  Archalogia,  1872.     Vol.  XXIX,  343-347.     Version 
by  M.  G.  Gordon. 


Queen    Margaret's    Story     123 


41.    Queen  Margaret's  Story  of  her  Adven- 
tures (1463) 

Then  the  Duchess  of  Bourbon  came  to  her  at  Saint-Pol, 
where  they  met  lovingly  together  like  two  sisters,  and  the 
Queen  related  some  of  her  adventures  .  .  .  ,  saying  that 
it  happened,  for  the  space  of  five  days,  that  her  husband  the 
King,  her  son,  and  she  had  for  their  three  selves  only  one 
herring,  and  not  one  day's  supply  of  bread ;  and  that  on  a 
holy  day  she  found  herself  at  mass  without  a  brass  farthing 
to  offer ;  wherefore,  in  her  beggary  and  need,  she  prayed  a 
Scottish  archer  to  lend  her  something,  who,  half  loth  and 
regretfully,  drew  a  Scots  groat  from  his  purse  and  lent  it  to 
her.  She  also  related  how,  at  her  last  unfortunate  discomfi- 
ture, she  was  robbed  and  despoiled  of  all  she  had,  of  her 
royal  jewels  and  dresses,  of  her  plate  and  treasures,  with 
which  she  thought  to  escape  into  Scotland ;  and  when  all 
this  had  been  taken  from  her,  she  herself  was  seized  upon, 
villainously  reviled,  run  upon  with  a  drawn  sword,  caught 
hold  of  her  head-gear  to  have  her  neck  severed,  menaced 
with  divers  torments  and  cruelties,  while  she,  on  her  knees 
and  with  clasped  hands,  wailing  and  weeping,  prayed  that, 
for  the  sake  of  divine  and  human  pity,  they  would  have 
mercy  upon  her.  Withal  she  perseveringly  called  upon  God's 
mercy ;  and  Heaven  heard  her  appeal ;  for  speedily  there 
arose  such  a  discord  and  dissension  among  her  captors  about 
the  booty,  that,  furiously  slaughtering  each  other  like  mad- 
men, they  concerned  themselves  no  more  about  the  dolorous 
and  discomfited  Queen  their  princess.  .  .  .  When  the  poor 
Queen  saw  this,  she  piteously  addressed  an  esquire  who  was 
by,  and  prayed  him  that,  for  the  sake  of  Our  Saviour's  pas- 
sion, he  would  help  her  to  escape.  Then  the  esquire  looked 
at  her,  and  God  caused  him  to  conceive  a  pity  for  her,  so 
that  he  said,  "  Madam,  mount  behind  me,  and  my  lord  the 


By  GEORGE 
CHASTEL- 

LA1N(I405?- 

1475). a 
Fleming,  who 
after  many 
travels  en- 
tered the  ser- 
vice of  the 
Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, by 
whom  he  was 
employed  in 
diplomatic 
negotiations. 
1  he  last 
years  of  his 
life  were 
spent  in  liter- 
ary work  in 
Valen- 
ciennes.   His 
chief  produc- 
tion is  his 
Chronicle. 

For  some 
time  after  the 
battle  of 
Towton  Mar- 
garet kept  up 
the  struggle 
with  the 
Yorkists,  but 
in  1463  in 
despair  she 
fled  with  her 
son  to  seek 
the  protec- 
tion of  the 
Duke  of 
Burgundy. 

The  Duchess 
of  Bourbon 
was  sister  of 
the  Duke  of 
Burgundy. 

Saint-Pol  in 
the  province 
of  Artois. 


124        Wars   of  the    Roses 

Prince  before,  and  I  will  save  you  or  die,  although  death 
seems  to  me  more  likely  than  not."  So  the  Queen  and  her 
son  mounted.  .  .  . 

[The  esquire,  at  the  Queen's  desire,  makes  for  a  neighbouring  forest.] 
Now  there  was  in  this  forest  a  place  haunted  by  brigands, 
who  were  reported  throughout  the  country  to  be  pitiless  cut- 
throats. It  befell  that  there  came  up  a  brigand,  hideous 
and  horrible  of  aspect,  and,  roused  by  the  sight  of  prey,  he 
approached  the  Queen  with  intent  to  lay  hands  upon  her. 
Then  when  the  noble  Queen  thought  that  nothing  but  death 
was  before  her,  either  from  the  enemies  from  whom  she  had 
escaped,  or  from  the  brigands  of  whom  she  now  saw  a  speci- 
men, she  called  the  robber  up  to  her,  and  thus  addressed 
him ; 

[Margaret  declares  herself  to  be  the  Queen,  and  adjures  the  robber  to 
save  the  son  of  his  King.] 

In  such  words,  or  to  such  effect,  the  poor  Queen  reasoned 
with  the  brigand,  who,  seeing  her  tears  and  her  distress, 
and  also  because  she  was  Queen  of  the  land,  conceived  a 
great  pity  for  her ;  and,  the  Holy  Spirit  softening  his  heart, 
he  fell  at  her  feet,  saying  that  he  would  die  by  a  thousand 
deaths  and  as  many  torments  rather  than  abandon  the  noble 
youth  until  he  had  brought  him  to  the  haven  of  safety.  And 
praying  mercy  of  the  Queen  for  his  misdeeds,  as  if  she  were 
reigning  in  London,  he  vowed  to  God  and  to  her  never 
to  revert  to  his  present  courses,  and  to  amend  his  life  in 
expectation  of  mercy.  So  he  took  the  youth  in  haste,  for 
the  Queen  was  ever  in  fear  of  being  overtaken ;  wherefore 
she  sought  only  to  separate  from  the  child,  and  to  put  him 
into  God's  guiding  hand.  Thus,  kissing  her  son,  weeping 
and  lamenting,  she  left  him  in  the  hands  of  the  brigand, 
who  nobly  did  his  duty  by  him  afterwards.  And  the  Queen, 
riding  behind  the  esquire,  made  straight  for  a  foreign  march, 
where  she  expected  to  find  her  husband  the  King.  Which 


Summons   to    the    Field     125 


having  reached  by  long  weary  travelling,  she  related  to  him 
these  adventures.  .  .  .  The  Duchess  felt  great  pity  for  her, 
and  said  that  certainly,  short  of  having  passed  through  the 
anguish  of  death,  never  had  so  high  a  princess  a  harder 
fortune,  and  that  therefore,  if  God  did  not  raise  her  up 
again,  she  ought  to  be  put  in  the  book  of  noble  unhappy 
women,  as  having  surpassed  them  all. 

George  Chastellain,  Chr onicle  (Brussels,  1863-1866),  IV,  299-307. 
Translation  from  The  Wars  of  York  and  Lancaster,  edited  by 
Edith  Thompson,  London  1892).  90-93. 


42.    A  Summons  to  the  Field   (1471) 
RICHARD,  EARL  OF  WARWICK,  TO  HENRY  VERNON,  SQUIRE. 

Right  trusty  and  right  well-beloved,  I  greet  you  well,  and 
desire  and  heartily  pray  you  that  inasmuch  as  yonder  man 
Edward,  the  king's  our  sovereign  lord  great  enemy,  rebel, 
and  traitor,  is  now  late  arrived  in  the  north  parts  of  this 
land  and  coming  fast  on  southward  accompanied  with  Flem- 
ings, Easterlings,  and  Danes,  not  exceeding  the  number  of 
all  that  he  ever  hath  of  2,000  persons,  nor  the  country  as  he 
cometh  nothing  falling  to  him,  ye  will  therefore,  incontinent 
and  forthwith  after  the  sight  hereof,  dispose  you  toward 
me  to  Coventry  with  as  many  people  defensibly  arrayed 
as  ye  can  readily  make,  and  that  ye  be  with  me  there  in  all 
haste  possible,  as  ray  very  singular  trust  is  in  you,  and  as 
I  may  do  thing  to  your  weal  or  worship  hereafter.  And  God 
keep  you.  Written  at  Warwick  the  25th  day  of  March. 

Henry,  I  pray  you,  fail  not  now  as  ever  I  may  do  for  you. 

Th'  Earl  of  Warwick  and  Salisbury,  Lieutenant  to  the 
king  our  sovereign  Lord  Henry  the  Sixth. 

R.  WARWICK. 

Hist.  MSS.  Commission*  I2tk  Report.  Appendix  (London,  i 
Part  IV,  p.  3.     Spelling  modernized. 


march-land." 
E.  Thomp- 
son. 

King  Henry 
remained  in 
England,  and 
in  the  sum- 
mer of  1465 
he  was  seized 
on  the  bor- 
ders of  York- 
shire and 
Lancashire, 
and  brought 
to  London 
to  the  Tower. 


This  sum- 
mons was 
sent  in  1471 
by  the  king- 
maker, at  the 
time  of  his 
invasion  of 
England  in 
the  interests 
of  Henry  VI. 
whom  he  had 
driven  from 
the  throne  in 
1461. 

At  War- 
wick's com- 
ing in  1470, 
Edward  IV 
fled  to  Bur- 
gundy.    In 
1471  he  re- 
turned, hav- 
ing obtained 
from  the 
Duke  money 
and  ships. 

Nothing 
falling  to 
him,  i.e.  not 
joining  him. 

Make,  i.e. 
raise. 


126         Wars   of  the   Roses 


By  JOHN 
WARK- 

VVORTH, 

from  1473  to 
1498,  Master 
of  St. 

Peter's  Col- 
lege, Cam- 
bridge.    In 
the  college 
library  a 
manuscript 
copy  of  his 
Chronicle  is 
still  pre- 
served. 
Warkworth's 
sympathies 
were  Lan- 
castrian. 

London  was 
loyal  to  the 
Yorkist 
cause,  as 
were  the 
towns 
generally. 


43.    The  Battle  of  Barnet   (1471) 

And  on  the  Wednesday  next  before  Easter-day,  King 
Harry,  and  the  Archbishop  of  York  with  him,  rode  about 
London,  and  desired  the  people  to  be  true  unto  him ;  and 
every  man  said  they  would.  Nevertheless  Urswyke,  Re- 
corder of  London,  and  divers  Aldermen,  such  that  had  rule 
of  the  city,  commanded  all  the  people,  that  were  in  harness, 
keeping  the  city,  and  King  Harry,  every  man  to  go  home 
to  dinner ;  and  in  dinner  time  King  Edward  was  let  in,  and 
so  went  forth  to  the  Bishop  of  London's  palace,  and  there 
took  King  Harry,  and  the  Archbishop  of  York,  and  put 
them  in  ward,  the  Thursday  next  before  Easter-day.  And 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Earl  of  Essex,  the  Lord 
Berners,  and  such  other  as  owed  King  Edward  good  will, 
as  well  in  London,  as  in  other  places,  made  as  many  men 
as  they  might,  in  strengthening  the  said  King  Edward ; 
so  then  he  was  a  seven  thousand  men,  and  there  they 
refreshed  well  themselves,  all  that  day,  and  Good  Friday. 
And  upon  Easter  Even,  he  and  all  his  host  went  toward 
Barnet,  and  carried  King  Harry  with  him;  for  he  had 
understanding,  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  the  Duke  of 
Exeter,  the  Lord  Marquis  Montague,  the  Earl  of  Oxford, 
and  many  other  knights,  squires,  and  commons,  to  the  num- 
ber of  twenty  thousand,  were  gathered  together  to  fight 
against  the  King  Edward.  But  it  happened  that  he,  with 
his  host,  were  entered  into  the  town  of  Barnet,  before  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  and  his  host.  And  so  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, and  his  host,  lay  without  the  town  all  night,  and  each 
of  them  loosed  guns  at  other  all  the  night.  And  on 
Easter  day  in  the  morning,  the  fourteenth  day  of  April, 
right  early  each  of  them  came  upon  other ;  and  there 
was  such  a  great  mist,  that  neither  of  them  might  see 
other  perfectly.  There  they  fought  from  four  of  clock  in 


Battle   of  Barnet  127 

the  morning,  unto  ten  of  clock  the  forenoon.  And 
divers  times  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  party  had  the  victory, 
and  supposed  that  they  had  won  the  field.  But  it  happened 
so,  that  the  Earl  of  Oxford's  men  had  upon  them  their 
lord's  livery,  both  before  and  behind,  which  was  a  star  with 
streams,  which  (was)  much  like  King  Edward's  livery,  the  l.e.  rays, 
sun  with  streams ;  and  the  mist  was  so  thick,  that  a  man 
might  not  perfectly  judge  one  thing  from  another ;  so  the 
Earl  of  Warwick's  men  shot  and  fought  against  the  Earl  of 
Oxford's  men,  thinking  and  supposing,  that  they  had  been 
King  Edward's  men ;  and  anon  the  Earl  of  Oxford,  and  his 
men,  cried,  "  treason  !  treason  ! "  and  fled  away  from  the 
field  with  eight  hundred  men.  The  Lord  Marquis  Mon-  Montague's 
tague  was  agreed,  and  appointed  with  King  Edward,  and  no 
put  upon  him  King  Edward's  livery ;  and  a  man  of  the 
Earl  of  Warwick's,  saw  that,  and  fell  upon  him,  and  killed 
him.  And  when  the  Earl  of  Warwick  saw  his  brother  dead, 
and  the  Earl  of  Oxford  fled,  he  leaped  on  horseback  and 
fled  to  a  wood  by  the  field  of  Barnet,  where  was  no  way 
forth  ;  and  one  of  King  Edward's  men  had  espied  him,  and 
one  came  upon  him,  and  killed  him,  and  despoiled  him 
naked.  And  so  King  Edward  got  that  field.  And  there 
was  slain  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  party,  the  Earl  himself, 
Marquis  Montague,  Sir  William  Tyrell,  Knight,  and  many ' 
others.  The  Duke  of  Exeter  fought  manly  there  that 
day,  and  was  greatly  despoiled,  and  wounded,  and  left 
naked  for  dead  in  the  field,  and  so  lay  there  from  seven 
of  clock,  till  four  afternoon,  which  was  taken  up  and 
brought  to  a  house  by  a  man  of  his  own,  and  a  leech  brought 
to  him  and  so  afterwards  brought  into  sanctuary  at  West- 
minster. And  (of)  King  Edward's  party  was  slain  the  Lord 
Cromwell,  son  and  heir  to  the  Earl  of  Essex ;  Lord  Ber- 
ners  (his)  son  and  heir,  (Sir  Humphrey  Bourchier ;)  Lord 
Say,  and  divers  other  to  the  number  [of  both  parties]  four 
thousand  men.  And  after  that  the  field  was  done,  King 


128         Wars   of  the    Roses 

Edward  commanded  both  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  body,  and 
the  Lord  Marquis'  body,  to  be  put  in  a  cart,  and  returned 
himself  with  all  his  host  again  to  London  ;  and  there  com- 
manded the  said  two  bodies,  to  be  laid  in  the  church  of 
Paul's,  on  the  pavement,  that  every  man  might  see  them ; 
and  so  they  lay  three  or  four  days,  and  afterwards  were 
buried.  And  King  Harry  being  in  the  forward  during 
the  battle,  was  not  hurt ;  but  he  was  brought  again  to  the 
Tower  of  London,  there  to  be  kept. 

John  Warkworth,  A  Chronicle  of  the  First  Thirteen  Years  of 
the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV  (edited  by  J.  O.  Halliwell, 
Camden  Society,  1839;  reprinted  with  spelling  modernized  in 
Chronicles  of  the  White  Kose,  London.  1845),  123-126. 


CHAPTER   VIII  —  THE   REFORMA- 
TION 


44.    Henry  VIII  and  Wolsey   (1519) 

HIS  majesty  is  twenty-nine  years  old  and  extremely  hand- 
some. Nature  could  not  have  done  more  for  him. 
He  is  much  handsomer  than  any  other  sovereign  in  Christen- 
dom ;  a  great  deal  handsomer  than  the  King  of  France  ; 
very  fair,  and  his  whole  frame  admirably  proportioned.  On 
hearing  that  Francis  I  wore  a  beard,  he  allowed  his  own 
to  grow,  and  as  it  is  reddish,  he  has  now  a  beard  that  looks 
like  gold.  He  is  very  accomplished,  a  good  musician,  com- 
poses well,  is  a  most  capital  horseman,  a  fine  j ouster,  speaks 
good  French,  Latin,  and  Spanish,  is  very  religious,  hears 
three  masses  daily  when  he  hunts,  and  sometimes  five  on 
other  days.  He  hears  the  office  every  day  in  the  queen's 
chamber,  that  is  to  say  vesper  and  compline.  He  is  very 
fond  of  hunting,  and  never  takes  his  diversion  without  tir- 
ing eight  or  ten  horses,  which  he  causes  to  be  stationed 
beforehand  along  the  line  of  country  he  means  to  take,  and 
when  one  is  tired  he  mounts  another,  and  before  he  gets 
home  they  are  all  exhausted.  He  is  extremely  fond  of  ten- 
nis, at  which  game  it  is  the  prettiest  thing  in  the  world  to 
see  him  play,  his  fair  skin  glowing  through  a  shirt  of  the 
finest  texture.  He  gambles  with  the  French  hostages,  to 
the  amount  occasionally,  it  is  said,  of  from  6000  to  8000 
ducats  in  a  day.  He  is  affable  and  gracious,  harms  no  one, 
does  not  covet  his  neighbour's  goods,  and  is  satisfied  with 
his  own  dominions,  having  often  said  to  me,  "  Sir  Ambas- 
sador, we  want  all  potentates  to  content  themselves  with 
K  129 


By  SEBAS- 
TIAN Gius- 

TINIAN, 

Venetian 
ambassador 
to  England, 
1515-1519. 
With  the 
sixteenth 
century 
began  what 
has  been 
called  the 
diplomatic 
period  of 
European 
history,  but  it 
was  "  only  by 
slow  degrees 
that  the  occa- 
sional mis- 
sion of  spe- 
cial envoys 
was  consoli- 
dated into 
the  perma- 
nent resi- 
dence of  an 
accredited 
agent." 
Venice,  how- 
ever, had  a 
peculiar  need 
of  strengthen- 
ing her  con- 
nection with 
England,  for 
at  this  time 
the  Republic 
was  threat- 
ened with 
spoliation  by 
the  great 
continental 
powers. 


130 


The    Reformation 


Thus  it  came 
about  that 
from  1509  to 
the  final 
overthrow  of 
the  Repub- 
lic in  1797, 
the  succes- 
sion of  Vene- 
tian ambas- 
sadors to  the 
English  court 
was  un- 
broken, save 
for  special 
political  rea- 
sons.   The 
correspon- 
dence and 
reports  of  the 
Venetian 
agents  form 
a  valuable 
source  of 
information 
on  English 
affairs. 

Francis  I, 
King  of 
France. 

Meres,  i.e. 
lakes. 


Charles  V, 
Emperor  of 
Germany. 


Thomas 
Wolsey.  — 
On  Wolsey, 
see  G.  Caven- 
dish, The 
Life  of  Car- 


their  own  territories ;  we  are  satisfied  with  this  island  of 
ours."  He  seems  extremely  desirous  of  peace. 

He  is  very  rich.  His  father  left  him  ten  millions  of  ready 
money  in  gold,  of  which  he  was  supposed  to  have  spent  one- 
half  in  the  war  against  France,  when  he  had  three  armies 
on  foot ;  one  crossed  the  Channel  with  him,  another  was  in 
the  field  against  Scotland,  and  the  third  remained  with  the 
queen  in  reserve. 

His  revenues  amount  to  about  350,000  ducats  annually, 
and  are  derived  from  estates,  forests,  and  meres,  the  cus- 
toms, hereditary  and  confiscated  property,  the  duchies  of 
Lancaster,  York,  Cornwall  and  Suffolk,  the  county  palatine 
of  Chester,  and  others,  the  principality  of  Wales,  the  export 
duties,  the  wool  staple,  the  great  seal,  the  annates  yielded 
by  Church  benefices,  the  Court  of  Wards,  and  from  New 
Year's  gifts ;  for  on  the  first  day  of  the  year  it  is  customary 
for  his  majesty  to  make  presents  to  everybody,  but  the 
value  of  those  he  receives  in  return  greatly  exceeds  his 
own  outlay.  His  majesty's  expenses  may  be  estimated  at 
100,000  ducats,  those  in  ordinary  having  been  reduced 
from  100,000  to  56,000  to  which  must  be  added  16,000 
for  salaries,  5000  for  the  stable,  5000  for  the  halberdiers, 
who  have  been  reduced  from  500  to  150,  and  16,000  for 
the  wardrobe,  for  he  is  the  best  dressed  sovereign  in  the 
world.  His  robes  are  very  rich  and  superb,  and  he  puts 
on  new  clothes  every  holyday. 

The  queen  is  the  sister  of  the  mother  of  the  king  of 
Spain,  now  styled  King  of  the  Romans.  She  is  thirty-five 
years  old  and  not  handsome,  though  she  has  a  very  beauti- 
ful complexion.  She  is  religious  and  as  virtuous  as  words 
can  express.  I  have  seen  her  but  seldom. 

The  Cardinal  of  York  is  the  same  as  he  whom  I  have 
styled  Orion,  in  a  work  composed  by  me.  He  is  of  low 
origin  and  has  two  brothers,  one  of  whom  holds  an  untitled 
benefice,  and  the  other  is  pushing  his  fortune.  He  rules 


Henry   VIII    and    Wolsey     131 

both  the  king  and  the  entire  kingdom.     On  my  first  arrival  dinal  Woi- 
in  England  he  used  to  say  to  me,  "  His  majesty  will  do  so   creighton°P 
and  so."     Subsequently,  by  degrees,  he  forgot  himself,  and    Cardinal 
commenced  saying,  "  We  shall  do  so  and  so."     At  this  pres- 
ent he  has  reached  such  a  pitch  that  he  says,  "  I  shall  do 
so  and  so."     He  is  about  forty-six  years  old,  very  handsome, 
learned,  extremely  eloquent,  of  vast  ability  and  indefatiga- 
ble.    He  alone  transacts  the  same  business  as  that  which 
occupies  all  the  magistracies,  offices  and  councils  of  Venice, 
both  civil  and  criminal,  and   all  State  affairs  likewise  are 
managed  by  him,  let  their  nature  be  what  it  may. 

He  is  thoughtful,  and  has  the  reputation  of  being  ex- 
tremely just.  He  favours  the  people  exceedingly,  and 
especially  the  poor,  hearing  their  suits  and  seeking  to  de- 
spatch them  instantly.  He  also  makes  the  lawyers  plead 
gratis  for  all  who  are  poverty-stricken.  He  is  in  very  great 
repute,  seven  times  more  so  than  if  he  were  Pope.  He  has 
a  very  fine  palace,  where  one  traverses  eight  rooms  before 
reaching  his  audience  chamber.  They  are  all  hung  with 
tapestry  which  is  changed  once  a  week.  Wherever  he  is, 
he  always  has  a  sideboard  of  plate  worth  25,000  ducats. 
His  silver  is  estimated  at  150,000  ducats.  In  his  own  cham- 
ber there  is  always  a  cupboard  with  vessels  to  the  amount 
of  30,000  ducats,  as  is  customary  with  the  English  nobility. 
He  is  supposed  to  be  very  rich  indeed  in  money,  plate  and 
household  stuff. 

The  Archbishopric  of  York  yields  him  about  14,000  ducats, 
and  the  Bishopric  of  Bath  8000.  One-third  of  the  fees 
derived  from  the  Great  Seal  are  his,  the  other  two  are 
divided  between  the  king  and  the  chancellor.  The  cardi- 
nal's share  amounts  to  about  5000  ducats.  By  New  Year's 
gifts  he  makes  about  15,000  ducats. 

Sebastian  Giustinian,  Report  of  England  made  to  the  Senate, 
September  10,  1519  (Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Venetian, 
1509-1519,  No.  1287,  London,  1873). 


132 


The   Reformation 


By  DESIDE- 
KIUS  ERAS- 
MUS (1467- 
1536),  the 
greatest 
scholar  of  the 
Renaissance. 
He  was  a 
native  of 
Rotterdam, 
but  his  inter- 
est in  learn- 
ing drew  him 
to  the  great 
intellectual 
centres  of 
Europe,  and 
he  spent 
much  time 
in  France 
and  Italy 
and  in  Eng- 
land, where 
he  formed  a 
close  friend- 
ship with 
Colet  and 
More.     His 
renown  be- 
came so 
great  that  the 
leading  sov- 
ereigns of  the 
time  urged 
him  to  fix  his 
residence  in 
their  domin- 
ions.   The 
last  years  of 
his  life  were 
spent  in 
Basle  and 
Fribourg. 
Erasmus 
helped  pre- 
pare the  way 
for  the 
Reformation 
by  his  criti- 
cisms of  the 
clergy,  but  he 
was  not  in 
sympathy 
with  the  new 


45.    Sir  Thomas  More  (1519) 

I  shall  then  try  to  suggest  to  you,  rather  than  adequately 
describe,  the  likeness  of  the  whole  man  as  in  daily  inter- 
course I  have  been  able  to  observe  or  to  remember  it. 

Beginning  with  those  characteristics  of  More  which  are 
most  unknown  to  you ;  in  stature  he  is  not  tall,  and  yet 
above  any  conspicuous  shortness.  Indeed  the  symmetry  of 
his  body  is  so  great  that  you  do  not  notice  his  size.  He  is 
of  light  complexion,  his  face  fair  rather  than  pale,  yet  far 
from  being  ruddy,  except  when  a  slight  flush  overspreads  it. 
His  hair  is  brownish  yellow  or,  if  you  prefer,  a  golden  brown  ; 
and  his  beard  thin.  His  eyes  are  gray,  with  spots  here  and 
there  on  them,  an  indication  of  great  talent,  and  considered 
in  England  the  sign  of  an  amiable  temper,  though  our  country- 
men prefer  black  eyes.  It  is  said  that  there  is  no  sort  of 
eyes  less  subject  to  disease.  His  face  reflects  his  mind,  and 
always  wears  a  pleasant  and  mirthful  expression,  occasion- 
ally passing  into  a  laugh,  and,  to  tell  the  truth,  he  is  more 
inclined  to  pleasantry  than  to  gravity  and  dignity,  though 
far  enough  removed  from  folly  or  buffoonery.  .  .  .  His 
voice  is  neither  very  loud  nor  very  shrill,  but  penetrating, 
with  no  softness  or  melody  ;  and  yet  he  speaks  distinctly. 
Although  he  takes  pleasure  in  all  kinds  of  music,  he  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  gifted  by  nature  with  a  voice  for  sing- 
ing. His  speech  is  wonderfully  precise  and  well  enunciated, 
neither  rapid  nor  at  all  hesitating.  He  dresses  very  simply, 
and  wears  no  silk  or  purple  or  gold  chains,  except  when  it 
is  impossible  to  avoid  it.  He  is  exceedingly  regardless  of 
those  ceremonies  by  which  most  people  judge  of  good  man- 
ners, and  as  he  exacts  them  from  no  one,  he  is  not  anxious 
to  show  them  to  others ;  yet  he  understands  them  perfectly, 
if  he  chooses  to  practice  them.  He  thinks  it  effeminate, 
however,  and  unworthy  of  a  man  to  spend  a  great  part  of 


Sir   Thomas   More 


one's  time  on  such  trivial  concerns.  To  the  court  and  inter- 
course with  princes  he  was  formerly  much  averse,  because 
tyranny  had  always  been  particularly  hateful  to  him,  just  as 
justice  was  attractive.  You  will  scarcely  find  any  court  so 
disciplined  as  not  to  have  much  of  bustle  and  of  ambition, 
much  guile  and  much  luxury,  and  which  is  entirely  free 
from  every  kind  of  tyranny.  Nor,  indeed,  into  the  court  of 
Henry  VIII  could  he  be  drawn,  except  by  much  effort, 
although  none  can  be  found  more  order-loving  and  more 
moderate  than  this  prince.  More  is  by  nature  desirous  of 
liberty  and  ease ;  but  just  as  he  uses  ease  gladly  when  it  is 
given,  so  when  business  requires,  no  one  is  more  careful  or 
more  laborious. 

One  might  suppose  he  had  been  expressly  formed  for 
friendship,  so  sincerely  does  he  cultivate,  and  so  tenaciously 
adhere  to  it.  Nor  is  he  afraid  of  having  too  many  friends, 
although  Hesiod  condemns  it.  In  fact,  he  is  ready  to  strike 
up  acquaintance  with  everybody,  and  while  he  is  thus  by  no 
means  fastidious  in  his  choice  of  friends,  he  is  ever  most 
kind  in  showing  them  hospitality,  and  most  constant  in 
retaining  them.  If  by  chance  he  falls  in  with  any  one 
whose  faults  are  past  cure,  he  takes  an  opportunity  of  dis- 
missing him  quietly,  thus  untying,  rather  than  rudely  break- 
ing, the  bonds  of  friendship.  But  when  he  finds  any  who 
are  truly  sincere  and  of  congenial  temperament,  he  is  so 
fond  of  conversing  with  them  and  telling  them  stories,  that 
you  would  fancy  he  considered  this  the  greatest  pleasure  of 
life,  for  he  has  an  utter  abhorrence  of  ball,  dice,  cards  and 
other  games  with  which  most  gentlemen  beguile  their  hours 
of  leisure.  Moreover,  while  he  is  inattentive  to  his  own 
interest,  he  is  most  diligent  in  looking  after  the  business  of 
his  friends.  In  short,  whoever  wants  a  perfect  pattern  of 
true  friendship,  cannot  possibly  do  better  than  to  take  it  from 
the  example  of  More. 

In  company,  he  possesses  such  rare  courtesy  and  sweet- 


doctrines, 

and  was  un- 
willing to 
break  with 
the  papacy. 
In  this  he 
was  like 
More. 
Among  his 
most  impor- 
tant literary 
works  are 
editions  of 
the  New 
Testament  in 
the  original 
Greek,  the 
Praise  of 
Folly,  the 
Colloquies, 
and  the 
Letters.— On 
Erasmus, 
and  More, 
and  the  Re- 
naissance, 
see  Seebohm, 
Oxford  Re- 
formers. See 
also  No.  47, 
and  Roper's 
Life  of  More. 

"  I  have 
come  to 
court  en- 
tirely against 
my  will,  and 
as  the  king 
himself  often 
jestingly  re- 

E roaches  me 
>r.    And  I 
am  as  un- 
comfortable 
as  a  carpet 
knight  in  the 
saddle." 
More  to 
Fisher. 


134          The    Reformation 

ness  of  manners  as  would  cheer  any  heart,  however  sad,  or 
alleviate  the  tedium  of  any  situation,  however  disagreeable. 
From  his  boyhood,  he  was  always  as  fond  of  jokes  as  if  he 
had  come  into  the  world  for  no  other  purpose ;  yet  he  never 
went  to  the  length  of  scurrility,  nor  could  he  bear  to  utter 
an  unkind  word.  When  a  lad,  he  both  wrote  farces,  and 
acted  in  them.  So  great  is  his  love  for  pleasantry,  especially 
if  it  be  sharp  and  really  clever,  that  he  would  enjoy  a  joke 
even  at  his  own  expense ;  and  this  led  him,  when  he  was  a 
young  man,  to  amuse  himself  with  writing  epigrams  ;  indeed, 
it  was  he  who  instigated  me  to  write  my  *"  Praise  of  Folly," 
which  was  as  much  in  my  way  as  for  a  camel  to  dance. 
There  is  nothing,  however,  in  the  world,  not  even  in  the  most 
serious  business,  from  which  he  will  not  extract  amusement. 
In  company  with  learned  and  sensible  men,  he  finds  pleasure 
in  intellectual  converse  ;  but  among  fools  or  silly  people,  he 
amuses  himself  with  their  folly ;  nor  do  the  most  foolish 
people  annoy  him,  so  extraordinary  is  his  power  of  adapting 
himself  to  every  character.  With  ladies,  and  even  with  his 
wife,  he  does  nothing  but  laugh  and  joke.  .  .  . 

To  Flanders  When  he  had  been  repeatedly  sent  on  embassies,  and  in 
these  had  acted  with  conspicuous  discretion,  the  most  serene 
King,  Henry  VIII,  would  not  rest  until  he  had  dragged  the 
man  into  the  service  of  his  court.  For  why  should  I  not 
say,  "  dragged  "  ?  No  one  ever  went  about  more  laboriously 
to  be  admitted  at  court,  than  this  man  tried  to  escape  it. 
But  since  this  most  excellent  king  had  made  up  his  mind  to 
fill  his  household  with  learned,  grave,  discreet,  and  honoura- 
ble men,  as  many  others,  so  especially  did  he  summon  More, 
whom  he  has  there  held  in  the  greatest  intimacy,  so  that  he 
will  never  let  him  leave  him.  If  serious  matters  had  to  be 
considered,  no  one  was  more  wise  in  council  than  he  ;  if  the 
king  thought  well  to  relax  his  mind  with  pleasant  stories,  no 
companion  was  more  merry.  If  difficult  cases  demand  a 
judge  of  special  wisdom  and  gravity,  More  decides  them  so 


Sir   Thomas   More          135 

as  to  please  both  parties ;  and  yet  never  was  he  prevailed  on 
to  receive  a  bribe  from  any  one.  Happy  would  it  be  for  the 
world,  if  every  king  could  employ  such  ministers  of  justice 
as  More.  Nor  has  he,  in  consequence  of  his  elevation,  be- 
come too  proud  to  remember  his  humble  friends ;  and  amid 
the  pressure  of  business,  he  yet  finds  time  now  and  tfeen  to 
return  to  his  beloved  studies.  Whatever  power  he  has  in 
virtue  of  his  rank,  whatever  influence  he  enjoys  through  the 
favour  of  his  sovereign,  he  uses  it  all  for  the  good  of  his 
country  and  the  good  of  his  friends.  At  all  times  he  was 
most  anxious  to  confer  favours  without  distinction,  and 
always  leaned  in  a  marvelous  degree  to  the  side  of  mercy ; 
and  now,  when  he  has  more  power,  he  indulges  the  spirit 
the  more  freely.  He  helps  some  with  money,  protects 
others  by  his  authority ;  others  he  advances  by  his  recom- 
mendations, while  he  aids  with  his  advice  those  whom  he 
cannot  otherwise  assist,  and  never  sends  any  one  from 
him  dissatisfied.  You  would  suppose  More  was  the  pub- 
lic patron  of  all  poor  men.  He  thinks  it  a  great  gain  to 
himself  to  have  relieved  the  oppressed,  set  at  liberty  the 
embarrassed  or  perplexed,  or  recovered  the  friendship  of 
any  one  who  was  estranged  from  him.  No  one  can  be  more 
ready  to  do  a  kindness,  no  one  less  exacting  in  looking  for 
its  repayment.  Now,  though  he  is  in  so  many  respects  at 
the  very  pinnacle  of  good-fortune,  and  although  good-for- 
tune is  usually  accompanied  by  pride,  I  have  never  yet  met 
any  one  who  was  more  entirely  free  from  that  vice.  He 
cultivates  true  piety  diligently,  though  far  removed  from  all 
superstition.  He  has  hours  in  which  he  appeals  to  God  in 
prayers  suggested  not  by  custom  but  by  his  heart.  With 
his  friends  he  talks  about  the  life  of  the  world  to  come,  in 
such  a  way  that  you  will  recognize  that  he  speaks  from  the 
heart,  and  with  the  best  of  hopes. 

Such  is  More  at  court.     Yet  there  are  those  who  think 
that  Christians  are  not  to  be  found  anywhere   except  in 


136 


The    Reformation 


monasteries.     Such  men  this  most  wise  king  not  only  admits, 
.  .  .  but  compels  into  his  household.  .  .  . 

Letter  from  Erasmus  to  Ulrich  -von  Hutten,  Antwerp,  1519 
(translated  by  E.  P.  Cheyney,  University  of  Pennsylvania 
Translations  and  Reprints,  I,  No.  i). 


Probably  by 

THOMAS 

CROMWELL 


later  Minis- 
ter of  Henry 
VIII.    This 
speech  was 
delivered  in 
the  House  of 
Commons  in 
1523  in  the 
famous  de- 
bate upon  the 
king's  de- 
mand for  a 
subsidy  to 
carry  on  the 
war  with 
France. 
Cromwell  sat 
in  this  par- 
liament, and 
the  manu- 
script of  the 
speech  is  in 
the  hand- 
writing of  his 
clerk.     Mr. 
Brewer  holds 
tha'  the 
speech  can- 
not well  be 
attributed  to 
anyone  else 
than  Crom- 
well.   In  the 
extract  here 
given  the 
speaker, 
without 


46.    A   Discussion  of  England's  Foreign 
Policy   (1523) 

It  is  no  time  now  to  speak  of  peace.  Want  of  truth  is  so 
deeply  rooted  in  the  French  nation,  and  their  appetite  to 
extend  their  bounds  is  so  insatiable,  that  even  if  we  had  no 
quarrel  of  our  own  against  them,  we  could  not  but  detest 
their  false  dealings  with  other  princes.  If  not  scourged, 
they  will  be  a  scourge  to  others.  They  have  provoked  the 
Emperor,  whose  power  is  so  great  that,  when  it  is  joined 
with  ours,  they  will  be  environed  on  every  side.  The 
Emperor  has  already  shown  them  what  he  can  do,  .  .  .  and 
we,  for  our  part,  have  spoiled  and  burnt  Morkesse,  and  laid 
waste  a  great  country,  with  great  honor  to  the  fortunate  and 
sage  captain,  the  earl  of  Surrey,  who  remained  in  the  French 
dominions,  with  a  small  number  of  men,  for  six  or  seven 
weeks,  when  all  the  power  of  France  durst  not  give  him 
battle.  I  trust  the  same  valiant  captain  will  subdue  the 
Scots,  whom  the  French  have  so  "  custuously  "  entertained 
against  us.  It  may  be  a  question  whether  to  continue  the 
same  kind  of  war  as  hitherto,  or  to  make  it  more  sharp  and 
violent  by  sending  such  a  force  as  utterly  to  subdue  Francis. 
On  this  point  I  wish  some  sage  and  experienced  person  would 
speak ;  only  one  thing  "  putteth  me  in  no  small  agony." 
My  lord  Cardinal  said  that  the  King,  who  is  dearer  to  any 
of  his  subjects  than  his  own  life,  intends  to  go  over  in 


England's    Foreign.  Policy     137 

person ;  which  I  wish   I  may  never  live  to  see.      "  I    am  directly  op- 
sure  there  is  no  good  Englishman  which  can  be  merry  the  king"points 
day  when  he  happeneth  to  think  that  his  grace  might  per-  °hutudrol){y 
chance  be  distempered  of  his  health;  so  that,  albeit  I  say  of  the  war 
for  my  part,  I  stomach,  as  a  sorry  subject  may  do,  the  high  At'theciose" 
injuries  done   by   the    said  Francoys  unto   his   most   dear  he  outlines 

,        i  •          i       i  i  r      i       the  policy 

sovereign,  yet,  rather  than  the  thing  should  go  so  far  forth,  that  he  would 

I  could,  for  my  part,  be  contented  to  forget  altogether."  [atTr^hT1"1' 

The  French  have  established  an  ordinance  among  them,  chosen 

that  their  King  shall  never  go  in  person,  in  ranged  battle,  England, 

against  our  nation,  on  account  of  the  danger,  notwithstanding  Emperor  = 

their  marvellous  policy  for  the  sure  succession  of  their  crown.  Charles  v. 

How  needful,  then,  for  us  "(considering  in  what  case  we  Francoys  = 

Francis  I. 

be)  "  to  entreat  our  sovereign,  for  our  sakes  and  his 
daughter's,  "  upon  whose  weal  and  circumspect  bestowing,  Mary,  later 
next  his  noble  person,  dependeth  all  our  wealths,"  to  EngfancL 
restrain  his  high  courage ;  for,  if  he  were  to  go,  I  am  sure 
there  would  not  be  one  man  in  the  army  "  but  he  should  be 
more  meet  to  wail  and  wring  his  hands,  than  assured  to  fight, 
when  he  considered  that,  if  otherwise  than  well  should 
fortune  to  that  precious  jewel,  which  he  had  for  his  party  in 
custody,  it  were  more  meeter  for  him  to  depart  into  Turkey, 
than  to  return  again  into  his  natural  country  to  his  wife  and 
children."  I  think,  therefore,  if  my  prince  would  tarry 
within  his  realm,  it  would  be  better  to  advance  our  war  by 
little  and  little,  so  as  to  weary  out  the  said  Francoys,  than 
send  over  at  once  the  power  royal  of  the  kingdom. 

"  In  the  reasoning  of  which  matter  I  shall  but  utter  mine 
ignorance   afore  Hannibal,  as   our   right  wise    speaker  re-   sir  Thomas 
hearsed  now  of  late  ;  "  but  having  gone  thus  far,  I  shall  utter  sp°raekwra0f 
my  poor  mind,  if  this  great  army  of  30,000  foot  and  10,000  the  House  of 
horse  should  be  conveyed  beyond  sea,  what  way  they  may 
most  annoy  our  enemies  with  the  greatest  safety,  and  how 
they  may  be  victualled.     If  they  could  be  victualled  out  of 
the  archdukedom,  I  doubt  not  they  would  return  in  safety ; 


138 


The    Reformation 


for  as  their  enemies  did  not  venture  last  year  to  attack  the 
earl  of  Surrey,  they  would  all  the  more  beware  of  so  great  an 
army ;  but  by  this  means  the  harm  they  would  do  to  France 
would  not  be  so  great  as  what  we  ourselves  should  sustain 
in  supporting  such  a  force.  Before  three  summers  were 
over,  the  army  would  exhaust  all  the  coin  and  bullion  in 
the  realm,  which  I  conjecture  cannot  much  exceed  a 
million ;  .  .  . 

And  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  archdukedom,  how  desirous 
they  are  to  have  much  of  our  money  for  little  of  their 
victuals,  we  had  good  experience,  when  the  King  last  went 
over,  and  last  year  when  my  lord  of  Surrey  was  sent.  But 
if  we  must  send  the  army  through  their  possessions,  and  go 
direct  to  Paris,  which  no  doubt  may  be  easily  got,  as  soon 
as  we  have  left  the  marches  of  the  archdukedom,  we  should 
be  on  our  guard  against  the  Frenchmen's  mode  of  fighting, 
whose  plan  is,  not  to  meddle  with  our  army,  but  lie  in 
wait  for  stragglers  or  conductors  of  victuals.  We  shall  be 
sure  to  find  no  victuals  in  our  way,  and  might  find  the 
danger  of  leaving  strongholds  behind  us,  which  the  politic 
prince,  Henry  VII,  avoided ;  for  when  he  crossed  the  sea, 
he  laid  siege  to  Boulogne  before  he  would  enter  any  further 
into  France ;  and  the  present  King,  when  he  purposed,  as 
I  have  been  told,  to  go  to  Paris,  began  at  Terouenne,  "  and 
the  Emperor  employed  whosoever  be  in  Tournay,"  not 
thinking  it  right  to  pass  further,  leaving  strongholds  behind 
him  in  the  possession  of  the  enemy.  What  expense  it 
would  be,  thus  to  employ  our  army,  the  King  has  had  too 
good  experience,  in  the  winning  of  Terouenne,  which  cost 
him  more  than  twenty  such  ungracious  dogholes  could  be 
worth.  But,  if  instead  of  this,  we  invaded  Normandy, 
Brittany  or  some  province  on  the  sea,  I  can  see  nothing 
but  danger  on  every  side,  not  only  at  their  arrival  among 
their  enemies,  but  from  the  difficulty  in  victualling  them 
while  they  remain  there ;  for  though  we  are  undoubtedly 


England's    Foreign    Policy     139 

much  diminished  in  treasure,  we  have  a  far  greater  want  of 
defensible  men.  If  I  am  asked  why  I  urge  these  objections, 
I  think  the  advantages  we  have  had  over  the  French  have 
put  them  in  despair  to  try  it  with  us  any  more  in  ranged 
battle ;  but  the  French  know  as  well  our  impatience  to 
continue  in  war  many  years,  especially  in  winter,  as  that  our 
nation  is  invincible  in  arms. 

I  will  now  show  you  the  advantages  former  kings  have 
had  over  us  in  making  war  against  France.  In  former 
times  we  had  always  places  where  we  could  land  in  security, 
either  of  our  own,  or  of  our  confederates,  in  Gascony, 
Guienne,  Brittany  or  Normandy.  The  towns  and  strong- 
holds were  of  nothing  like  the  strength  they  are  at  present. 
What  friends  we  have  now,  I  dare  not  venture  to  speak,  and 
no  nation  was  ever  so  united  as  our  enemy.  While  the 
Emperor  was  here  occupied  with  the  winning  of  Tournay, 
they  corrupted  three  or  four  of  the  greatest  nobles  of  Spain, 
on  whom  the  Emperor  was  compelled  to  do  justice  on  his 
return  thither,  .  .  .  and  since  his  Majesty's  return  to  Spain, 
the  governors  of  his  archdukedom  have  granted  safecon- 
ducts  to  French  and  Scotch  Merchants ;  which  is  marvel- 
lous hindrance,  for  if  our  commodities  had  been  as  well 
kept  from  them  as  theirs  from  us,  many  a  thousand  French 
artificers  who  have  no  living  but  by  working  our  wools, 
would  have  been  compelled  to  cry  to  the  King  for  peace. 
The  King  should  devote  all  his  efforts  to  the  subjugation  of 
Scotland,  and  to  join  that  realm  to  his,  so  that  both  they 
and  we  might  live  under  one  obeisance,  law  and  policy,  for 
ever.  This  would  secure  him  the  highest  honor  any  king 
of  England  has  reached,  and  it  would  be  the  greatest  abash- 
ment to  Francis.  And  although  it  be  a  common  saying, 
that  in  Scotland  is  nought  to  win  but  strokes,  there  is 
another  saying,  "  who  that  intendeth  France  to  win,  with 
Scotland  let  him  begin."  It  is  mere  folly  to  think  of  keep- 
ing possessions  in  France,  which  is  severed  from  us  by  the 


140          The    Reformation 

sea,  while  we  allow  Scotland,  belonging  to  the  same  island, 
to  recognize  another  prince.  This,  once  united  to  England, 
all  other  possessions  are  easily  retained. 

A  Speech  delivered  in  Parliament,  1523  (Letters  and  Papers, 
Foreign  and  Domestic,  of  the  Reign  of  Henry  VIII,  Vol.  Ill, 
Part  II,  No.  2958,  London,  1867). 


By  WILLIAM 
ROPER 
(t  1577).  hus- 
band of  Mar- 
garet, the 
eldest  and 
favourite 
daughter  of 
Sir  Thomas 
More.    He 
and  his  wife 
spent  their 
married  life 
in  the  house 
of  More  until 
his  death  in 
1535- 

The  Quid 
Swanne  = 
a  landing- 
place  west  of 
London 
Bridge. 


47- 


The  Execution  of  Sir  Thomas  More 

(J535) 


Now  after  this  arraignement  departed  hee  from  the  barre 
to  the  Towre  againe,  ledd  by  Sir  William  Kingston,  a  tall, 
stronge,  and  comlye  Knight,  Constable  of  the  Towre,  his 
very  deare  frend,  whoe  when  he  had  brought  him  from 
Westminster  to  the  ould  Swanne  towardes  the  Towre,  there 
with  a  heavie  hart,  the  teares  runninge  downe  his  cheekes, 
bad  him  farewell.  Sir  Thomas  Moore  seinge  him  soe  sor- 
rovvfull,  comforted  him  with  as  good  wordes  as  he  could, 
saying,  "  Good  Mr.  Kingston,  trouble  not  your  selfe,  but  be 
of  good  cheare.  For  I  will  pray  for  you,  and  my  good 
Ladie  your  wif,  that  we  may  meete  in  heaven  togeather, 
where  we  shall  be  merrie  for  ever  and  ever."  Soone  after 
Sir  William  Kingston  talkinge  with  mee  of  Sir  Tho.  Moore, 
sayd,  "  In  faith  Mr.  Roper,  I  was  ashamed  of  my  selfe, 
that  at  my  departure  from  your  father,  I  found  my  harte 
soe  feeble,  and  his  soe  stronge,  that  he  was  fayne  to 
comforte  me  which  should  rather  have  comforted  him." 
When  Sir  Tho.  Moore  came  from  Westminster  to  the 
Towreward  againe,  his  daughter  my  wife,  desireous  to  see 
her  father,  whome  shee  thought  shee  should  never  see  in 
this  world  after,  and  alsoe  to  have  his  finall  blessinge,  gave 
attendaunce  aboutes  the  Towre  wharfe,  where  shee  knewe 


Sir   Thomas   More          141 

he  should  passe  by,  e're  he  could  enter  into  the  Towre. 
There  tarriinge  for  his  cominge  home,  assoone  as  shee  sawe 
him,  after  his  blessinges  on  her  knees  reverentlie  receaved, 
shee,  hastinge  towards,  without  consideration  of  care  of  her- 
selfe,  pressinge  in  amongest  the  midst  of  the  thronge  and 
the  Companie  of  the  Guard,  that  with  Hollbards  and  Billes  Hollbards, 
weare  round  about  him,  hastily  ranne  to  him,  and  there  *'e'  a 
openlye  in  the  sight  of  all  them  embraced  and  tooke  him 
about  the  necke  and  kissed  him,  whoe  well  likeinge  her 
most  daughterlye  love  and  affection  towardes  him,  gave 
her  his  fatherlie  blessinge,  and  many  godlie  wordes  of  com- 
fort Jbesides,  from  whome  after  shee  was  departed,  shee  not 
satisfied  with  the  former  sight  of  her  deare  father,  havinge 
respect  neither  to  her  self,  nor  to  the  presse  of  the  people 
and  multitude  that  were  about  him,  suddenlye  turned  back 
againe,  and  rann  to  him  as  before,  tooke  him  about  the 
necke,  and  divers  tymes  togeather  most  lovingely  kissed 
him,  and  at  last  with  a  full  heavie  harte  was  fayne  to  departe 
from  him  ;  the  behouldinge  whereof  was  to  manye  of  them 
that  weare  present  thereat  soe  lamentable,  that  it  made 
them  for  very  sorrow  to  mourne  and  weepe.  Soe  remayned 
Sir  Thomas  Moore  in  the  Towre  more  then  a  seaven  night 
after  his  Judgment.  From  whence  the  daye  before  he  suf- 
fered he  sent  his  shirt  of  hare,  not  willinge  to  have  it  scene, 
to  my  wyfe,  his  dearely  beloved  daughter,  and  a  letter, 
written  with  a  Cole,  contayned  in  the  foresaid  booke  of  his 
workes,  plainely  expressinge  the  fervent  desire  he  had  to 
suffer  on  the  morrowe  in  these  wordes  :  "  I  comber  you, 
good  Margarett,  much,  but  I  would  bee  sorrie  if  it  should  be 
any  longer  then  to  morrowe.  For  to  morrow  is  St.  Thomas 
even,  and  the  Utas  of  St.  Peeter,  and  therefore  to  morrow  The  Utas  _ 

longe  I  to  goe  to  God,  that  weare  a  daye  very  meet  and   the  Octave, 

bc  ../    ,        J  or  eighth  day 

convenient   for    mee.      And    I   never  liked    your  manners  after. 

better,  then  when  you  kissed  mee  last.     For  I  like  when 
daughterlie  Love,  and  deare  Charitie  hath  noe  leasure  to 


142          The    Reformation 

looke  to  worldlie  Curtesie."  And  soe  uppon  the  next 
morninge,  beinge  tuesday,  St  Thomas  even,  and  the  Utas 
of  St  Peeter  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  God  1535,  accord - 
inge  as  he  in  his  letter  the  day  before  had  wished,  earlie  in 
the  morninge  came  to  him  Sir  Thomas  Pope,  his  singular 
frend,  on  messadge  from  the  Kinge  and  his  Councell,  that 
hee  should  before  nyne  of  the  clocke  in  the  same  morninge 
suffer  death,  and  that  therefore  fourthwith  he  should  pre- 
pare himselfe  thereto.  "  Mr.  Pope,"  sayth  hee,  "  for  your 
good  tydinges  I  most  hartily  thanke  you.  I  have  beene 
allwayes  bounden  much  to  the  Kinge's  Highnes  for  the 
benefitts  and  honors  which  he  hath  still  from  tyme  to  *yme 
most  bountifully  heaped  upon  mee,  and  yete  more  bounden 
I  ame  to  his  Grace  for  puttinge  me  into  this  place,  where  I 
have  had  convenient  tyme  and  space  to  have  remembraunce 
of  my  end,  and  soe  helpe  me  God  most  of  all,  Mr.  Pope, 
am  I  bound  to  his  Highnes,  that  it  pleased  him  soe  shortlie 
to  ridd  me  of  the  miseries  of  this  wretched  world.  And 
therefore  will  I  not  fayle  most  earnestlye  to  praye  for  his 
Grace  both  here,  and  alsoe  in  an  other  world.  The  Kinge's 
pleasure  is  further,"  quoth  Mr.  Pope,  "  that  at  your  Execu- 
tion you  shall  not  use  many  words."  "  Mr.  Pope,"  (quoth 
hee)  "  you  do  well  that  you  give  mee  warninge  of  his 
Grace's  pleasure.  For  otherwise  had  I  purposed  at  that 
tyme  somewhat  to  have  spoken,  but  of  noe  matter  where- 
with his  Grace,  or  any  other  should  have  had  cause  to  be 
offended.  Neverthelesse  what  soever  I  intend  I  am  readie 
obediently  to  conforme  my  self  to  his  Grace's  Commaund- 
ment.  And  I  beseech  you,  good  Mr  Pope,  to  be  a  meane 
unto  his  Highnes,  that  my  daughter  Margerette  may  be 
present  at  my  buriall."  "  The  King  is  well  contented  all- 
readie  "  (quoth  Mr  Pope)  "  that  your  Wife,  Children,  and 
other  frendes  shall  have  free  libertie  to  be  present  thereat." 
"  O  how  much  behoulden,"  then  said  Sir  Thomas  Moore, 
"  am  I  to  his  Grace,  that  unto  my  poore  buriall  vouchsafeth 


Sir   Thomas   More          143 

to  have  so  gratious  Consideration."  Wherewithall  Mr  Pope 
takeinge  his  leave  of  him  could  not  refrayne  from  weepinge, 
which  Sir  Tho.  Moore  perceavinge,  comforted  him  in  this 
wise,  "  Quiete  your  selfe,  good  Mr  Pope,  and  be  not  dis- 
comforted. For  I  trust  that  we  shall  once  in  heaven  see 
each  other  full  merily,  where  we  shall  bee  sure  to  live  and 
love  togeather  in  joyfull  blisse  eternally."  Upon  whose 
departure  Sir  Tho.  Moore,  as  one  that  had  beene  invited  to 
a  solempne  feast,  chaunged  himselfe  into  his  best  apparell  ; 
which  Mr  Lieuetenaunt  espyinge,  advised  him  to  put  it  off, 
sayinge,  That  he  that  should  have  it  was  but  a  Javill.  l.e.  a  worth- 
"  What  Mr  Lieuetenaunt  "  (quoth  he)  "  shall  I  accompte  less  feliow' 
him  a  Javill,  that  will  doe  mee  this  daye  so  singular  a  bene- 
fitt  ?  Naye,  I  assure  you,  weare  it  cloath  of  gould  I  would 
accompte  it  well  bestowed  on  him,  as  St  Cyprian  did,  who  Everything 
gave  his  executioner  xxx  peeces  of  gold."  And  albeit  at 


length,  through  Mr  Lievetenaunte's  persvvasions,  he  altered   cuted  be- 

his  apparell,  yete,  after  the  example  of  that  holy  Martyr  St  executioner. 

Ciprian,  did  hee  of  that  litle  money  that  was  left  him,  send 

one  Angell  of  gold  to  his   Executioner.     And  soe  was  he  A  gold  coin 

brought  by  Mr  Lieuetenaunt  out  of  the  Towre,  and  from 

thence  ledd  towardes  the  place  of  execution,  where  goeinge 

upp  the  Scaffold,  which  was  soe  weake  that  it  was  readie  to 

fall,  he  sayde  to  Mr  Lievetenaunt,  "  I  pray  you,  I  pray  you, 

Mr  Lievetenaunt,  "  see  mee  safe  upp,  and  for  my  cominge 

downe  lett  mee  shift  for  my  selfe."     Then  desired  hee  all 

the  people  thereaboutes  to  pray  for  him,  and  to  beare  wit- 

nesse  with  him,  that  he  should  then  suffer  death  in  and  for 

the  faith  of  the  holie  Catholique  Church,  which  done  hee 

kneeled  downe,  and  after  his  prayers  sayed,  hee  turned  to 

the  executioner,  and  with  a  cheerefull  Countenance  spake 

unto  him,   "  Plucke  upp  thie    spirittes,  man,   and  be  not 

affrayed  to  do  thine  office,  my  necke  is  verye  short.     Take 

heede  therefore  thou  scute  not  awrie  for  savinge  thine  hon- 

estie."     Soe  passed  Sir  Thomas  Moore  out  of  this  world  to 


144  The    Reformation 

God  uppon  the  verie  same  daye  in  which  himselfe  had 
most  desired.  Soone  after  whose  death  came  intelligence 
thereof  to  the  Emperor  Charles,  whereuppon  he  sent  for  Sir 
Thomas  Eliott,  our  Eenglish  Embassodor,  and  sayd  unto 
him,  "  My  Lord  Embassodor,  wee  understand  that  the  Kinge 
your  Master  hath  putt  his  faithfull  servaunt  and  grave  wise 
Qouncellor  Sir  Thomas  Moore  to  death."  Where  unto  Sir 
Thomas  Eliott  answeared,  that  hee  understood  nothinge 
thereof.  "Well,"  sayd  the  Emperor,  "it  is  verye  true,  and 
this  will  we  saye,  that  if  wee  had  bine  Mr.  of  such  a  servaunt, 
of  whose  doinges  our  selves  have  had  these  many  yeares 
noe  small  experience,  wee  would  rather  have  lost  the  best 
Cittie  of  our  Dominiones,  then  have  lost  such  a  worthie 
Councellor."  Which  matter  was  bye  Sir  Thomas  Eliott  to 
my  selfe,  to  my  wife,  to  Mr.  Clement  and  his  wife,  to  Mr. 
John  Haywood  and  his  wife,  and  divers  others  of  his 
frends  acordingely  reported. 

William  Roper,  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  More  (prefixed  to  M ore's 
Utopia,  edited  by  J.  R.  Lumby,  Cambridge,  1879),  lii-lvi. 


These  two  48.    Henry  VIII  and  the  English  Bible 

extracts,  one 

from  an  in- 

junction "  Every   person    or    proprietary    of    any   parish    church 

authority  of  within  this  realm  shall,  on  this  side  of  the  feast  of  St.  Peter 

He?th  VIIIf  ad  Vincula  next  coming,  provide  a  book  of  the  whole  Bible, 

from  a  par-  both  in  Latin  and  also  in  English,  and  lay  the  same  in  the 

s1tamte,tiare  quire,  for  every  man  that  will  to  read  and  look  therein  ;   and 

of  interest  as  shall  discourage  no  man  from  the  reading  any  part  of  the  Bible, 

showing  the  °  . 

uncertain  but  rather  comfort,  exhort,  and  admonish  every  man  to  read 


-  tne  same>  as  tne  ver7  word  of  God  and  the  spiritual  food  of 

ards  man's  soul  ;  .  .  .  ever  gently  and  charitably  exhorting  them, 

ela  that,  using  a  sober  and  modest  behaviour  in  the  reading  and 

Reformation,  inquisition  of  the  true  sense  of  the  same,  they  do  in  nowise 


The   English    Bible          145 

stiffly  or  eagerly  contend  or  strive  one  with  another  about  the  free  use 
the  same,  but  refer  the  declaration  of  those  places  that  be  in  °jsh  Bibief 
controversy  to  the  judgment  of  them  that  be  better  learned." 

Royal  injunction  issued  1536  (J.  Lewis,  History  of  the  English 
Translations  of  the  Bible,  103,  104,  London,  1739). 

Cap.  I.  Recourse  must  be  had  to  the  catholick  and 
apostolick  church  for  the  decision  of  controversies ;  and 
therefore  all  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament  in  English, 
being  of  Tindafs  false  translation,  or  comprising  any  matter 
of  Christian  religion,  articles  of  the  faith,  or  holy  scripture, 
contrary  to  the  doctrine  set  forth  sithence  Anno.  Dom.  1540, 
or  to  be  set  forth  by  the  king,  shall  be  abolished.  No  printer 
or  bookseller  shall  utter  any  of  the  aforesaid  books.  No 
persons  shall  play  in  interlude,  sing,  or  rhime,  contrary 
to  the  said  doctrine.  No  person  shall  retain  any  English 
books  or  writings  concerning  matter  against  the  holy  and 
blessed  sacrament  of  the  altar,  or  for  the  maintenance  of 
anabaptists,  or  other  books  abolished  by  the  king's  procla- 
mation. There  shall  be  no  annotations  or  preambles  in 
Bibles  or  New  Testaments  in  English.  The  Bible  shall  not 
be  read  in  English  in  any  church.  No  women  or  artificers, 
prentices,  journeymen,  servingmen  of  the  degree  of  yeomen 
or  under,  husbandmen,  nor  labourers,  shall  read  the  New 
Testament  in  English.  Nothing  shall  be  taught  or  main- 
tained contrary  to  the  King's  instructions.  And  if  any 
spiritual  person  preach,  teach,  or  maintain  anything  contrary 
to  the  King's  instructions  or  determinations,  made  or  to  be 
made,  and  shall  be  thereof  convict,  he  shall  for  his  first 
offence  recant,  for  his  second  abjure  and  bear  a  fagot,  and 
for  his  third  shall  be  adjudged  an  heretick,  and  be  burned 
and  lose  all  his  goods  and  chattels. 

34  H.  Vflf.  c.  i.  Statutes  at  Large  (Cambridge,  1763),  V,  129. 


146 


The    Reformation 


ANONY- 
MOUS.   The 
chronicle 
from  which 
this  extract 
was  taken 
formed  a  part 
of  the  Regis- 
ter-book of 
the  fraternity 
of  Grey 
Friars.     In 
1539  they 
made  a 
forced  sur- 
render of 
their  posses- 
sions to 
Henry  VIII. 


November. 


I.e.  yet. 


49.    Protestant  Revolution  under 
Edward  VI   (1547) 

Item  the  5th  day  after  in  September  began  the  king's 
visitation  at  Paul's  and  all  images  pulled  down  :  and  the  gth 
day  of  the  same  month  the  said  visitation  was  at  St.  Bride's, 
and  after  that  in  divers  other  parish  churches ;  and  so  all 
images  pulled  down  through  all  England  at  that  time,  and 
all  churches  new  white-limed  with  the  commandments 
written  on  the  walls.  And  at  that  time  was  the  bishop  of 
London  put  into  the  Fleet,  and  was  there  more  than  eight 
days ;  and  after  him  was  the  bishop  of  Winchester  put  there 
also. 

Item  at  this  same  time  was  pulled  up  all  the  tomes,  great 
stones,  all  the  altars,  with  the  stalls  and  walls  of  the  quire 
and  altars  in  the  church  that  was  some  time  the  Gray  friars 
and  sold,  and  the  quire  made  smaller.  .  .  . 

Item  the  i  yth  day  of  the  same  month  at  night  was  pulled 
down  the  Rode  in  Paul's  with  Mary  and  John,  with  all  the 
images  in  the  church,  and  two  of  the  men  that  laboured  at 
it  was  slain  and  divers  others  sore  hurt.  Item  also  at  that 
time  was  pulled  down  through  all  the  king's  dominion  in 
every  church  all  Roddes  with  all  images,  and  every  preacher 
preached  in  their  sermons  against  all  images.  Also  the  new- 
years  day  after  preached  doctor  Latemer  that  some  time  was 
bishop  of  Worcester  preached  at  Paul's  cross,  and  two  Sun- 
days following,  etc.  Also  this  same  time  was  much  speaking 
again  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  that  some  called  it  Jack  of 
the  box,  with  divers  other  shameful  names :  and  then  was 
made  a  proclamation  against  such  sayers,  and  it  both  the 
preachers  and  others  spake  against  it,  and  so  continued  ; 
and  at  Easter  following  there  began  the  communion,  and 
confession  but  of  those  that  would,  as  the  book  doth  specify. 
And  at  this  time  was  much  preaching  against  the  mass.  And 


Protestant   Revolution      147 

the   sacrament  of  the  altar  pulled  down  in  divers  places 

through  the  realm.     Item  after  Easter  began  the  service  in 

English  (at  Paul's  at  the  commandment  of  the  dean  at  the 

time,  William  May,)  and  also  in  divers  other  parish  churches. 

Item  also  at  Whitsuntide  began  the  sermons  at  St.  Mary 

spital.    Item  also  this  year  was  Barking  chapel  at  the  Tower 

hill  pulled  down,  and  Saint  Martin's  at  the  chambulles  end, 

Saint    Nicolas  in   the   chambulles,  and   Saint   Ewyns,  and 

within  the  Gatte  of  Newgate  these  were  put  into  the  church 

that  some  time  was  the  Gray  Friars  :  and  also  Strand  church   i.e.  the  at- 

was  pulled  down  to  make  the  protector  duke  of  Somerset's   Ihe^"15  at 

place  larger.  churches. 

Item  this  year  was  all  the  chantries  put  down.  .  .  . 

Item  also  the  bishop  of  Winchester  at  that  time  Stephyn 
Gardner  preached  before  the  king  at  saint  James  in  the 
field  on  Saint  Peter's  day  at  afternoon  the  which  was  then 
Friday,  and  in  the  morrow  after  was  committed  into  the 
tower  of  London  in  ward.  .  .  . 

Item  all  those  preachers  that  preached  at  Paul's  cross 
at  that  time  spake  much  against  the  bishop  of  Winchester ; 
and  also  Cardmaker,  that  talked  in  Paul's  3  times  a  week   vicarofSt. 
had  more  or  less  of  him.  uride>5'  -and 

burned  in 

Item  this  same  time  was  put  down  all  going  abroad  of    1555. 
processions,  and  the  sensyng  at  Paul's  at  Whitsuntide,  and 
the  Skinners'  procession  on   Corpus   Christi  day,  with  all 
others,  and  had  none  other  but  the  English  procession  in 
their  churches. 

Item  at  this  time  was  much  preaching  through  all  England 
against  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  save  only  M.  Laygton,  and 
he  preached  in  every  place  that  he  preached  against  them 
all :  and  so  was  much  controversy  and  much  besynes  in 
Paul's  every  Sunday  and  sitting  in  the  church  and  of  none 
that  were  honest  persons,  but  boys  and  persons  of  little 
reputation  :  and  would  have  made  more  if  there  had  not 
a  way  a  bene  tane.  And  at  the  last  the  28.  of  December 


1 48          The    Reformation 

following  there  was  a  proclamation  that  none  of  both  parties 
should  preach  unto  such  time  as  the  council  had  deter- 
mined such  things  as  they  were  in  hand  with  all :  ... 

Chronicle  of  the    Gray  Friars    of  London    (edited   by  J.    G. 
Nichols,  Camden  Society,  1857),  54-56. 


50.    Queen   Mary  of  England   (1554) 

Venetian  am- 
bassador to          .  .  .  The  most  Serene  Madame  Mary  is  entitled  Queen 

and  to  Queen  of  England  and  of  France,  and  Defendress  of  the  Faith. 
Mary  during  gne  was  ^orn  on  tne  jgtn  February  1515,  so  she  yesterday 
from  1551  to  completed  her  38th  year  and  six  months.  She  is  of  low 
stature,  with  a  red  and  white  complexion,  and  very  thin ; 
dated?\ugust  ner  eYes  are  white  and  large,  and  her  hair  reddish  ;  her  face 
18, 1554-  is  round,  with  a  nose  rather  low  and  wide  ;  and  were  not  her 
age  on  the  decline  she  might  be  called  handsome  rather 
than  the  contrary.  She  is  not  of  a  strong  constitution,  and 
of  late  she  suffers  from  headache  and  serious  affection  of 
the  heart,  so  that  she  is  often  obliged  to  take  medicine, 
and  also  to  be  blooded.  She  is  of  very  spare  diet,  and 
never  eats  until  i  or  2  p.  m.,  although  she  rises  at  daybreak, 
when,  after  saying  her  prayers  and  hearing  mass  in  private, 
she  transacts  business  incessantly,  until  after  midnight,  when 
she  retires  to  rest ;  for  she  chooses  to  give  audience  not  only 
to  all  the  members  of  her  Privy  Council,  and  to  hear  from 
them  every  detail  of  public  business,  but  also  to  all  other 
persons  who  ask  it  of  her.  Her  Majesty's  countenance 
indicates  great  benignity  and  clemency,  which  are  not  belied 
by  her  conduct,  for  although  she  has  had  many  enemies,  and 
though  so  many  of  them  were  by  law  condemned  to  death, 
yet  had  the  executions  depended  solely  on  her  Majesty's 
will,  not  one  of  them  perhaps  would  have  been  enforced ; 


Queen  Mary  of  England     149 

but  deferring  to  her  Council  in  everything,  she  in  this  matter 
likewise  complied  with  the  wishes  of  others  rather  than  with 
her  own.  She  is  endowed  with  excellent  ability,  and  more 
than  moderately  read  in  Latin  literature,  especially  with 
regard  to  Holy  Writ;  and  besides  her  native  tongue  she 
speaks  Latin,  French,  and  Spanish,  and  understands  Italian 
perfectly,  but  does  not  speak  it.  She  is  also  very  generous, 
but  not  to  the  extent  of  letting  it  appear  that  she  rests  her 
chief  claim  to  commendation  on  this  quality. 

She  is  so  confirmed  in  the  Catholic  religion  that  although 
the  King  her  brother  and  his  Council  prohibited  her  from 
having  the  mass  celebrated  according  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
ritual,  she  nevertheless  had  it  performed  in  secret,  nor  did 
she  ever  choose  by  any  act  to  assent  to  any  other  form  of 
religion,  her  belief  in  that  in  which  she  was  born  being  so 
strong  that  had  the  opportunity  offered  she  would  have  dis- 
played it  at  the  stake,  her  hopes  being  placed  in  God  alone, 
so  that  she  constantly  exclaims  :  "  In  te  Domine  confido, 
non  confundar  in  ceternum  :  si  Deus  est pro  nobis,  quis  con- 
tra nos  ?"  Her  Majesty  takes  pleasure  in  playing  on  the  lute 
and  spinet,  and  is  a  very  good  performer  on  both  instruments  ; 
and  indeed  before  her  accession  she  taught  many  of  her 
maids  of  honour.  But  she  seems  to  delight  above  all  in 
arraying  herself  elegantly  and  magnificently,  and  her  gar-  A  love  of  fine 

..  ,  clothes  seems 

ments  are  of  two  sorts ;  the  one,  a  gown  such  as  men  wear,   to  have  been 

but  fitting  very  close,  with  an  under-petticoat  which  has  a   common  to 

very  long  train  ;  and  this  is  her  ordinary  costume,  being  also  Tudors. 

that  of  the  gentlewomen  of  England.     The  other  garment  is 

a  gown  and  bodice,  with  wide  hanging  sleeves  in  the  French 

fashion,  which  she  wears  on  state  occasions  ;  and  she  also 

wears  much  embroidery,  and  gowns  and  mantles  of  cloth  of 

gold  and  cloth  of  silver,  of  great  value,  and  changes  every 

day.     She  also  makes  great  use  of  jewels,  wearing  them  both 

on  her  chaperon  and  round  her  neck,  and  as  trimming  for  A  French 

her  gowns;  in  which  jewels  she  delights  greatly,  and  although 


150          The    Reformation 

she  has  a  great  plenty  of  them  left  her  by  her  predecessors, 
yet  were  she  better  supplied  with  money  than  she  is,  she 
would  doubtless  buy  many  more.  .  .  . 

Report  of  England  made  to  the  Senate  by  Giacomo  Soranzo,  late 
Ambassador  to  Edward  VI  and  Queen  Mary  (Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  Venetian,  1534-1554,1^0.934.  London,  1873). 


CHAPTER   IX  — THE   STRUGGLE 
WITH    FOREIGN    FOES 

51.    The  Defences  of  England   (1554) 

SORANZO. 

FROM  her  whole  realm  of  England,  as  seen  heretofore, 
the  Queen  might  easily  raise  100,000  men,  taking  at  the 
muster  those  deemed  fit  for  military  service,  and  who  would 
perform  it  spontaneously ;  but  in  case  of  war,  it  is  not  the 
custom  to  enroll  every  sort  of  person  present  at  the  muster, 
and  from  every  district,  but  [merely]  those  nearest  the 
scene  of  action.  Besides  this  mode  of  enrolment,  it  is 
usual  to  order  noblemen  to  collect  such  an  amount  of 
troops  as  required,  which  is  done  when  the  Crown  does 
not  trust  everybody ;  and  the  third  mode  of  mustering 
forces  —  in  case  of  foreign  invasion,  or  some  sudden  insur- 
rection of  the  natives  —  is  to  place  a  light  on  the  top  of 
certain  huge  lanterns  fixed  on  heights  in  the  villages,  on 
appearance  of  which  signal  anywhere,  all  the  neighbouring 
places  do  the  like,  and  the  forces  muster  at  the  first  sight, 
so  in  a  short  time  the  general  muster  is  made,  the  remedy 
and  assistance  proving  alike  efficient. 

From  the  musters  aforesaid  some  15,000  horse  might  be 
raised,  but  the  native  English  horse  is  not  good  for  war,  and 
they  have  not  many  foreign  horses.  The  weapons  used  by 
the  English  are  a  spear,  and  not  having  much  opportunity 
for  providing  themselves  with  body-armour,  they  wear,  for 
the  most  part,  breast-plates,  with  shirts  of  mail,  and  a  skull 
cap,  and  sword.  The  rest  would  be  footmen,  of  which  they 
have  four  sorts  :  the  first,  which  in  number  and  valour  far 
excels  the  others,  consists  of  archers,  in  whom  the  sinew 


Foreign    Foes 


Harquebus 
=  a  heavy 
sort  of  mus- 
ket fired  from 
a  rest. 

Italian  and 
German  mer- 
cenaries were 
used  in  put- 
ting down  the 
risings  in 
1549- 


The  navy  de- 
clined under 
Mary. 


Butt  =  a  wine 
measure  of 
about  1 26 gal- 
lons (United 
States). 


of  their  armies  consists,  all  the  English  being  as  it  were  by 
nature  most  expert  bowmen,  inasmuch  as  not  only  do  they 
practise  archery  for  their  pleasure,  but  also  to  enable  them 
to  serve  their  King,  so  that  they  have  often  secured  victory 
for  the  armies  of  England.  The  second  sort  consists  of 
infantry,  who  carry  a  sort  of  bill ;  and  there  are  some  of 
these  likewise  who  would  make  good  soldiers.  The  other 
two  sorts  are  harquebusiers  and  pikemen,  of  which  weapons 
they  have  very  little  experience. 

The  Crown  has  occasionally  subsidized  German  troops, 
taking  them  for  the  most  part  from  the  sea  towns,  from 
which  they  have  sometimes  had  as  many  as  10,000,  .  .  . 
About  four  years  ago  it  was  determined  to  raise  a  cavalry 
force  of  1,000  men-at-arms  in  the  French  fashion,  but  after 
keeping  them  for  a  year,  at  a  cost  to  the  King  of  80,000 
crowns,  they  were  disbanded,  it  having  been  found  impossi- 
ble to  make  the  plan  answer.  They  have  no  commanders 
of  note  in  their  pay,  either  English  or  foreign,  but  merely 
give  a  few  pensions  to  some  who  served  them  on  former 
occasions  ;  and  as  to  the  affairs  of  the  militia,  they  being 
regulated  as  in  other  countries,  it  is  unnecessary  to  allude 
to  them. 

Her  Majesty's  naval  forces  also  are  very  considerable,  as 
she  has  great  plenty  of  English  sailors,  who  are  considered 
excellent  for  the  navigation  of  the  Atlantic,  and  an  abun- 
dance of  timber  for  ship-building,  as  they  do  not  use  galleys, 
owing  to  the  strong  tide  in  the  ocean.  Were  her  Majesty 
to  take  the  vessels  of  ship-owners  in  all  parts  of  the  king- 
dom, the  number  would  be  immense ;  but  she  has  only  80 
of  her  own,  including  some  galleons ;  and  whenever  she 
pleased,  she  could  very  easily  obtain  upwards  of  150  from 
private  individuals,  but  small,  as  in  those  parts  but  few  large 
ships  are  seen,  and  they  say  that  those  of  400  butts  and 
under,  sail  better  than  the  larger  ones.  The  head  of  the 
naval  affairs  is  the  Admiral,  he  being  one  of  the  Lords  of  the 


A    Political    Fast 


Council,  who,  when  a  numerous  fleet  is  fitted  out,  puts  to 
sea  in  person,  as  he  did  this  year,  when  he  went  out  with  30 
sail  to  secure  the  sea,  and  convey  the  most  serene  Prince  of 
Spain  on  his  coming ;  but  when  there  is  no  such  need,  a 
Vice-admiral  takes  the  command. 

The  most  important  deficiency  in  the  great  naval  and 
military  forces  of  England,  is,  that  in  the  whole  realm  they 
have  no  persons,  neither  sailor  nor  soldier,  capable  of  com- 
manding either  fleet  or  army.  The  only  man  they  had  was 
the  Duke  of  Northumberland,  who  by  his  bravery  distin- 
guished himself  in  both  capacities,  and  from  the  grade  of 
a  private  gentleman  (his  father  indeed  was  beheaded  for 
treason  by  Henry  VIII.)  rose  step  by  step  through  his  abili- 
ties to  the  eminent  position  at  length  attained  by  him ;  but 
in  like  manner  as  the  punishment  of  his  rashness  was  well 
merited,  so  must  the  friends  of  England  lament  the  loss  of 
all  his  qualities  with  that  single  exception. 

Her  Majesty  has  a  great  quantity  of  very  fine  artillery, 
both  in  the  fortresses  beyond  the  sea,  as  well  as  in  many 
places  within  the  realm,  and  especially  at  the  Tower  of  Lon- 
don, where  the  ammunition  of  every  sort  is  preserved. 

Report  of  England  made  to  the  Senate  by  Giacomo  Soranzo, 
late  Ambassador  to  Edward  VI.  and  Queen  Mary  {Calendar 
of  State  Papers,  Venetian  1534-1554,  No.  934.  London, 
1873). 


Lord  How- 
ard of 
Effingham. 
The  Howard 
name  is  fam- 
ous in  naval 
annals.    See 
No.  59. 
On  this  occa- 
sion Lord 
Howard 
formally 
exacted  a 
recognition 
of  England's 
claim  to  the 
dominion  of 
the  narrow 
seas,  refusing 
to  salute  until 
Philip's 
admiral  had 
lowered  the 
Spanish 
colours. 


Calais  and 
Guisnes. 


52.    A  Political  Fast  (1562) 

XIV.  And  for  increase  of  provision  of  fish  by  the  more 
usual  and  common  eating  thereof,  be  it  further  enacted  by 
the  authority  aforesaid,  That  from  the  feast  of  St.  Michael 
the  archangel  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  five 
hundred  sixty-four,  every  Wednesday  in  every  week  through- 
out the  whole  year,  which  heretofore,  hath  not  by  the  laws 


The  accom- 
panying ex- 
tract from  a 
parliamen- 
tary statute 
indicates  the 
interest  of  the 
Elizabethan 
government 
in  the  ques- 
tion of  naval 
defence. 


Foreign   Foes 


Notes  to  the 
act  by  Sir 
William 
Cecil,  later 
Lord 
Burghley, 
describe  the 
decay  of  the 
fisheries,  and 
he  adds,  re- 
ferring to  the 
English  navy, 
that "  to  build 
ships  without 
men  to  man 
them  is  to 
set  armour 
upon  stakes 
on  the  sea 
shore." 


These  sec- 
tions were 
added  to 
conciliate 
extreme 
Protestant 
feeling. 


or  customs  of  this  realm  been  used  and  observed  as  a  fish- 
day,  and  which  shall  not  happen  to  fall  in  Christinas  week 
or  Easter  week,  shall  be  hereafter  observed  and  kept,  as  the 
Saturdays  in  every  week  be  or  ought  to  be  :  (2)  and  that  no 
manner  of  person  shall  eat  any  flesh  on  the  same  day,  other- 
wise than  ought  to  be  upon  the  common  Saturday. 

XV.  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
for  the  benefit  and  commodity  of  this  realm,  to  grow  as  well 
in  maintenance  of  the  navy,  as  in  sparing  and  increase  of 
flesh  victual  of  this  realm,  That  from  and  after  the  feast  of 
Pentecost  next  coming  it  shall  not  be  lawful  to  any  person  or 
persons  within  this  realm  to  eat  any  flesh  upon  any  days  now 
usually  observed  as  fish-days,  or  upon  any  Wednesday  now 
newly  limited  to  be  observed  as  fish-day;  (2)  upon  pain 
that  every  person  offending  herein  shall  forfeit  three  pound 
for  every  time  he  or  they  shall  offend,  or  else  suffer  three 
months  close  imprisonment  without  bail  or  mainprize. 

XXXIX.  And  because  no  manner  of  person  shall  mis- 
judge of  the  intent  of  this  estatute,  limiting  orders  to  eat 
fish,  and  to  forbear  eating  of  flesh,  but  that  the  same  is  pur- 
posely intended  and  meant  politically  for  the  increase  of 
fishermen  and  mariners,  and  repairing  of  port-tou'ns  and 
navigation,  and  not  for  any  superstition  to  be  maintained 
in  the  choice  of  meats, 

XL.  Be  it  enacted,  That  whosoever  shall  by  preaching, 
teaching,  writing  or  open  speech  notify,  that  any  eating  of 
fish,  or  forbearing  of  flesh,  mentioned  in  this  statute,  is  of 
any  necessity  for  the  saving  of  the  soul  of  man,  or  that  it  is 
the  service  of  God,  otherwise  than  as  other  politick  laws  are 
and  be  ;  that  then  such  persons  shall  be  punished  as  spread- 
ers of  false  news  are  and  ought  to  be. 

An  act  touching  politick  constitutions  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
navy.  5  Eliz.  c.  5.  Statutes  at  Large  (Cambridge,  1763).  VI. 
179,  185. 


Elizabeth   and    Mary    Stuart 


53-    Elizabeth  and  Mary  Stuart   (1564) 

The  next  morning  Master  Lattoun  and  Master  Randolph, 
late  agent  for  the  Queen  of  England  in  Scotland,  came 
to  my  lodging  to  convoy  me  to  her  Majesty,  who  was, 
as  they  said,  already  in  the  garden.  ...  I  found  her 
Majesty  pacing  in  an  alley.  .  .  .  She  inquired  if  the 
Queen  had  sent  any  answer  anent  the  proposition  of  a  mar- 
riage made  to  her  by  Master  Randolph.  I  answered,  as  I 
was  instructed,  that  the  Queen  thought  little  or  nothing 
thereof,  but  looked  for  the  meeting  of  some  Commissioners 
upon  the  borders,  with  my  Lord  of  Murray  and  the  secre- 
tary, Lethington,  to  confer  and  treat  upon  all  such  matters 
of  greatest  importance.  ...  So  seeing  your  Majesties 
cannot  so  soon  find  the  opportunity  of  meeting,  so  much 
desired  between  yourselves  .  .  .  the  Queen,  my  mistress 
...  is  in  hope  that  your  Majesty  will  send  my  Lord  of 
Bedford  and  my  Lord  Robert  Dudley.  She  said  that  it 
appeared  that  I  made  but  small  account  of  my  Lord  Rob- 
ert, seeing  that  I  named  the  Earl  of  Bedford  before  him  ; 
but,  or  it  were  long,  she  should  make  him  a  greater  earl, 
and  that  I  should  see  it  done  before  my  returning  home ; 
for  she  esteemed  him  as  her  brother  and  best  friend,  whom 
she  should  have  married  herself,  if  ever  she  had  been 
minded  to  take  a  husband.  .  .  .  And  to  cause  the  Queen, 
my  mistress,  to  think  the  more  of  him,  I  was  required  to 
stay  till  I  had  seen  him  made  Earl  of  Leicester  and  Baron 
of  Denbigh,  with  great  solemnity  at  Westminster,  herself 
helping  to  put  on  his  ceremonial,  he  sitting  upon  his  knees 
before  her,  keeping  a  great  gravity  and  discreet  behaviour. 
.  .  .  Then  she  asked  me  how  I  liked  of  him.  I  said,  as 
he  was  a  worthy  subject,  he  was  happy  that  had  encoun- 
tered a  princess  that  could  discern  and  reward  good  service. 
"Yet,"  she  said,  "ye  like  better  of  yonder  long  lad," 


BysiR 

JAMES  MEL- 
VILLE (1535- 
I6l7).-  promi- 

nent  in  Scot- 

tish  history 


During  his 

boyhood, 

Melville 


young  Queen 
°he  p^nch 
??urt>.    After 
return  to 


ployed  byher 

in  various 

delicate  dip- 
ipmatic  nego- 

tiations  in 

which  he  dis- 


shrewdness. 

His  influence 

was  exerted 


,t  such 
extreme 


°f  Rjzzio  and 

the  Queen  s 

marriage 

Wg*  BAfter 
Mary's  depo- 

sition  he 

continued  to 


affairs  until 

succeeded  to 
the  crown  of 

England, 

when  he 
withdrewto 


156 


Foreign    Foes 


his  home  in 
Fife  and 
occupied 
himself  in 
writing  the 
Memoirs, 
From  them 
this  extract 
is  taken 
describing 
his  mission 
to  England 
to  discuss 
with  Eliza- 
beth the 
question  of 
Mary's  mar- 
riage, and 
especially  to 
learn,  if 
possible, 
Elizabeth's 
real  inten- 
tions. 


I.e.  next  in 
succession 
to  the  Eng- 
lish throne. 


pointing  towards  my  Lord  Darnley,  who,  as  nearest  prince 
of  the  blood,  bore  the  sword  of  honour  that  day  before 
her.  My  answer  again  was,  that  no  woman  of  spirit  could 
make  choice  of  such  a  man,  that  was  liker  a  woman  than  a 
man  ;  for  he  was  very  lusty,  beardless,  and  lady-faced.  I 
had  no  will  that  she  should  think  that  I  liked  of  him,  or  had 
any  eye  or  dealing  that  way :  albeit  I  had  a  secret  charge 
to  deal  with  his  mother,  my  Lady  Lennox,  to  purchase 
leave  for  him  to  pass  in  Scotland,  where  his  father  was 
already,  that  he  might  see  the  country  and  convoy  the  Earl, 
his  father,  back  again  to  England. 

Now  the  said  Queen  was  determined  to  treat  with  the 
Queen,  my  sovereign,  first  anent  her  marriage  with  the 
Earl  of  Leicester,  and  for  that  effect  promised  to  send 
commissioners  unto  the  borders.  In  the  meantime  I  was 
favourably  and  familiarly  used ;  for  during  nine  days  that  I 
remained  at  Court,  her  Majesty  pleased  to  confer  with  me 
every  day,  and  sometimes  thrice  upon  a  day,  to  wit,  afore- 
noon,  afternoon,  and  after  supper.  Sometimes  she  would 
say,  that  since  she  could  not  meet  with  the  Queen,  her 
good  sister  herself,  to  confer  familiarly  with  her,  that  she 
should  open  a  good  part  of  her  inward  mind  unto  me, 
that  I  might  show  it  again  unto  the  Queen  ;  and  said  that 
she  was  not  so  offended  at  the  Queen's  angry  letter  as 
for  that  she  seemed  to  disdain  so  far  the  marriage  with 
my  Lord  of  Leicester,  which  she  had  caused  Master  Ran- 
dolph to  propose  unto  her.  I  said  that  it  might  be  he 
had  teached  something  thereof  to  my  Lord  of  Murray  and 
Lethington,  but  that  he  had  not  proposed  the  matter 
directly  unto  herself;  and  that  as  well  her  Majesty,  as  they 
that  were  her  most  familiar  counsellors,  could  conjecture 
nothing  thereupon  but  delays  and  drifting  of  time,  anent 
the  declaring  of  her  to  be  the  second  person  which  would 
try  at  the  meeting  of  commissioners  above  specified.  She 
said  again  that  the  trial  and  declaration  thereof  would  be 


Elizabeth   and   Mary   Stuart     157 

hasted  forward,  according  to  the  Queen's  good  behaviour, 
and  applying  to  her  pleasure  and  advice  in  her  marriage ; 
and  seeing  the  matter  concerning  the  said  declaration  was 
so  weighty,  she  had  ordained  some  of  the  best  lawyers  in 
England  diligently  to  search  out  who  had  the  best  right, 
which  she  would  wish  should  be  her  dear  sister  rather  than 
any  other.  I  said  I  was  assured  that  her  Majesty  was  both 
out  of  doubt  hereof,  and  would  rather  she  should  be 
declared  than  any  other.  .  .  .  She  said  that  she  was  never 
minded  to  marry,  except  she  were  compelled  by  the  Queen, 
her  sister's,  hard  behaviour  towards  her,  in  doing  by  her 
counsel,  as  said  is.  I  said  :  "  Madam,  ye  need  not  tell  me 
that ;  I  know  your  stately  stomach ;  ye  think  if  ye  were 
married,  ye  would  be  but  Queen  of  England,  and  now  ye 
are  King  and  Queen  both;  ye  may  not  suffer  a  com- 
mander." 

She  appeared  to  be  so  affectioned  to  the  Queen  her  good 
sister,  that  she  had  a  great  desire  to  see  her :  and  because 
their  desired  meeting  could  not  be  hastily  brought  to  pass, 
she  delighted  oft  to  look  upon  her  picture,  and  took  me  into 
her  bed  chamber,  and  opened  a  little  lettroun  wherein  were  i.e.  cabinet 
divers  little   pictures   wrapped  within    paper,  and  written 
upon  the   paper,  their  names  with  her  own  hand.     Upon 
the  first  that  she  took  up  was  written,  "  My  lord's  picture."   I.e.  Leicester. 
I  held  the  candle  and  pressed   to  see  my  lord's  picture. 
Albeit  she  was  loth  to  let  me  see  it,  at  length  I  by  impor- 
tunity obtained  the  sight  thereof,  and  asked  the  same  to 
carry  home  with  me  unto  the  Queen,  which  she  refused, 
alleging  she  had  but  that  one  of  his.     I  said  again,  that  she 
had  the  principal ;  for  he  was  at  the  furthest  part  of  the 
chamber  speaking  with  the  secretary  Cecil.     Then  she  took   Later  Lord 
out  the  Queen's  picture  and  kissed  it;  and  I  kissed  her  Burg  ley- 
hand  for  the  great  love  I  saw  she  bore  to  the  Queen.  .  .  . 

.  .  .     Her  hair  was  redder  than  yellow,  curled    appar- 
ently of  nature.     Then  she  entered  to  discern  what  colour 


158  Foreign  Foes 


of  hair  was  reported  best,  and  inquired  whether  the  Queen's 
or  her's  was  best,  and  which  of  them  two  was  fairest.  I 
said,  the  fairness  of  them  both  was  not  their  worst  faults. 
But  she  was  earnest  with  me  to  declare  which  of  them  I 
thought  fairest.  I  said,  she  was  the  fairest  Queen  in  Eng- 
land, and  ours  the  fairest  Queen  in  Scotland.  Yet  she  was 
earnest.  I  said  they  were  both  the  fairest  ladies  of  their 
courts,  and  that  the  Queen  of  England  was  whiter,  but  our 
Queen  very  lovesome.  She  inquired  which  of  them  was 
of  highest  stature.  I  said,  our  Queen.  Then  she  said  the 
Queen  was  over  high,  and  that  herself  was  neither  over  high 
or  over  low.  Then  she  asked  what  kind  of  exercises  she 
used.  I  said,  that  I  was  dispatched  out  of  Scotland,  that 
the  Queen  was  but  new  come  back  from  the  highland  hunt- 
ing ;  and  when  she  had  leisure  from  the  affairs  of  her  com- 
pany, she  read  upon  good  books,  the  histories  of  divers 
countries,  and  sometimes  would  play  upon  lute  and  virgin- 
als. She  sperit  if  she  played  well.  I  said,  reasonably  for  a 
Queen. 

I.e.  Hunt-  The  same  day  after  dinner,  my  Lord  of  Hunsden  drew 

me  up  to  a  quiet  gallery  that  I  might  hear  some  music,  but 
he  said  he  durst  not  avow  it,  where  I  might  hear  the  Queen 
play  upon  the  virginals.  But  after  I  had  hearkened  a  while, 
I  took  by  the  tapestry  that  hung  before  the  door  of  the 
chamber,  and  seeing  her  back  was  toward  the  door,  I  en- 
tered within  the  chamber  and  stood  still  at  the  door  post, 
and  heard  her  play  excellently  well ;  but  she  left  off  so  soon 
as  she  turned  her  about  and  saw  me,  and  came  forwards 
seeming  to  strike  me  with  her  left  hand,  and  to  think  shame  ; 
alleging  that  she  used  not  to  play  before  men,  but  when  she 
was  solitary  her  alone,  to  eschew  melancholy ;  and  askit 
how  I  came  there.  I  said,  as  I  was  walking  with  my 
Lord  of  Hunsden,  as  we  passed  by  the  chamber  door,  I 
heard  such  melody,  which  ravished  and  drew  me  within  the 
chamber  I  wist  not  how ;  excusing  my  fault  of  homeliness, 


Elizabeth   and   Mary   Stuart     159 

as  being  brought  up  in  the  Court  of  France,  and  was  now 
willing  to  suffer  what  kind  of  punishment  would  please  her 
lay  upon  me  for  my  offence.  .  .  .  Then  again  she  wished 
that  she  might  see  the  Queen  at  some  convenient  place  of 
meeting.  I  offered  to  convey  her  secretly  in  Scotland  by 
post,  clothed  like  a  page  disguised,  that  she  might  see  the 
Queen  :  as  King  James  the  5  passed  in  France  disguised, 
with  his  own  ambassador,  to  see  the  Ducjlpf  Vendome's 
sister  that  should  have  been  his  wife  ;  and  how  that  her 
chamber  should  be  kept,  as  though  she  were  sick,  in  the 
meantime,  and  none  to  be  privy  thereto  but  my  Lady  Staf- 
ford, and  one  of  the  grooms  of  her  chamber.  She  said, 
Alas  if  she  might  do  it :  and  seemed  to  like  well  such  kind 
of  language,  and  used  all  the  means  she  could  to  cause  me 
persuade  the  Queen  of  the  great  love  that  she  bore  unto 
her,  and  was  minded  to  put  away  all  jealousies  and  suspi- 
cions, and  in  times  coming  a  straiter  friendship  to  stand 
between  them  than  ever  had  been  of  before  ;  and  promised 
that  my  despatch  should  be  delivered  unto  me  very  shortly 
by  Master  Cecil  at  London.  .  .  . 

At  my  home  coming  I  found  the  Queen's  Majesty  still 
in  Edinburgh  to  whom  I  declared  the  manner  of  my  pro- 
ceeding with  the  Queen  of  England.  .  .  . 

After  that  her  Majesty  had  understood  at  great  length 
all  my  handling  and  proceedings  in  England,  she  inquired 
whether  I  thought  that  Queen  meant  truly  towards  her  as 
well  inwardly  in  her  heart  as  she  appeared  to  do  outwardly 
by  her  speech.  I  said,  in  my  judgment,  that  there  was 
neither  plain  dealing  nor  upright  meaning,  but  great  dis- 
simulation, emulation  and  fear  that  her  princely  qualities 
should  over  soon  chase  her  out,  and  displace  her  from  the 
kingdom.  .  .  . 

Sir  James  Melville,  Memoirs  of  his  own  Life  (Bannatyne  Club, 
Edinburgh,  1827),  116-129.     Spelling  modernized. 


i6o 


Foreign    Foes 


By  QUEEN 
ELIZABETH 
(1533-1603). 
After  an 
intermission 
of  four  years 
Parliament 
was  as- 
sembled in 
September, 
1566.    The 
extreme 
Protestant 
element  in 
the  Com- 
mons at 
once  brought 
forward  the 
vexed  ques- 
tions of  the 
Queen's 
marriage 
and  the  suc- 
cession. 
In  spite  of 
the  royal 
prohibition 
the  Com- 
mons per- 
sisted in 
urging  their 
wishes  in 
these  mat- 
ters, and  the 
result  was 
what  Hallam 
calls  "  the 
most  serious 
disagreement 
on  record 
between  the 
crown  and 
the  Com- 
mons since 
the  days  of 
Richard  II 
and  Henry 
IV."    After 
a  session 
spent  in 
wrangling 
the  Queen 
dissolved 
Parliament 
with  the 


54.    A  Speech  of  Queen  Elizabeth  (1566) 

MY  LORDS,  AND  OTHERS  THE  COMMONS  OF  THIS  ASSEMBLY, 

Although  the  Lord  Keeper  hath,  according  to  Order,  very 
well  Answered  in  my  Name,  yet  as  a  Periphrasis  I  have  a 
few  words  further,  to  speak  unto  you  :  Notwithstanding  I 
have  not  been  used,  nor  love  to  do  it,  in  such  open  Assem- 
blies ;  yet  now  (not  to  the  end  to  amend  his  talk)  but 
remembring,  that  commonly  Princes  own  words  be  better 
printed  in  the  hearers  memory,  than  those  spoken  by  her 
Command,  I  mean  to  say  thus  much  unto  you.  I  have  in 
this  Assembly  found  so  much  dissimulation,  where  I  always 
professed  plainness,  that  I  marvail  thereat,  yea  two  Faces 
under  one  Hood,  and  the  Body  rotten,  being  covered  with 
two  Vizors,  Succession  and  Liberty,  which  they  determined 
must  be  either  presently  granted,  denied  or  deferred.  In 
granting  whereof,  they  had  their  desires,  and  denying  or 
deferring  thereof  (those  things  being  so  plaudable,  as  indeed 
to  all  men  they  are)  they  thought  to  work  me  that  mischief, 
which  never  Foreign  Enemy  could  bring  to  pass,  which  is 
the  hatred  of  my  Commons.  But  alas  they  began  to  pierce 
the  Vessel  before  the  Wine  was  fined,  and  began  a  thing 
not  foreseeing  the  end,  how  by  this  means  I  have  seen  my 
well-willers  from  mine  Enemies,  and  can,  as  me  seemeth, 
very  well  divide  the  House  into  four. 

First  the  Broachers  and  workers  thereof,  who  are  in  the 
greatest  fault.  Secondly,  The  Speakers,  who  by  Eloquent 
Tales  perswaded  others,  are  in  the  next  degree.  Thirdly, 
The  agreers,  who  being  so  light  of  Credit,  that  the  Elo- 
quence of  the  Tales  so  overcame  them,  that  they  gave  more 
Credit  thereunto,  than  unto  their  own  Wits.  And  lastly, 
those  that  sate  still  Mute,  and  medled  not  therewith,  but 
rather  wondred  disallowing  the  matter ;  who  in  my  Opinion, 
are  most  to  be  Excused. 


Mary   Stuart's   Escape       161 

But  do  you  think,  that  either   I  am  unmindful  of  your  Speech  here 
Surety  by  Succession,  wherein  is  all  my  Care,  considering  I   years  elapsed 
know  my  self  to  be  mortal  ?     No,  I  warrant  you  :  Or  that  before  Parlia- 

'  ment  was 

I  went  about  to  break  your  Liberties  ?  No,  it  was  never  in  again 
my  meaning,  but  to  stay  you  before  you  fell  into  the  Ditch.  summoned- 
For  all  things  have  their  time.  And  although  perhaps  you 
may  have  after  me  one  better  Learned,  or  Wiser;  yet  I 
assure  you,  none  more  careful  over  you  :  And  therefore 
henceforth,  whether  I  live  to  see  the  like  Assembly  or  no, 
or  whoever  it  be,  yet  beware  however  you  prove  your  Princes 
Patience,  as  you  have  now  done  mine.  And  now  to  con- 
clude, all  this  notwithstanding  (not  meaning  to  make  a  Lent 
of  Christmas)  the  most  part  of  you  may  assure  your  selves, 
that  you  depart  in  your  Princes  Grace. 

Speech  of  Queen  Elizabeth  to  Parliament,  1566  (Sir  Simon 
D'Ewes,  Journals  of  all  the  Parliaments  during  the  reign 
of  Queen  Elizabeth,  London,  1682). 


55.    Mary  Stuart's  Escape  from  Lochleven 


A  gentleman  came  from  Scotland  with  confirmation  of  the 
Queen's  flight  which  took  place  thus. 

The  Queen  of  Scotland  was  advised  by  Lord  Seton,  her 
most  confidential  Catholic  friend,  and  a  very  brave  gentle- 
man, by  means  of  a  lad  of  the  house  who  never  returned, 
that  he  on  an  appointed  day  would  be  with  about  fifty  horse- 
men at  the  lake  of  Lochleven,  where  the  Queen  was  held  a 
prisoner.  .  .  . 

Guard  was  continually  kept  at  the  castle  day  and  night, 
except  during  supper,  at  which  time  the  gate  was  locked 
with  a  key,  every  one  going  to  supper,  and  the  key  was 

M 


By  GIO- 
VANNI COR- 
RER,  Vene- 
tian Ambas- 
sador in 
France.    The 
marriage  of 
Mary,  Queen 
of  Scots,  with 
the  Earl  of 
Both  well,  led 
to  a  rebellion 
of  the  Scot- 
tish nobles. 
On  the  isth 
of  June  Mary 
and  Bolhweil 
were  defeated 
at  Carberry 
Hill  by  the 
Confeder- 
ated Lords. 


162 


Foreign   Foes 


Two  days 
later  the 
Queen  was 
carried  a 
captive  to 
Lochleven 
Castle,  a 
stronghold 
on  the  east 
coast  of 
Scotland. 
Within  the 
next  few 
weeks  she 
was  com- 
pelled to 
abdicate,  and 
her  infant  son 
James  was 
crowned  king 
with  the  Earl 
of  Murray  as 
Regent.     But 
Mary  did  not 
give  up  hope, 
and  on  the 
second  of 
May,  1568, 
she  suc- 
ceeded in 
making  her 
escape  from 
Lochleven, 
and  renewed 
the  struggle. 
—  On  Mary 
Stuart,  see 
R.  Rait, 
Mary,  Queen 
of  Scots. 

Lochleven 
Castle  was 
on  an  island 
in  the  lake  of 
Lochleven. 

The  Gover- 
nor was  Sir 
William 
Douglas. 

The  Hamil- 
ton s  were 
supporters  of 
the  Queen. 


always  placed  on  the  table  where  the  Governor  took  his 
meals,  and  before  him.  The  Governor  is  the  uterine  brother 
of  the  Earl  of  Murray,  Regent  of  Scotland,  the  Queen's 
illegitimate  brother,  and  her  mortal  enemy.  The  Queen, 
having  attempted  to  descend  from  a  window  unsuccessfully, 
contrived  that  a  page  of  the  Governor's,  whom  she  had  per- 
suaded to  this  effect,  when  carrying  a  dish,  in  the  evening 
of  the  and  of  May,  to  the  table  of  his  master  with  a  napkin 
before  him,  should  place  the  napkin  on  the  key,  and  in 
removing  the  napkin  take  up  the  key  with  it,  and  carry  it 
away  unperceived  by  any  one.  Having  done  so,  the  page 
then  went  directly  to  the  Queen,  and  told  her  all  was  ready ; 
and  she,  having  in  the  meanwhile  been  attired  by  the  elder 
of  the  two  maids  who  waited  upon  her,  took  with  her  by  the 
hand  the  younger  maid,  a  girl  ten  years  old,  and  with  the 
page  went  quietly  to  the  door,  and  he  having  opened  it, 
the  Queen  went  out  with  him  and  the  younger  girl,  and 
locked  the  gate  outside  with  the  same  key,  without  which  it 
could  not  be  opened  from  within.  They  then  got  into  a 
little  boat  which  was  kept  for  the  service  of  the  castle,  and 
displaying  a  white  veil  of  the  Queen's  with  a  red  tassel,  she 
made  the  concerted  signal  to  those  who  awaited  her  that  she 
was  approaching.  .  .  .  The  horsemen  .  .  .  came  immedi- 
ately to  the  lake,  and  received  the  Queen  with  infinite  joy, 
and  having  placed  her  on  horseback  with  the  page  and  the 
girl,  they  conveyed  her  to  the  sea  coast,  at  a  distance  of  five 
miles  from  thence,  because  to  proceed  by  land  to  the  place 
which  had  been  designated  appeared  manifestly  too  danger- 
ous. All  having  embarked,  the  Queen  was  conducted  to 
Niddry,  a  place  belonging  to  Lord  Seton,  and  from  thence  to 
Hamilton,  a  castle  of  the  Duke  of  Chatellerault,  where  his 
brother,  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  with  other  principal 
personages  of  those  parts,  acknowledged  her  as  Queen.  .  .  . 
All  Scotland  is  in  motion,  some  declaring  for  the  Queen, 
and  some  against  her  and  for  the  Earl  of  Murray.  .  .  . 


Mary   Stuart's   Escape      163 

With  regard  to  her  flight,  it  is  judged  here,  by  those  who 
know  the  site,  and  how  strictly  she  was  guarded,  that  her 
escape  was  most  miraculous,  most  especially  having  been 
contrived  by  two  lads  under  ten  years  of  age,  who  could  not 
be  presupposed  to  have  the  requisite  judgment  and  secrecy. 

To  the  greater  satisfaction  with  the  result  may  be  added 
that  the  inmates  of  Lochleven  Castle  perceived  the  flight ; 
but  being  shut  up  within  it,  and  thus  made  prisoners,  they 
had  to  take  patience,  and  to  witness  the  Queen's  escape, 
while  they  remained  at  the  windows  of  the  castle. 

But  now,  if  the  current  report  be  true,  the  Queen  of 
Scotland,  following  the  course  of  her  fickle  fortune,  gives 
news  of  her  troops  having  been  routed  near  Glasgow,  all  her 
chief  adherents  being  killed  or  made  prisoners.  .  .  .  We  are 
now  awaiting  information,  as  the  Scotch  here  support  them- 
selves with  the  hope  that  all  may  not  be  true,  assigning  rea- 
sons for  their  doubts.  .  .  . 

Paris,  26th  May. 

TKe  news  of  the  defeat  of  the  troops  of  the  Queen  of 
Scotland  was  true.  She  had  assembled  about  eight  thousand 
men,  who  had  flocked  to  her  from  divers  parts,  and  for  greater 
security  she  wished  to  shut  herself  up  in  Dumbarton,  which 
is  a  very  strong  castle,  but  she  could  not  get  there  without 
crossing  the  Clyde,  over  which  there  is  but  one  bridge  near 
Glasgow,  and  that  was  already  occupied  by  the  enemy.  It 
was  therefore  determined  to  cross  the  river  where  it  flows 
into  the  sea,  a  number  of  boats  being  sent  to  the  spot  for 
that  purpose.  The  Regent,  aware  of  this,  went  in  pursuit 
with  four  thousand  men ;  whereupon  the  Queen  appointed 
as  her  Lieutenant-General  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  who  had  just 
joined  her,  and  who  is  her  brother-in-law  through  his  wife, 
Queen  Mary's  natural  sister,  and  he  with  six  thousand  men 
gave  Murray  battle. 

The  contest  lasted  for  three-quarters  of  an  hour,  when 


164 


Foreign    Foes 


May  i3th.  the  Queen's  troops  were  worsted,  but  only  one  hundred  and 
fifty  of  her  followers  were  killed,  for  the  Regent  exerted 
himself  extremely  to  prevent  his  troops  shedding  blood. 
The  prisoners  exceeded  three  hundred,  including  many 
noblemen,  amongst  whom,  moreover,  is  that  Lord  Seton 
who  was  the  chief  instrument  and  leader  in  effecting  the 
Queen's  escape.  Finding  herself  defeated,  the  Queen  set 
out  for  England,  accompanied  by  a  son  of  the  Duke  of 
Chatellerault,  by  Lord  Fleming,  by  the  Earl  of  Maxwell, 
and  some  twenty-five  other  attendants,  and  she  travelled  a 
distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  miles  without  any 
rest.  She  stopped  at  a  place  called  Workington,  which  is 
four  miles  within  the  English  border.  She  did  not  discover 
herself,  but  was  recognised  by  a  Scotchman,  who  informed 
the  warden  of  the  castle,  and  the  latter  went  immediately  to 
receive  her,  with  great  marks  of  respect,  and  posted  guards 
on  all  sides  to  prevent  pursuit  by  the  enemy. 
Paris,  6th  June. 

Giovanni  Correr,  Venetian  Ambassador  in  France,  to  the  Sig- 
nory  (Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Venetian,  1558-1580,  Nos.  425 
and  426,  London,  1890). 


By  SIR 
WALTER 
MILDMAY 
(1520?- 

1589), 

distinguished 
as  a  states- 
man and 
financier. 
Although  a 
convinced 
Protestant,  he 
was  em- 
ployed in 
public  ser- 
vice by  Marv. 
Under  Eliza- 


56.   Concerning  the  Keeping  of  the  Queen 
of  Scots   (1569) 

The  Question  to  be  considered  on,  is,  Whether  it  be  less 
perilous  to  the  Queen's  Majesty,  and  the  Realm,  to  retain 
the  Queen  of  Scots  in  England,  or  to  return  her  home  into 
Scotland  ? 

In  which  Question,  these  things  are  to  be  considered. 
On  the  one  side,  What  Dangers  are  like  to  follow  if  she  be 
retained  here ;  and  thereupon,  if  so  avoiding  of  them,  it 


The   Queen   of  Scots        165 


shall  be  thought  good  to  return  her,  then  what  Cautions  and 
Provisions  are  necessary  to  be  had. 

On  the  other  side,  are  to  be  weighed  the  Dangers  like 
to  follow  if  she  be  returned  home ;  and  thereupon,  if  for 
eschewing  of  them,  it  shall  be  thought  good  to  retain  her 
here,  then  what  Cautions  and  Provisions  are  in  that  Case 
necessary. 

Dangers  in  retaining  the  Queen  of  Scots 

Her  unquiet  and  aspiring  Mind,  never  ceasing  to  practice 
with  the  Queen's  Subjects.  Her  late  practice  of  Marriage 
between  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  and  her,  without  the  Queen's 
knowledg.  The  Faction  of  the  Papists,  and  other  Ambitious 
Folks,  being  ready  and  fit  Instruments  for  her  to  work  upon. 
The  Commiseration  that  ever  followeth  such  as  be  in  misery, 
though  their  Deserts  be  never  so  great.  Her  cunning  and 
sugred  entertainment  of  all  Men  that  come  to  her,  whereby 
she  gets  both  Credit  and  Intelligence.  Her  practice  with 
the  French  and  Spanish  Ambassadors,  being  more  near  to 
her  in  England,  than  if  she  were  in  Scotland ;  and  their  con- 
tinual sollicitation  of  the  Queen  for  her  delivery,  the  denial 
whereof  may  breed  War.  The  danger  in  her  escaping  out 
of  Guard,  whereof  it  is  like  enough  she  will  give  the  Attempt. 
So  as  remaining  here,  she  hath  time  and  opportunity  to  prac- 
tice and  nourish  Factions,  by  which  she  may  work  Confed- 
eracy, and  thereof  may  follow  Sedition  and  Tumult,  which 
may  bring  peril  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  and  the  State. 
Finally,  it  is  said,  That  the  Queen's  Majesty,  of  her  own  dis- 
position, hath  no  mind  to  retain  her,  but  is  much  unquieted 
therewith,  which  is  a  thing  greatly  to  be  weighed.  ... 

Dangers  in  returning  Her 

The  manner  how  to  deliver  her  Home,  with  the  Queen's 
Majesty's  Honour  and  Safety,  is  very  doubtful.  For  if  she 
be  delivered  in  Guard,  that  came  hither  free,  and  at  liberty, 


beth  he 
became 
Chancellor 
of  the  Ex- 
chequer.   He 
used  his  in- 
fluence to 
protect  the 
Puritans,  and 
he  favoured 
a  policy  of 
intervention 
in  behalf  of 
the  Protes- 
tants of  the 
Continent 
His  interest 
in  education 
was  great, 
and  in  1583 
he  founded 
Emmanuel 
College, 
Cambridge. 
In  response 
to  the 
Queen's 
charge 
having 
erected  a 
Puritan 
foundation, 
he  replied, 
"  No, 

Madam,  far 
be  it  from 
me  to  coun- 
tenance any- 
thing con- 
trary to  your 
established 
laws ;  but  I 
have  set  an 
acorn  which, 
when  it  be- 
comes an 
oak,  God 
alone  knows 
what  will  be 
the  fruit 
thereof." 


1 66  Foreign   Foes 


how  will  that  stand  with  the  Queen's  Honour,  and  with  the 
Requests  of  the  French  and  Spanish  Kings,  that  have  con- 
tinually sollicited  her  free  delivery,  either  into  Scotland  or 
France  ?  or  if  she  die  in  Guard,  either  violently  or  naturally, 
her  Majesty  shall  hardly  escape  slander.  If,  again,  she  be 
delivered  home  at  Liberty,  or  if  being  in  Guard  she  should 
escape,  then  these  Perils  may  follow. 

The  suppressing  of  the  present  Government  in  Scotland, 
now  depending  upon  the  Queen's  Majesty,  and  advancing 
of  the  contrary  Faction  depending  upon  the  French.  The 
alteration  of  Religion  in  Scotland.  The  renewing  of  the 
League,  Offensive  and  Defensive,  between  France  and 
Scotland,  that  hath  so  much  troubled  England.  The 
renewing  of  her  pretended  claim  to  the  Crown  of  this 
Realm.  The  likelihood  of  War  to  ensue  between  France, 
Scotland,  and  Us,  and  the  bringing  in  of  Strangers  into  that 
Realm  to  our  annoyance,  and  great  charge,  as  late  experi- 
ence hath  shewed.  The  supportation  that  she  is  like  to 
have  of  the  French  and  Spanish  Kings.  And  though  Peace 
should  continue  between  England  and  Scotland,  yet  infinite 
injuries  will  be  offered  by  the  Scots  Queen's  Ministers  upon 
the  Borders,  which  will  turn  to  the  great  hurt  of  the  Queen's 
Majesty's  Subjects,  or  else  to  her  greater  Charges  to  redress 
them ;  for  the  change  of  the  Government  in  Scotland,  will 
change  the  Justice  which  now  is  had,  unto  all  Injury  and 
Unjustice.  The  likelihood  she  will  revoke  the  Earl  Both- 
well,  now  her  Husband,  though  unlawful,  as  is  said,  a  man 
of  most  evil  and  cruel  Affection  to  this  Realm  and  to  his 
own  Countrymen :  Or,  if  she  should  marry  another  that 
were  a-like  Enemy,  the  Peril  must  needs  be  great  on  either 
side.  .  .  . 

And  albeit  to  these  Dangers  may  be  generally  said,  That 
such  Provision  shall  be  made,  by  Capitulations  with  her,  and 
by  Hostages  from  the  Regent,  and  the  Lords  of  Scotland, 
as  all  these  Perils  shall  be  prevented. 


The   Queen   of  Scots       167 


To  tJiat  may  be  answered 

That  no  Fact  which  she  shall  do  here  in  England  will 
hold,  for  she  will  alleage  the  same  to  be  done  in  a  Foreign 
Country,  being  restrained  of  Liberty.  That  there  is  great 
likelyhood  of  escape,  wheresoever  she  be  kept  m  Scotland; 
for  her  late  escape  there,  sheweth,  how  she  will  leave  no  way 
unsought  to  atchieve  it ;  and  the  Country  being,  as  it  is, 
greatly  divided,  and  of  nature  marvellously  Factious,  she  is 
the  more  like  to  bring  it  to  pass.  Or  if  the  Regent,  by  any 
practice,  should  yield  to  a  composition,  or  finding  his  Party 
weak,  should  give  over  his  Regiment,  Then  what  assurance 
have  we,  either  of  Amity  or  Religion.  That  the  Regent 
may.be  induced  to  do  this,  appeareth  by  his  late  secret 
Treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  for  her  Marriage,  without 
the  Queen's  Majesty's  knowledg.  And  though  the  Regent 
should  persevere  constant,  yet  if  he  should  be  taken  away 
directly,  or  indirectly,  (the  like  whereof  is  said,  hath  been 
attempted  against  him)  then  is  all  at  large,  and  the  Queen 
of  Scots  most  like  to  be  restored  to  her  Estate,  the  Factions 
being  so  great  in  Scotland,  as  they  are ;  so  as  the  Case  is 
very  tickle  and  dangerous  to  hang  upon  so  small  a  Thread, 
as  the  Life  of  one  Man,  by  whom  it  appeareth  the  whole  at 
this  present  is  contained. 

And  touching  the  Hostages,  though  that  Assurance  might 
be  good  to  preserve  her  from  Violence  in  Scotland,  yet  it 
may  be  doubted  how  the  same  will  be  sufficient  to  keep  her 
from  escaping  or  governing  again,  seeing,  for  her  part,  she 
will  make  little  Conscience  of  the  Hostages  if  she  may  pre- 
vail ;  and  the  punishing  of  the  Hostages  will  be  a  small 
satisfaction  to  the  Queen's  Majesty  for  the  Troubles  that 
may  ensue.  And  for  the  doubt  of  her  escape,  or  of  Rebel- 
lion within  this  Realm,  it  may  be  said,  That  if  she  should  not 
be  well  guarded,  but  should  be  left  open  to  practice,  then 
her  Escape,  and  the  other  perils,  might  be  doubted  of;  but 


1 68  Foreign    Foes 


if  the  Queen's  Majesty  hold  a  stricter  hand  over  her,  and 
put  her  under  the  Care  of  a  fast  and  circumspect  Man,  all 
practice  shall  be  cut  from  her,  and  the  Queen's  Majesty  free 
from  that  Peril.  And  more  safe  it  is  for  the  Queen  to  keep 
the  Bridle  in  her  own  Hand,  to  restrain  the  Scottish  Queen, 
than,  in  returning  her  home,  to  commit  that  trust  to  others, 
which  by,  Death,  composition,  or  abusing  of  One  Person, 
may  be  disappointed. 

And  if  she  should,  by  any  means,  recover  her  Estate,  the 
doubt  of  Rebellion  there  is  not  taken  away,  but  rather  to 
be  feared,  if  she  have  ability  to  her  Will.  And  if  she  find 
strength,  by  her  own  or  Foreign  Friends,  she  is  not  far  off 
to  give  Aid,  upon  a  main  Land,  to  such  as  will  stir  for  her; 
which,  so  long  as  she  is  here,  they  will  forbear,  lest  it  might 
bring  most  Peril  to  her  self,  being  in  the  Queen's  Hands. 
The  like  respect,  no  Doubt,  will  move  Foreign  Princes  to 
become  Requesters,  and  not  Threatners,  for  her  delivery. 

And  where  it  is  said,  That  the  Queen's  Majesty  cannot  be 
quiet  so  long  as  she  is  here,  but  it  may  breed  danger  to  her 
Majesty's  Health  ;  That  is  a  Matter  greatly  to  be  weighed, 
for  it  were  better  to  adventure  all,  than  her  Majesty  should 
inwardly  conceive  any  thing  to  the  danger  of  her  Health. 
But  as  that  is  only  known  to  such  as  have  more  inward 
Acquaintance  with  her  Majesty's  disposition,  than  is  fit  for 
some  other  to  have.  So  again,  it  is  to  be  thought,  that  her 
Majesty  being  wise,  if  the  Perils  like  to  follow,  in  returning 
her  Home,  were  laid  before  her;  and  if  she  find  them 
greater  than  the  other,  she  will  be  induced  easily  to  change 
her  Opinion,  and  thereby  may  follow  to  her  Majesty's  great 
satisfaction  and  quietness.  .  .  . 

Sir  Walter  Mildmay's  Opinion  concerning  the  keeping  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots  (G.  Burnet,  History  of  the  Reformation,  Lon- 
don, 1683,  Part  II,  Book  III,  No.  12). 


Burghley    to    Elizabeth      169 


57.    Burghley   to   Elizabeth    on   Matters  of 
State  (circ.    1583) 

.  .  .'  The  second  point  of  the  general  part  of  my  discourse 
is,  the  consideration  of  your  foreign  enemies,  which  may 
prove  either  able  or  willing  to  hurt  you  ;  and  those  are  Scot- 
land, for  his  pretence  and  neighbourhood  ;  and  Spain,  for  his 
religion  and  power  :f  As  for  France,  I  see  not  why  he  should 
not  rather  be  made  a  friend  than  an  enemy ;  for,  though  he 
agree  not  with  your  Majesty  in  matters  of  conscience  and 
religion,  yet,  in  hoc  tertio,  he  doth  agree,  that  he  feareth  the 
greatness  of  Spain ;  and  therefore  that  may  solder  the  link 
which  religion  hath  broken,  and  make  him  hope,  by  your 
Majesty's  friendship,  to  secure  himself  against  so  potent  an 
adversary.* 

And,  though  he  were  evilly  affected  towards  your  Majesty, 
yet,  the  present  condition  of  his  estate  considered,  I  do  not 
think  it  greatly  to  be  feared,  himself  being  a  prince  who 
hath  given  assurance  to  the  world,  that  he  loves  his  ease 
much  better  than  victories,  and  a  prince  that  is  neither 
beloved  nor  feared  of  his  people  :  And  the  people  them- 
selves being  of  a  very  light  and  unconstant  disposition ;  and 
besides  they  are  altogether  unexperienced,  and  undisciplined 
how  to  do  their  duties,  either  in  war  or  peace  ;  they  are 
ready  to  begin  and  undertake  any  enterprise  before  they 
enter  into  consideration  thereof,  and  yet  weary  of  it  before 
it  be  well  begun ;  they  are  generally  poor  and  weak,  and 
subject  to  sickness  at  sea ;  divided  and  subdivided  into 
sundry  heads,  and  several  factions,  not  only  between  the 
Huguenots  and  Papists,  but  also  between  the  Montmorencies 
the  Guises  and  the  and  the  people  being  oppressed 

by  all  do  hate  all ;  so  that,  for  a  well  settled  and  established 
government  and  commonwealth  as  your  Majesty's  is,  I  see 
no  grounds  why  to  misdoubt  or  fear  them,  but  only  so  far 


By  WILLIAM 
CECIL,  LORD 
BURGHLEY 
(1520-1598), 
Chief  Secre- 
tary of  State 
and  Lord 
Treasurer 
under  Eliza- 
beth.    In 
every  great 
crisis  the 
Queen  turned 
to  Cecil,  and 
although  she 
did  not 
always  follow 
his  advice, 
yet  she  was 
much  influ- 
enced by  his 
views.    "  By 
him  more 
than  by  any 
other  single 
man  during 
the  last  thirty 
years  of  his 
life  was  the 
history  of 
England 
shaped." 
Burghley's 
temper  was 
cautious  and 
compromis- 
ing, but  he 
favoured  a 
more  vigor- 
ous policy  of 
opposition  to 
Spain,  and  of 
support  to 
the  Protes- 
tants of  the 
Continent 
than  suited 
Elizabeth. — 
On  Burghley, 
see  Martin 
Hume,  The 
Great  Lord 
Burghley. 

Blank  in  the 
original. 


Foreign   Foes 


Firebrands. 


Leader  of  the 
Huguenot 
party,  and 
later  Henry 
IV  of  France. 


James  VI  of 
Scotland, 
later  James  I 
of  England. 


forth  as  the  Guisards  happen  to  serve  for  boutefeus  in  Scot- 
land ;  and  while  it  shall  please  your  Majesty,  but  with  reason- 
able favour  to  support  the  king  of  Navarre,  I  do  not  think 
that  the  French  King  will  ever  suffer  you  to  be  from  thence 
annoyed. 

Therefore,  for  France,  your  Majesty  may  assure  your  self 
of  one  of  these  two,  either  to  make  with  him  a  good  alliance, 
in  respect  of  the  common  enemy  of  both  kingdoms,  or  at 
the  least  so  muzzle  him,  as  that  he  shall  have  little  power  to 
bite  you. 

As  for  Scotland,  if  your  Majesty  assist  and  help  those 
noblemen  there,  which  are  by  him  suspected,  your  Majesty 
may  be  sure  of  this,  that  those  will  keep  him  employed  at 
home  ;  and  also,  whilst  he  is  a  protestant,  no  foreign  prince 
will  take  part  with  him  against  your  Majesty :  And  of  him- 
self he  is  not  able  to  do  much  harm,  the  better  part  of  his 
nobles  being  for  your  Majesty ;  and,  if  in  time  he  should 
grow  to  be  a  papist,  your  Majesty  shall  always  have  a  strong 
party  at  his  own  doors,  in  his  own  kingdom,  to  restrain  his 
malice ;  who,  since  they  depend  upon  your  Majesty,  they 
are,  in  all  policy,  never  to  be  abandoned  ;  for,  by  this 
resolution,  the  Romans  anciently,  and  the  Spaniards  pres- 
ently, have  most  of  all  prevailed  :  and,  on  the  contrary,  the 
Macedonians  in  times  past,  and  the  Frenchmen  in  our  age, 
have  lost  all  their  foreign  friends,  because  of  their  aptness 
to  neglect  those  who  depended  upon  them  :  but,  if  your 
Majesty  could  by  any  means  possible  devise  to  bring  in 
again  the  Hamiltons,  he  should  then  be  beaten  with  his 
own  weapons,  and  should  have  more  cause  to  look  to  his 
own  succession,  than  to  be  too  busy  abroad.  But  Spain, 
yea  Spain,  it  is  in  which,  as  I  conceive,  all  causes  do  concur, 
to  give  a  just  alarm  to  your  Highness's  excellent  judgment. 

First,  because  in  religion  he  is  so  much  the  Pope's,  and 
the  Pope  in  policy  so  much  his,  as  that  whatever  the  mind 
of  Pope  Gregory,  and  the  power  of  King  Philip,  will  or  can 


Burghley   to   Elizabeth      171 

compass,  or  bring  upon  us,  is  in  all  probability  to  be  ex-   Gregory 
pected ;  himself  being  a  prince  whose  closet  hath  brought 
forth  greater  victories  than  all  his  father's  journies,  absolutely 
ruling  his  subjects,  a  people  all  one-hearted  in  religion,  con- 
stant, ambitious,  politick,  and  valiant ;  the  King  rich  and 
liberal,  and,  which  of  all  I  like  worst,  greatly  beloved  among 
all  the  discontented  party  of  your  Highness's  subjects.  .  .  .  The 
Now  as  of  him  is  the  chief  cause  of  doubt,  so  of  him  the 
chief  care  must  be  had  of  providence. 

But  this  offers  a  great  question,  whether  it  be  better  to 
procure  his  amity?  Or  stop  the  course  of  his  enmity?  As 
of  a  great  lion,  whether  it  be  more  wisdom,  to  trust  to  the 
taming  of  him,  or  tying  of  him  ? 

I  confess  this  requires  a  longer  and  a  larger  discourse, 
and  a  better  discourser  than  myself;  and  therefore  I  will 
stay  myself  from  roving  over  so  large  a  field  :  but  only,  with 
the  usual  presumption  of  love,  yield  this  to  your  gracious 
consideration. 

First,  if  you  have  any  intention  of  league,  that  you  see 
upon  what  assurance,  or  at  least  what  likelihood,  you  may 
have  that  he  will  observe  the  same. 

Secondly,  that  in  a  parlying  season  it  be  not  as  a  coun- 
tenance unto  him  the  sooner  to  overthrow  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, which  hitherto  have  been  as  a  counterscarp  to  your 
Majesty's  kingdom. 

But,  if  you  do  not  league,  then  your  Majesty  is  to  think 
upon  means  for  strengthening  yourself,  and  weakening  of 
him,  and  therein  your  own  strength  is  to  be  tendered  both 
at  home  and  abroad. 

For  your  home  strength,  in  all  reverence  I  leave  it,  as  the 
thing  which  contains  in  effect  the  universal  consideration  of 
government. 

For  your  strength  abroad,  it  must  be  in  joining  in  good 
confederacy,  or  at  least  intelligence,  with  those  that  would 
willingly  embrace  the  same. 


172  Foreign    Foes 


Truly  not  so  much  at  the  Turk  and  Morocco,  but  at 
some  time  they  may  serve  your  Majesty  to  great  purpose ; 
but  from  Florence,  Ferrara,  and  especially  Venice,  I  think 
your  Majesty  might  reap  great  assurance  and  service,  for 
undoubtedly  they  abhor  his  frauds,  and  fear  his  greatness. 

And  for  the  Dutch,  and  Northern  Princes,  being  in 
effect  of  your  Majesty's  religion,  I  cannot  think  but  their 
alliance  may  be  firm,  and  their  power  not  to  be  contemned  : 
even  the  countenance  of  united  powers  doth  much  in  mat- 
ters of  state. 

For  the  weakening  of  him,  I  would,  I  must  confess  from 
my  heart,  wish  that  your  Majesty  did  not  spare  thoroughly 
and  manifestly  to  make  war  upon  him  both  in  the  Indies, 
and  the  Low  Countries,  which  would  give  themselves  unto 
you  ;  and  that  you  would  rather  take  him,  while  he  hath 
one  hand  at  liberty,  than  both  of  them  sharply  weaponed. 

But,  if  this  seem  foolish  hardiness  to  your  Majesty's  wis- 
dom, yet,  I  dare  not  presume  to  counsel,  but  beseech  your 
Majesty  that  what  stay  and  support  your  Majesty,  without 
war,  can  give  to  the  Low  Countries,  you  would  vouchsafe 
to  do  it,  since,  as  king  of  Spain,  without  the  Low  Countries 
he  may  trouble  our  skirts  of  Ireland,  but  never  come  to 
grasp  with  you ;  but,  if  he  once  reduce  the  Low  Countries 
to  an  absolute  subjection,  I  know  not  what  limits  any  man 
of  judgment  can  set  unto  his  greatness.  .  .  . 

Lord-Treasurer  Burleigh,  Advice  to  Queen  Elisabeth  in  Matters 
of  Religion  and  State.  (The  Harleian  Miscellany,  London, 
1809,  Vol.  II,  281-283.) 


Queen   of  Scots  173 


C8.      Execution     of    the    Queen     Of    ScOtS         The  accom- 
panying 

(l  r  g  6  \  account  is 

\     ~>         1  indorsed  in 

Lord  Burgh- 

"  A  Reporte  of  the  MANNER  of  the  EXECUTION  of  f^  Feb.nd> 

the  Sc.  Q.  performed  the  viijth  of  February,  Anno  1586  in  ^b-   The 

the  great  hall  of  Fotheringhay,  with  Relacion  of  Speeches  the  Q.  of 

uttered  and  Accions  happening  in  the  said  Execution,  from  ftCFodryng- 

the  delivery  of  the  said  Sc.  Q.  to  Mr.  Thomas  Androwes  hay.wr.  by 
Esquire   Sherife  of  the  County  of  Northampton  unto  the 
end  of  the  said  Execucion. 

"  First,  the  said  Sc.  Q.  being  caryed  by  two  of  Sir  Amias 
Pauletts  gentlemen,  and  the  Sherife  going  before  her,  cam 
most  willingly  out  of  her  chamber  into  an  entery  next  the 
Hall,  at  which  place  the  Earle  of  Shrewsbury  and  the  Earle 
of  Kente,  commissioners  for  the  execucion,  with  the  two 
gouvernors  of  her  person,  and  divers  knights  and  gentle- 
men did  meete  her,  where  they  found  one  of  the  Sc.  Q. 
servauntes,  named  Melvin,  kneeling  on  his  knees,  who 
uttered  these  wordes  with  teares  to  the  Q.  of  Sc.  his  mis- 
tris,  '  Madam  it  wilbe  the  sorrowfullest  messuage  that  ever 
I  caryed,  when  I  shall  report  that  my  Queene  and  deare 
Mistris  is  dead.'  Then  the  Qu.  of  Sc.  shedding  teares 
aunswered  him,  '  You  ought  to  rejoyce  rather  then  weepe 
for  that  the  end  of  Mary  Stewards  troubles  is  now  come.  .  . ' 

Then  she  turned  her  to  the  Lordes  and  told  them  that  she 
had  certayne  requestes  to  make  unto  them.  One  was  for  a 
some  of  mony,  which  she  said  Sir  Amias  Paulett  knewe  of, 
to  be  paide  to  one  Curie  her  servaunte ;  next,  that  all  her 
servauntes  might  enjoy  that  quietly  which  by  her  Will  and 
Testamente  she  had  given  unto  them  ;  and  lastly  that  they 
might  be  all  well  intreated,  and  sent  home  safely  and  hon- 
estly into  their  contryes.  '  And  this  I  doe  conjure  you,  my 
Lordes,  to  doe.' 


174  Foreign    Foes 


Aunswere  was  made  by  Sir  Amias  Paulett, '  I  doe  well 
remember  the  mony  your  Grace  speaketh  of,  and  your  Grace 
neede  not  to  make  any  double  of  the  not  performaunce  of 
your  requestes,  for  I  doe  surely  thincke  they  shalbe  graunted.' 

'  I  have,'  said  she,  '  one  other  request  to  make  unto  you, 
my  Lordes,  that  you  will  suffer  my  poore  servauntes  to  be 
present  about  me  at  my  death,  that  they  may  reporte  when 
they  come  into  their  countryes  how  I  dyed  a  true  woman  to 
my  religion.' 

Then  the  Earle  of  Kente,  one  of  the  commissioners,  aun- 
swered,  '  Madam  it  cannot  welbe  graunted,  for  that  it  is 
feared  lest  some  of  them  wold  with  speeches  both  trouble 
and  greive  your  Grace  and  disquiett  the  company,  of  which 
we  have  had  allready  some  experience,  or  seeke  to  wipe  their 
napkins  in  some  of  your  bloode,  which  were  not  convenient.' 
'  My  Lord,'  said  the  Q.  of  Sc.  '  I  will  give  my  word  and 
promise  for  them  that  they  shall  not  doe  any  such  thinge  as 
your  Lordship  hath  named.  Alas  !  poor  sowles,  yt  wold  doe 
them  good  to  bidd  me  farewell.  And  I  hope  your  Mistres, 
being  a  mayden  Queene,  in  regard  of  woman-hood,  will 
suffer  me  to  have  some  of  my  owne  people  aboute  me  at 
my  death.  And  I  know  she  hath  not  given  you  so  straight 
a  commission  but  that  you  may  graunt  me  more  then  this, 
if  I  were  a  farr  meaner  woman  than  I  am.'  And  then 
(seeming  to  be  greeved)  with  some  teares  uttered  thes 
wordes ;  '  You  know  that  I  am  cosin  to  your  Queene,  and 
discended  from  the  bloode  pf  Henry  the  Seventh,  a  maryed 
Queene  of  Fraunce,  and  the  anoynted  Queene  of  Scotlande.' 

Whereupon,  after  some  consultacion,  they  graunted  that 
she  might  have  some  of  her  servauntes  accordinge  to  her 
Grace's  request,  and  therefore  desired  her  to  make  choice 
of  halfe  a  dosen  of  her  men  and  women  :  Who  presently 
said,  that  of  her  men  she  wold  have  Melvin,  her  poticary, 
her  surgeon,  and  one  other  old  man  beside ;  and  of  her 
women,  those  two  that  did  use  to  lye  in  her  chamber. 


Queen   of  Scots  175 

After  this  She,  being  supported  by  Sir  Amias  two  gentle- 
men aforesaid,  and  Melvin  carying  up  her  trayne,  and  also 
accompanied  with  the  Lordes,  Knightes,  and"  Gentlemen 
aforenamed,  the  Sherife  going  before  her,  she  passed  out  of 
the  entery  into  the  great  Hall,  with  her  countenance  care- 
lesse,  importing  thereby  rather  mirth  then  mournfull  cheare, 
and  so  she  willingly  stepped  up  to  the  scaffold  which  was 
prepared  for  her  in  the  Hall,  being  two  foote  high  and 
twelve  foote  broade,  with  rayles  round  aboute,  hanged  and 
couvered  with  blacke,  with  a  lowe  stoole,  long  cushion, 
and  blocke,  couvered  with  blacke  also.  Then,  having  the 
stoole  brought  her,  she  satt  her  downe ;  by  her,  on  the 
right  hand,  satt  the  Erie  of  Shrewsbury  and  the  Erie  of 
Kent,  and  on  the  left  hand  stoode  the  Sherife,  and  before 
her  the  two  executioners ;  round  about  the  rayles  stood 
Knightes,  Gentlemen,  and  others. 

Then,  silence  being  made,  the  Queenes  Majesties  Com-  " 
mission  for  the  execution  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  openly 
redd  by  Mr.  Beale  clarke  of  the  Counsell ;  and  thes  wordes 
pronounced  by  the  Assembly,  '  God  save  the  Queene.' 
During  the  reading  of  which  Commission  the  Q.  of  Sc.  was 
silent,  listening  unto  it  with  as  small  regarde  as  if  it  had 
not  concerned  her  at  all ;  and  with  as  cheerfull  a  counte- 
naunce  as  if  it  had  been  a  Pardon  from  her  Majestic  for  her 
life ;  using  asmuch  straungenes  in  worde  and  deede  as  if 
she  had  never  knowne  any  of  the  Assembly,  or  had  been 
ignorant  of  the  English  language. 

Then  on  Doctor  Fletcher,  dean  of  Peterborowe,  stand-  /.*.  one. 
ing  directly  before  her,  without  the  rayle,  bending  his  body 
with  great  reverence,  began  to  utter  this  exhortacion  follow- 
ing :  '  Madame  the  Q.  most  excellent  Matie  &c.'  and  iterat- 
ing theis  wordes  three  or  fowre  tymes,  she  told  him,  '  Mr. 
Dean,  I  am  settled  in  the  auncient  Catholique  Romayne 
religion,  and  mynd  to  spend  my  bloode  in  defence  of  it.' 
Then  Mr.  Dean  said,  '  Madame,  chaung  your  opinion  and 


176  Foreign    Foes 


repent  you  of  your  former  wickednes,  and  settle  your  faith 
onely  in  Jesus  Christ,  by  him  to  be  saved.'  Then  she 
aunswered  agayne  and  againe,  '  Mr.  Deane,  trouble  not 
yourselfe  any  more,  for  I  am  settled  and  resolved  in  this  my 
religion,  and  am  purposed  therein  to  die.'  Then  the  Earle 
of  Shrewsbury  and  the  Earl  of  Kente,  perceavinge  her  so 
obstinate,  tolde  her  that  sithence  she  wold  not  heere  the 
exhortacion  begonn  by  Mr.  Dean,  '  We  will  pray  for  your 
Grace,  that  it  stande  with  Gods  will  you  may  have  your 
harte  lightened,  even  at  the  last  howre,  with  the  true  knowl- 
edge of  God,  and  so  die  therein.'  Then  she  aunswered  '  If 
you  will  pray  for  me,  my  Lordes,  I  will  thanke  you ;  but  to 
joyne  in  prayer  with  you  I  will  not,  for  that  you  and  I  are 
not  of  one  religion.' 

Then  the  Lordes  called  for  Mr.  Dean,  who  kneeling  on 
the  scaffold  staires,  began  this  Prayer,  "  O  most  gracious 
God  and  merciful  Father,"  &c.  all  the  Assembly,  saving 
the  Queen  of  Scots  and  her  servauntes,  saying  after  him. 
During  the  saying  of  which  prayer,  the  Queen  of  Scots, 
sitting  upon  a  stoole,  having  about  her  necke  an  Agnus 
Dei,  in  her  hand  a  crucifix,  at  her  girdle  a  pair  of  beades 
with  a  golden  crosse  at  the  end  of  them,  a  Latin  booke  in 
her  hand,  began  with  teares  and  with  loud  and  fast  voice  to 
pray  in  Latin ;  and  in  the  middest  of  her  prayers  she  slided 
off  from  her  stoole,  and  kneeling,  said  divers  Latin  prayers ; 
and  after  the  end  of  Mr.  Deans  prayer,  she  kneelinge, 
prayed  in  Englishe  to  this  effecte  :  '  for  Christ  his  afflicted 
Church,  and  for  an  end  of  their  troubles;  for  her  sonne; 
and  for  the  Queen's  Majestic,  that  she  might  prosper  and 
serve  God  aright.'  She  confessed  that  she  hoped  to  be 
saved  '  by  and  in  the  bloode  of  Christ,  at  the  foote  of  whose 
Crucifix  she  wold  shedd  her  bloode.'  .  .  . 

Her  prayer  being  ended,  the  Executioners,  kneeling, 
desired  her  Grace  to  forgive  them  her  death  :  who  aun- 
swered, '  I  forgive  you  with  all  my  harte,  for  now,  I  hope, 


Queen   of  Scots  177 

you  shall  make  an  end  of  all  my  troubles.'     Then  they,  with 

her  two  women,  helping  of  her  up,  began  to  disrobe  her  of 

her  apparell ;  then,  She,  laying  her  crucifix  upon  the  stoole,   The  attire  of 

one  of  the  executioners  tooke  from  her  necke  the  Agnus   c'uted  was  the 

Dei,  which  she,  laying  handes  of  it,  gave  it  to  one  of  her  perquisite  of 

the  cxecu~ 

women,  and  told  the  executioner  that  he  shold  be  aunswered   tioners. 
mony  for  it.  ... 

All  this  tyme  they  were  pulling  off  her  apparell,  she  never 
chaunged  her  countenaunce,  but  with  smiling  cheere  she 
uttered  thes  wordes,  '  that  she  never  had  such  groomes  to 
make  her  unready,  and  that  she  never  put  off  her  clothes 
before  such  a  company.' 

Then  She,  being  stripped  of  all  her  apparell  saving  her  She  was  clad 
peticote  and  kirtle,  her  two  women  beholding  her  made   veive'tTkirt 
great    lamentacion,    and   crying   and    crossing    themselves   and  black 

,.-..„,,  .  ...  satin  bodice 

prayed  in  Latin  ;  She,  turning  herselfe  to  them,  imbrasinge  with  long 
them,  said  thes  wordes  in  French,  '  Ne  crie  vous,j'ay  prome  sleeves- 
pour  vous,'   and  so  crossing  and   kissing  them,  bad  them 
pray  for  her  and  rejoyce  and  not  weepe,  for  that  now  they 
should  see  an  ende  of  all  their  Mistris  troubles. 

Then  She,  with  a  smiling  countenaunce,  turning  to  her 
men  servauntes,  as  Melvin  and  the  rest,  standing  upon  a 
bench  nigh  the  Scaffold,  who  sometyme  weeping  sometyme 
crying  out  alowde,  and  continually  crossing  themselves, 
prayed  in  Latin,  crossing  them  with  her  hand  bad  them 
farewell ;  and  wishing  them  to  pray  for  her  even  untill  the 
last  howre. 

This  donn,  one  of  the  women  having  a  Corpus  Christi 
cloth  lapped  up  three-corner-wayes,  kissing  it,  put  it  over 
the  Q.  of  Sc.  face,  and  pinned  it  fast  to  the  caule  of  her 
head.  Then  the  two  women  departed  from  her,  and  she 
kneeling  downe  upon  the  cusshion  most  resolutely,  and  with- 
out any  token  or  feare  of  death,  she  spake  alowde  this 
Psalme  in  Latin,  '  In  te  Do  mine  confido,  non  confundar  in 
eternam,'  &c.  .  .  .  Then  lying  upon  the  blocke  most 

N 


178 


Foreign    Foes 


quietly  and  stretching  out  her  armes  cryed,  '  In  manus  tuas, 
Domine]  etc.  three  or  fowre  times.  .  .  . 

Official  Narrative  of  the  Execution  sent  to  the  Court.     H.  Ellis, 
Original  Letters  (London,  1827),  Series  II,  Vol.  Ill,  113-117. 


The  follow- 
ing letters  are 
addressed  to 
Sir  Francis 
Walsyngham 
(1530?- 
1590),  one  of 
the  greatest 
of  the  Eliza- 
bethan states- 
men, and  at 
the  time  of 
the  Armada 
principal 
Secretary  of 
State.  — The 
first  and 
fourth  of 
these  letters 
are  by 
Charles, 
Lord  How- 
ard of  Effing- 
ham  and 
Lord  High 
Admiral 
under  Eliza- 
beth.    He 
belonged  to 
a  Catholic 
family,  fa- 
mous in  Eng- 
lish history 
of  the  six- 
teenth cen- 
tury.   See 
No.  51. 

Howard  was 
blamed  for 
this.    Later 
Raleigh 


59.    The  Fight  with  the  Armada   (1588) 

Howard  to  WalsyngJiam 

Sir :  —  I  will  not  trouble  you  with  any  long  letter ;  we 
are  at  this  present  otherwise  occupied  than  with  writing. 
Upon  Friday,  at  Plymouth,  I  received  intelligence  that  there 
were  a  great  number  of  ships  descried  off  of  the  Lizard ; 
whereupon,  although  the  wind  was  very  scant,  we  first  warped 
out  of  harbour  that  night,  and  upon  Saturday  turned  out 
very  hardly,  the  wind  being  at  South- West ;  and  about 
three  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon,  descried  the  Spanish 
fleet,  and  did  what  we  could  to  work  for  the  wind,  which 
[by  this]  morning  we  had  recovered,  descrying  their  f  [leet 
to]  consist  of  1 20  sail,  whereof  there  are  4  g[alleasses]  and 
many  ships  of  great  burden. 

At  nine  of  the  [clock]  we  gave  them  fight,  which  continued 
until  one.  [In  this  fight]  we  made  some  of  them  to  bear 
room  to  stop  their  leaks ;  notwithstanding  we  durst  not 
adventure  to  put  in  among  them,  their  fleet  being  so  strong. 
But  there  shall  be  nothing  either  neglected  or  unhazarded, 
that  may  work  their  overthrow. 

Sir,  the  captains  in  her  Majesty's  ships  have  behaved 
themselves  most  bravely  and  like  men  hitherto,  and  I  doubt 
not  will  continue,  to  their  great  commendation.  And  so, 
recommending  our  good  success  to  your  godly  prayers, 


Fight  with   the   Armada    179 


I  bid  you  heartily  farewell.     From  aboard  the  Ark,  thwart 
of  Plymouth,  the  2ist  of  July,  1588. 

Your  very  loving  friend, 

C.  HOWARD. 

Sir,  the  southerly  wind  that  brought  us  back  from  the 
coast  of  Spain  brought  them  out.  God  blessed  us  with 
turning  us  back.  Sir,  for  the  love  of  God  and  our  country, 
let  us  have  with  some  speed  some  great  shot  sent  us  of  all 
bigness ;  for  this  service  will  continue  long ;  and  some 
powder  with  it. 

Drake  to  Walsyngham 

Right  Honourable  :  —  This  bearer  came  aboard  the  ship  I 
was  in  in  a  wonderful  good  time,  and  brought  with  him  as 
good  knowledge  as  we  could  wish.  His  carefulness  therein 
is  worthy  recompense,  for  that  God  has  given  us  so  good  a 
day  in  forcing  the  enemy  so  far  to  leeward  as  I  hope  in  God 
the  Prince  of  Parma  and  the  Duke  of  Sidonia  shall  not 
shake  hands  this  few  days ;  and  whensoever  they  shall  meet, 
I  believe  neither  of  them  will  greatly  rejoice  of  this  day's 
service.  The  town  of  Calais  hath  seen  some  part  thereof, 
whose  Mayor  her  Majesty  is  beholden  unto.  Business  com- 
mands me  to  end.  God  bless  her  majesty,  our  gracious 
Sovereign,  and  give  us  all  grace  to  live  in  his  fear.  I  assure 
your  Honour  this  day's  service  hath  much  appalled  the 
enemy,  and  no  doubt  but  encouraged  our  army.  From 
aboard  her  Majesty's  good  ship  the  Revenge,  this  2gth  of 
July,  1588. 

Your  Honour's  most  ready  to  be  commanded, 

FRA.  DRAKE. 

There  must  be  great  care  taken  to  send  us  munition  and 
victual  whithersoever  the  enemy  goeth. 

Yours,  FRA.  DRAKE. 


wrote,  "  The 
Spaniards 
had  an  army 
aboard  them, 
and  he  had 
none;  they 
had  more 
ships  than  he 
had,  and  of 
higher  build- 
ing and 
charging;  so 
that  had  he 
entangled 
himself  with 
these  great 
and  powerful 
vessels,  he 
had  greatly 
endangered ; 
this  kingdom 
of  England." 

The  Ark, 
800  tons, 
was  the 
flagship. 

By  SIR 
FRANCIS 
DRAKE, 
born  1540  ? 
died  in  the 
West  Indies 
in  1596. 
Most  active 
and  brilliant 
of  all  the 
Elizabethan 
seamen.    At 
this  time  he 
was  vice-ad- 
miral. —  See 
J.  Corbett, 
Drake  and 
the  Tudor 
Navy. 

The  Prince 
of  Parma  was 
in  command 
of  the  Span- 
ish land 
forces 
and  at  the 
head  of  the 
whole  expe- 
dition. 


i8o 


Foreign    Foes 


The  Duke  of 
Medina-Si- 
donia  was  in 
command  of 
the  Armada. 
He  was  of 
high  birth 
and  noble 
character,  but 
utterly  igno- 
rant of  naval 
affairs. 

The  Revenge 
was  captured 
by  the  Span- 
iards in  1591, 
the  only  ship 
during 
the  whole 
war  to  strike 
her  colours 
to  the  enemy. 
"This  ship, 
for  the  space 
of  15  hours, 
sate  like  a 
stagge 
amongst 
Hounds,  at 
the  bay,  and 
was  sieged 
and  fought 
with,  in  turne, 
by  15  great 
ships  of 
Spaine." 
Francis 
Bacon. 

By  SIR  JOHN 
HAWKYNS, 
who  died  off 
Puerto  Rico 
in  1595.     He 
was  one  of 
the  most  dar- 
ing of  the  sea 
dogs,  but  was 
charged  with 
unscrupulous 
dealings 
even  toward 
his  friends 
in  his  greed 
for  gain. 


Hawkyns  to  Walsyngham 

My  bounden  duty  humbly  remembered  unto  your  good 
Lordship  :  — I  have  not  busied  myself  to  write  often  to  your 
Lordship  in  this  great  cause,  for  that  my  Lord  Admiral  doth 
continually  advertise  the  manner  of  all  things  that  doth 
pass.  So  do  others  that  understand  the  state  of  all  things 
as  well  as  myself.  We  met  with  this  fleet  somewhat  to  the 
westward  of  Plymouth  upon  Sunday  in  the  morning,  being 
the  2ist  of  July,  where  we  had  some  small  fight  with  them 
in  the  afternoon.  By  the  coming  aboard  one  of  the  other 
of  the  Spaniards,  a  great  ship,  a  Biscayan,  spent  her  fore- 
mast and  bowsprit ;  which  was  left  by  the  fleet  in  the  sea, 
and  so  taken  up  by  Sir  Francis  Drake  the  next  morning. 
The  same  Sunday  there  was,  by  a  fire  chancing  by  a  barrel 
of  powder,  a  great  Biscayan  spoiled  and  abandoned,  which 
my  Lord  took  up  and  sent  away. 

The  Tuesday  following,  athwart  of  Portland,  we  had  a 
sharp  and  long  fight  with  them,  wherein  we  spent  a  great 
part  of  our  powder  and  shot,  so  as  it  was  not  thought  good 
to  deal  with  them  any  more  till  that  was  relieved. 

The  Thursday  following,  by  the  occasion  of  the  scattering 
of  one  of  the  great  ships  from  the  fleet,  which  we  hoped  to 
have  cut  off,  there  grew  a  hot  fray,  wherein  some  store  of 
powder  was  spent ;  and  after  that,  little  done  till  we  came 
near  to  Calais,  where  the  fleet  of  Spain  anchored,  and  our 
fleet  by  them  ;  and  because  they  should  not  be  in  peace 
there,  to  refresh  their  water  or  to  have  conference  with 
those  of  the  Duke  of  Parma's  party,  my  Lord  Admiral,  with 
firing  of  ships,  determined  to  remove  them  ;  as  he  did,  and 
put  them  to  the  seas ;  in  which  broil  the  chief  galleass 
spoiled  her  rudder,  and  so  rode  ashore  near  the  town  of 
Calais,  where  she  was  possessed  of  our  men,  but  so  aground 
as  she  could  not  be  brought  away. 

That  morning,  being  Monday,  the  2Qth  of  July,  we  fol- 


Fight   with   the   Armada    1 8 1 


lowed  the  Spaniards  ;  and  all  that  day  had  with  them  a 
long  and  great  fight,  wherein  there  was  great  valour  showed 
generally  of  our  company.  In  this  battle  there  was  spent 
very  much  of  our  powder  and  shot ;  and  so  the  wind  began 
to  blow  westerly,  a  fresh  gale,  and  the  Spaniards  put  them- 
selves somewhat  the  northward,  where  we  follow  and  keep 
company  with  them.  In  this  fight  there  was  some  hurt 
done  among  the  Spaniards.  A  great  ship  of  the  galleons  of 
Portugal,  her  rudder  spoiled,  and  so  the  fleet  left  her  in  the 
sea.  I  doubt  not  but  all  these  things  are  written  more  at 
large  to  your  Lordship  than  I  can  do ;  but  this  is  the  sub- 
stance and  material  matter  that  hath  passed. 

Our  ships,  God  be  thanked,  have  received  little  hurt,  and 
are  of  great  force  to  accompany  them,  and  of  such  advan- 
tage that  with  some  continuance  at  the  seas,  and  sufficiently 
provided  of  shot  and  powder,  we  shall  be  able,  with  God's 
favour,  to  weary  them  out  of  the  sea  and  confound  them. 
Yet,  as  I  gather  certainly,  there  are  amongst  them  50  forci- 
ble and  invincible  ships  which  consist  of  those  that  follow, 
viz.  :  — 

Nine  galleons  of  Portugal  of  800  ton  apiece,  saving  two 
of  them  are  but  400  ton  apiece. 

Twenty  great  Venetians  and  argosies  of  the  seas  within 
the  Strait,  of  800  apiece. 

One  ship  of  the  Duke  of  Florence  of  800  ton. 

Twenty  great  Biscayans  of  500  or  600  ton. 

Four  galleasses,  whereof  one  is  in  France. 

There  are  30  hulks,  and  30  other  small  ships,  whereof 
little  account  is  to  be  made.  .  .  . 

At  their  departing  from  Lisbon,  the  soldiers  were  twenty 
thousand,  the  mariners  and  others  eight  thousand  ;  so  as, 
in  all,  they  were  twenty-eight  thousand  men.  Their  com- 
mission was  to  confer  with  the  Prince  of  Parma,  as  I  learn, 
and  then  to  proceed  to  the  service  that  should  be  there 
concluded ;  and  so  the  Duke  to  return  into  Spain  with 


He  has  the 
bad  fame  of 
being  one  of 
the  first 
Englishmen 
to  engage  in 
the  slave 
trade.   At  the 
time  of  the 
Armada  he 
was  rear- 
admiral. 

"  On  that 
Monday,  the 
zgth  of  July, 
was  fought 
the  great 
battle  which, 
more  dis- 
tinctly, per- 
haps, than 
any  battle  of 
modern 
times,  has 
moulded  the 
history  of 
Europe,  the 
battle  which 
curbed  the 
gigantic 
power  of 
Spain,  which 
shattered  the 
Spanish  pres- 
tige, and  es- 
tablished the 
basis  of 
England's 
empire." 
Laughton. 

Galleon :  a 
high-built 
ship  of  war ; 
also  used 
by  Spain  in 
the  Ameri- 
can trade. 
Galliass :  a 
low-built 
ship,  often 
used  in  war. 


1 82  Foreign    Foes 


these  ships  and  mariners,  the  soldiers  and  their  furniture 
being  left  behind.  Now  this  fleet  is  here,  and  very  forcible, 
and  must  be  waited  upon  with  all  our  force,  which  is  little 
enough.  There  would  be  an  infinite  quantity  of  powder 
and  shot  provided,  and  continually  sent  abroad ;  without 
the  which  great  hazard  may  grow  to  our  country ;  for  this 
is  the  greatest  and  strongest  combination,  to  my  under- 
standing, that  ever  was  gathered  in  Christendom  ;  therefore 
I  wish  it,  of  all  hands,  to  be  mightily  and  diligently  looked 
unto  and  cared  for. 

.  .  .  And  so  praying  to  God  for  a  happy  deliverance 
from  the  malicious  and  dangerous  practice  of  our  enemies, 
I  humbly  take  my  leave.  From  the  sea,  aboard  the  Victory, 
the  last  of  July,  1588. 

The  Spaniards  take  their  course  for  Scotland  ;  my  Lord 
doth  follow  them.     I  doubt  not,  with  God's  favour,  but  we 
shall   impeach   their   landing.      There  must  be   order  for 
victual  and  money,  powder  and  shot,  to  be  sent  after  us. 
Your  Lordship's  humbly  to  command, 

JOHN  HAWKYNS. 

This  is  the  copy  of  the  letter  I  sent  to  my  Lord  Treas- 
urer, whereby  I  shall  not  need  to  write  to  your  Honour. 
Help  us  with  furniture,  and,  with  God's  favour,  we  shall 
confound  their  devices. 

Your  Honour's  ever  bounden, 

JOHN  HAWKYNS. 

I  pray  your  Honour  bear  with  this,  for  it  is  done  in  haste 
and  bad  weather. 

J.H. 

Howard  to  Walsyngham 

Sir  :  —  I  did  write  yesterday  by  my  Lord  of  Cumberland, 
to  her  Majesty,  to  my  Lord  Treasurer,  and  to  you,  being 
athwart  of  Harwich,  a- seaboard  10  leagues.  My  Lord  bare 


Fight  with   the   Armada    183 


with  a  pinnace  into  Harwich ;  I  bare  with  some  of  the  ships 
into  Margate  road;  where  the  rest  be  gone  I  do  not  know, 
for  we  had  a  most  violent  storm  as  ever  was  seen  at  this 
time  of  the  year,  that  put  us  asunder  athwart  of  Norfolk, 
amongst  many  ill-favoured  sands ;  but  I  trust  they  do  all 
well,  and  I  hope  I  shall  hear  of  them  this  night  or  to-morrow. 

I  pray  to  God  we  may  hear  of  victuals,  for  we  are  gen- 
erally in  great  want;  and  also  that  I  may  know  how  the 
coast  ships  of  the  west  shall  be  victualled ;  and  also  that 
order  be  taken  for  the  victualling  and  for  munition  for 
the  ships  of  London.  I  know  not  what  you  think  of  it  at 
the  Court,  but  I  do  think,  and  so  doth  all  here,  that  there 
cannot  be  too  great  forces  maintained  yet  for  five  £>r  six 
weeks,  on  the  seas ;  for  although  we  have  put  the  Spanish 
fleet  past  the  Frith,  and  I  think  past  the  Isles,  yet  God 
knoweth  whether  they  go  either  to  the  Nase  of  Norway  or 
into  Denmark  or  to  the  Isles  of  Orkney  to  refresh  them- 
selves, and  so  return  ;  for  I  think  they  dare  not  return  with 
this  dishonour  and  shame  to  their  King,  and  overthrow  of 
their  Pope's  credit.  Sir,  sure  bind,  sure  find.  A  kingdom 
is  a  great  wager.  Sir,  you  know  security  is  dangerous  ;  and 
God  had  not  been  our  best  friend,  we  should  have  found  it 
so.  Some  made  little  account  of  the  Spanish  force  by  sea ; 
but  I  do  warrant  you,  all  the  world  never  saw  such  a  force 
as  theirs  was  ;  and  some  Spaniards  that  we  have  taken,  that 
were  in  the  fight  at  Lepanto,  do  say  that  the  worst  of  our 
four  fights  that  we  have  had  with  them  did  exceed  far  the 
fight  they  had  there  ;  and  they  say  that  at  some  of  our 
fights  we  had  20  times  as  much  great  shot  there  plied  as 
they  had  there.  Sir,  I  pray  to  God  that  we  may  be  all 
thankful  to  God  for  it ;  and  that  it  may  be  done  by  some 
order,  that  the  world  may  know  we  are  thankful  to  him 
for  it. 

Sir,  I  pray  you  let  me  hear  what  the  Duke  of  Parma  doth, 
with  some  speed  ;  and  where  his  forces  by  sea  are. 


In  spite  of 
the  constant 
reference  to 
the  need  of 
provisions 
and  powder 
and  shot,  it 
seems  cer- 
tain that  the 
government 
showed 
neither  parsi- 
mony nor 
carelessness. 
The  shortage 
was  due  ap- 
parently to 
an  imper- 
fectly devel- 
oped com- 
missariat. 


Battle  with 
the  Turks, 


Sunday,  No- 
vember 24th, 
was  ap- 
pointed as  a 
day  of 
thanksgiving. 


184 


Foreign    Foes 


Sir  Edward 
Stafford, 
Ambassador 
at  Paris. 

Formerly 
Spanish  Am- 
bassador in 
London,  and 
at  this  time 
Ambassador 
at  Paris. 


Sir,  in  your  next  letters  to  my  brother  Stafford,  I  pray 
write  to  him  that  he  will  let  Mendoza  know  that  her  Maj- 
esty's rotten  ships  dare  meet  with  his  master's  sound  ships ; 
and  in  buffeting  with  them,  though  they  were  three  great 
ships  to  one  of  us,  yet  we  have  shortened  them  16  to  17  ; 
whereof  there  is  three  of  them  a-fishing  in  the  bottom  of 
the  seas.  God  be  thanked  of  all.  .  .  . 

Sir,  being  in  haste  and  much  occupied,  I  bid  you  most 
heartily  farewell.     Margate  road,  the  8th  of  August. 
Your  most  assured  loving  friend, 

C.  HOWARD. 

Sir,  if  I  hear  nothing  of  my  victuals  and  munition  this 
night  here,  I  will  gallop  to  Dover  to  see  what  may  be  [got] 
there,  or  else  we  shall  starve. 

State  Papers  relating  to  the  Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada 
(edited  by  J.  K.  Laughton,  London,  1894),  ccxii,  80;  ccx, 
iii,  65,  71  ;  ccxiv,  50. 


By  FRAN- 
CESCO So- 
RANZO, 
Venetian 
Ambassador 
in  Spain, 
1598. 

Philip  II  was 
born  in  1527, 
and  at  the 
age  of  twenty- 
nine,  on  the 
abdication  of 
his  father,  the 
Emperor 
Charles  V,  he 
became  the 
most  power- 
ful monarch 
in  the  world. 
For  more 
than  forty 
years  he  bore 


60.    Philip  II   of  Spain   (1598) 

The  King  is  dead.  His  Majesty  expired  at  the  Escurial 
this  morning  at  daybreak,  after  having  received  all  the 
sacraments  of  the  church  with  every  sign  of  devoutness, 
piety,  and  religion. 

Although  change  is  usually  popular,  yet  nobles  and  people, 
rich  and  poor,  universally  show  great  grief. 

His  Majesty  lived  seventy-one  years,  three  months,  and 
twenty-four  days  ;  he  reigned  forty-two  years,  ten  months  and 
sixteen  days.  He  was  a  Prince  who  fought  with  gold  rather 
than  with  steel,  by  his  brain  rather  than  by  his  arms.  He 
has  acquired  more  by  sitting  still,  by  negotiation,  by  diplo- 
macy, than  his  father  did  by  armies  and  by  war.  He  was  one 
of  the  richest  Princes  the  world  has  ever  seen,  yet  he  has 


Philip   II   of  Spain         185 


left  the  revenues  of  the  kingdom  and  Crown  burdened  with 
about  a  million  of  debts.  He  owes  to  his  good  fortune 
rather  than  to  the  terror  of  his  name  the  important  kingdom 
of  Portugal,  with  all  its  territories  and  treasure  ;  on  the 
other  hand,  he  has  lost  Flanders.  In  Africa  he  has  gained 
Pignon,  but  lost  Goletta.  Profoundly  religious,  he  loved 
peace  and  quiet.  He  displayed  great  calmness,  and  pro- 
fessed himself  unmoved  in  good  or  bad  fortune  alike.  He 
had  vast  schemes  in  his  head,  witness  his  simultaneous 
attack  on  England  and  on  France,  while  assisting  his  son- 
in-law  to  acquire  Saluzzo,  while  attempting  to  expel  the 
French  from  Italy,  while  facing  the  revolution  in  Flanders. 

On  great  occasions,  in  the  conduct  of  wars,  in  feeding 
the  civil  war  in  France,  in  the  magnificence  of  his  buildings, 
he  never  counted  the  cost ;  he  was  no  close  reckoner,  but 
lavished  his  gold  without  a  thought ;  but  in  small  matters, 
in  the  government  of  his  household,  in  his  presents  and 
rewards,  he  was  more  parsimonious  than  became  his  station. 
He  sought  aggrandisement  for  his  kingdom  at  the  expense 
of  others  ;  yet  he  did  not  hesitate  to  dismember  his  kingdom 
by  ceding  Siena  to  the  Grand  Duke,  Piacenza  to  the  Duke 
of  Parma,  Flanders  and  Burgundy  to  his  daughter.  He 
held  his  desires  in  absolute  control  and  showed  an  immut- 
able and  unalterable  temper.  He  has  feigned  injuries,  and 
feigned  not  to  feel  injuries,  but  he  never  lost  the  oppor- 
tunity to  avenge  them.  He  hated  vanity,  and  therefore 
never  allowed  his  life  to  be  written.  No  one  ever  saw  him 
in  a  rage,  being  always  patient,  phlegmatic,  temperate, 
melancholy.  In  short,  he  has  left  a  glorious  memory  of  his 
royal  name,  which  may  serve  as  an  example  not  only  unto 
his  posterity  and  his  successors,  but  unto  strangers  as 
well.  .  .  .  Madrid,  i3th  September  1598. 

Francesco  Soranzo,  Venetian  Ambassador  in  Spain,  to  the  Doge 
and  Senate  (Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Venetian,  1592-1603, 
No.  737,  London,  1897). 


the  burden  of 
the  Spanish 
empire. 
With  infinite 
patience  and 
labour  he 
strove  to  gain 
the  ends  he 
had  in  view, 
and  when  his 
long  reign 
came  to  a 
close  in  1598, 
he  had 
"  nearly 
ruined  Spain, 
but  his  dream 
of  centralisa- 
tion of  au- 
thority and 
uniformity  of 
faith  had 
been  real- 
ised." — 
On  Philip, 
see  Martin 
Hume, 
Philip  If. 

Portugal  was 
conquered 
and  annexed 
by  Spain  in 
1580. 


CHAPTER  X  — IN  THE  DAYS  OF  THE 
TUDORS 


ANONY- 
MOUS. From 
the  Book  of 
Howth,  a  his- 
tory of  Ire- 
land by 
various 
writers,  pre- 
served in  the 
manuscripts 

sir  George     6 1.    Henry  VII   and   the    Earl   of  Kildare 

Carevv  J 

(•1-1629),  who 
was  active  in 
public  ser- 
vice in  Ire- 
land and 
England 
during  the 
reigns  of 
Elizabeth 
and  James  I. 

Although  the 
Irish  were 
nominally 
conquered  in 
the  twelfth 
century  (see 
No.  22),  yet 
England  ex- 
ercised little 
real  author- 
ity over  the 
country 
before  the 
Tudor 

period.     The 
usual  plan 
was  to  ap- 
point an 
English  vice- 
roy, who 
never  visited 
Ireland,  and 
to  give  the 
work  of  gov- 
ernment to  a 
deputy 
chosen  from 
the  Xorman- 
Irish  nobles. 
In  the  reigns 
of  Edward 
IV  and 


AFTER  this,  a  Deputy  was  sent  over  from  the  King, 
which  required  the  Earl  that  he  would  let  the  Bishop 
at  large ;  which  did.  After  the  Earl  had  his  pardon,  and 
came  to  Doublinge,  where  he  was  taken  in  the  evening,  and 
sent  forthwith  in  a  bark  that  then  was  at  Dublinge,  in  a 
readiness,  and  so  sent  to  England,  and  brought  to  the  King 
to  answer  to  such  things  that  was  laid  to  his  charge.  Amongst 
all  other,  the  Bishop  of  Methe  being  there,  did  charge  the 
Earl  with  sundry  matters  of  great  importance,  to  which 
matters  the  Earl  could  not  make  answer,  but  stayed  his 
tongue  awhile,  and  said  he  was  not  learned  to  make  answers 
in  such  weighty  matters,  nor  at  that  time  was  he  not  well 
advised  to  them ;  for  he  said  that  the  Bishop  was  learned, 
and  so  was  not  he,  and  those  matters  was  long  agone  out  of 
his  mind,  though  he  had  done  them,  and  so  forgotten. 

The  King  answered,  and  bade  him  choose  a  counsellor 
whom  he  would  have  in  England,  and  he  should  have  him, 
and  also  a  time  to  be  advised.  "  If  you  will  so  do,"  said 
the  Earl,  "  I  shall  make  answer  to-morrow,  but  I  doubt  I 
should  not  have  that  good  fellow  that  I  would  choose." 
Said  the  "King,  "  By  my  truth  thou  shalt."  "  Give  me  your 
hand,"  said  the  Earl.  "  Here  is  my  hand,"  said  the  King. 

The  truth  was,  this  Earl  was  but  half  an  innocent  man 
without  great  knowledge  or  learning,  but  rudely  brought  up 
according  the  usage  of  his  country,  and  was  a  man  of  no 
great  wit,  which  the  King  well  perceived,  and  did  but  jest 

1 86 


Henry   VII 


187 


at  his  demeanour  and  doings  at  court ;  for  oft  in  his  talk  he 
thou'd  the  King  and  the  rest  of  his  council,  which  they  took 
in  good  part. 

"  Well,"  said  the  King,  "  when  will  you  choose  your  coun- 
sellor ?  "  Said  the  Bishop,  "  Never,  if  it  be  put  to  his  choice." 
"Thou  liest  brallaghe,  bald  Bishop,"  said  the  Earl;  .  .  . 
With  that  the  King  and  the  lords  laughed,  and  made  game 
thereat,  and  asked  the  Earl  if  he  said  true.  "  By  your 
hand,"  said  he  to  the  King,  and  took  the  King  by  the  hand, 
"  there  is  not  in  London  a  better  mutton  master  or  butcher 
than  yonder  shorn  priest  is.  I  know  him  well  enough,"  said 
the  Earl.  "  Well,"  said  the  King,  "  we  shall  talk  of  these 
matters  another  time."  "  I  am  content,"  said  the  Earl,  "  for 
I  have  3  tales  to  tell  thee  of  him,  and  I  dare  say  it  will  make 
you  all  laugh  that  is  here.  If  you  tarry  a  while  I  shall  tell 
you  a  good  tale  of  this  vicious  prelate."  The  King  and 
the  Lords  could  not  hold  the  laughter,  but  the  Earl  never 
changed  countenance,  but  told  this  tale  as  though  he  were 
among  his  fellows  in  his  country. 

"  Well,"  said  the  King,  "  it  is  best  for  you  to  choose  well 
your  counsellor,  and  be  well  advised  whom  you  will  choose, 
for  I  perceive  that  your  counsellor,  shall  have  enough  to  do 
in  your  cause,  for  anything  that  I  perceive  you  can  do." 
"Shall  I  choose  now?"  said  the  Earl.  "If  you  think 
good,"  said  the  King.  "  Well,  I  can  see  no  better  man  than 
you,  and  by  Saint  Bride  !  I  will  choose  none  other."  "Well," 
said  the  King ;  "  by  Saint  Bride  !  it  was  well  requisite  for 
you  to  choose  so,  for  I  thought  your  tale  could  not  well 
excuse  your  doings  unless  you  had  well  chosen."  "  Do  you 
think  that  I  am  a  fool  ?  "  said  the  Earl ;  "  No  !  "  said  he,  "  I 
am  a  man  in  deed  both  in  the  field  and  in  the  town." 

The  King  laughed,  and  made  sport,  and  said,  "  A  wiser 
man  might  have  chosen  worse."  "  Well,"  said  the  Bishop, 
"  he  is  as  you  see,  for  all  Ireland  cannot  rule  yonder  gentle- 
man." "No?"  said  the  King,  "then  he  is  meet  to  rule  all 


Richard  III, 
the  Earl  of 
Kildare,  head 
of  the  Fitz- 
Geralds, 
filled  this 
office.    Like 
the  Irish 
generally,  he 
gave  his  sup- 
port to  the 
Yorkist  side, 
and  espoused 
the  cause  of 
the  pretender 
Simnel.     In 
1492,  after 
repeated  re- 
fusals to  obey 
the  king's 
summons,  he 
was  seized 
and  brought 
to  England 
to  answer  to 
the  charges 
of  disloyalty 
and  lawless- 
ness.   His 
principal 
accuser  was 
the  Bishop  of 
Meath,  whom 
he  had  at- 
tacked vio- 
lently in  a 
church. 

This  is  not 
quite  accu- 
rate.   Kil- 
dare was 
confined  in 
the  Tower, 
while  Henry 
strove  to 
govern 
Ireland 
directly 
through  his 
own  English 
agents. 
Finally,  in 
1496,  the 
king  became 
convinced 
that  Kildare 


1 88        Days   of  the   Tudors 


alone  could 
keep  order 
among  his 
kinsmen,  the 
powerful  and 
lawless 
Geraldines. 
Accordingly, 
the  Earl  was 
taken  from 
the  Tower 
and  made 
Lord  Deputy, 
which  office 
he  held  into 
the  next 
reign. 

By  SIR 
THOMAS 
MORE  (1478- 
1535),  states- 
man and 
scholar,  and 
perhaps  the 
best-known 
and  best- 
loved  man  of 
his  time. 
See  Nos. 
45  and  47. 
The  follow- 
ing extract  is 
from  the 
Utopia,  the 
most  famous 
of  More's 
writings,  and 
the  work  in 
which  he 
treated  of  the 
great  prob- 
lems of  the 
modern 
world.     For 
the  concep- 
tion of  the 
book  More 
was  probably 
indebted  to 
the  Letters  of 
Amerigo 
Vespucci.     It 
consists  of 
two  parts. 


Ireland,  seeing  all  Ireland  cannot  rule  him  ; "  and  so  made 
the  Earl  Deputy  of  Ireland  during  his  life,  and  so  sent  him 
to  his  country  with  great  gifts,  and  so  the  Earl  came  to 
Ireland.  .  .  . 

Book  of  Howth  (Calendar  of  the  Carew  Mss.y  1515-1574,  179, 
1 80,  London,  1871). 


62.    Sheep  Walks  in  the  Reign  of  Henry 
VIII 

* "  But  yet  this  is  not  onlye  the  necessary  cause  of  steal- 
ing. There .  is  an  other  which  as  I  suppose  is  proper  and 
peculiare  to  yow  Englishe  men  alone."  "What  is  that?" 
quod  the  Cardenall.  "  Forsoth "  (quod  I),  "your  shepe, 
that  were  wont  to  be  so  myke  and  tame,  and  so  smal  eaters, 
now,  as  I  heare  saie,  be  become  so  greate  deuowerers,  and 
so  wylde,  that  they  eate  vp  and  swallow  down  the  very  men 
them  selfes.  They  consume,  destroy,  and  deuoure  hole 
fieldes,  howses,  and  cities.  For  looke  in  what  partes  of  the 
realme  doth  growe  the  fynyst,  and  therfore  dearist  woll,  there 
noble  men  and  gentlemen,  yea,  and  certeyn  Abbottes,  holy 
men  god  wote,  not  contenting  them  selfes  with  the  yearely 
reuennues  and  profyttes  that  were  wont  to  grow  to  theyr 
forefathers  and  predecessours  of  their  landes,  nor  beynge 
content  that  fhey  Hue  in  rest  and  pleasure,  nothyng  profyt- 
yng,  ye,  muche  noyinge  the  weale  publique,  leaue  no  grounde 
for  tyllage ;  they  enclose  all  in  pastures ;  they  throw  downe 
houses ';  they  plucke  downe  townes ;  and  leaue  nothing 
stondynge  but  only  the  churche,  to  make  of  it  a  shepehowse. 
And,  as  thoughe  yow  loste  no  small  quantity  of  grounde  by 
forestes,  chases,  laundes,  and  parkes ;  those  good  holy  men 
turne  all  dwellinge  places  and  glebe  lande  into  desolation 
and  wildernes. 


Sheep    Walks 


189 


'"Therfore,  that  one  couetous  and  vnsatiable  cormaraunte 
and  verye  plage  of  his  natyue  contrey  may  compasse  abovvte 
and  inclose  many  thousand  acres  of  grounde  to  gether  within 
one  pale  or  hedge,  the  husbandmen  be  thrust  owte  of  their 
ovvne ;  orels  other  by  coueyne  or  fraude,  or  by  vyolent  op- 
pression, they  be  put  besydes  it,  or  by  wronges  and  iniuries 
they  be  so  vveried  that  they  be  compelled  to  sell  all.  By 
one  meanes  therfore  or  by  other,  other  by  howke  or  crooke, 
they  must  nedes  departe  awaye,  pore,  sylie,  wretched  soules  ; 
men,  women,  husbandes,  wyues,  fatherles  chyldren,  wid- 
dowes,  wofull  mothers  with  their  yonge  babes,  and  their 
hole  housholde  smal  in  substaunce,  and  much  in  nombre, 
as  husbandrie  requireth  many  handes.  Awaye  they  trudge, 
I  say,  out  of  their  knowen  and  accustomed  howses,  fyndyng 
no  places  to  rest  in.  All  their  housholde  stuffe,  which  is 
verye  lytle  worth,  though  it  myght  well  abyde  the  sale,  yet 
beyng  sodeynelye  thrust  out,  they  be  constrayned  to  sell  it 
for  a  thyng  of  nought.  And  when  they  haue,  wanderynge 
about,  sone  spent  that,  what  can  they  els  do  but  steale,  and 
then  iustelye,  God  wote,  behanged,  or  els  go  about  a  beg- 
gyng?  And  yet  then  also  they  be  cast  in  prison  as  vaga- 
boundes,  because  they  go  about  and  worke  not ;  whom  no 
man  will  set  a  worke,  though  they  neuer  so  willingly  offer 
them  selfes  therto.  For  one  shepherde  or  heard  man  is 
ynough  to  eate  vp  that  grounde  with  cattel,  to  the  occupy- 
ing whereof  about  husbandrye  many  handes  were  requysyte. 

' "  And  this  is  also  the  cause  that  victualles  be  nowe  in 
many  places  dearer.  Yea,  besydes  this  the  pryce  of  wolle 
is  so  rysen  that  poore  folkes,  whiche  were  wont  to  worke  it 
and  make  cloth  of  it,  be  nowe  able  to  bye  none  at  all.  And 
by  thys  meanes  verye  manye  be  fayne  to  forsake  worke,  and 
to  gyue  them  selfes  to  ydelnes.  For  after  that  so  muche 
grounde  was  inclosed  for  pasture,  an  infinite  multitude  of 
shepe  died  of  the  rotte,  suche  vengaunce  God  toke  of  their 
inordinate  and  vnsaciable  couetuousnes,  sendyng  amonge 


Part  I  gives 
a  historical 
review  of 
existing  con- 
ditions, while 
in  Part  II 
More  spoke 
to  the  re- 
mote future 
in  a  sketch  of 
an  ideal 
community 
established 
in  Utopia  or 
Nowhere. 
More  wrote 
his  great 
work  in 
Latin,  pub- 
lishing it  in 
1516.     In 
1551  an  Eng- 
lish transla- 
tion by  Ralph 
Robynson 
was  issued. 


190         Days   of  the    Tudors 

the  shepe  that  pestiferous  morreyn,  which  much  more 
iustely  should  haue  fallen  on  the  shepe-masters  owne 
heades.  And  though  the  numbre  of  shepe  increase  neuer 
so  fast,  yet  the  pryce  falleth  not  one  myte,  because  there  be 
so  fewe  sellers.  For  they  be  almoste  all  commen  into  a 
fewe  riche  rnens  handes,  whome  no  neade  driueth  to  sell 
before  they  lust ;  and  they  luste  not  before  they  may  sell  as 
deare  as  they  lust.  Now  the  same  cause  bryngeth  in  licke 
dearth  of  the  other  kindes  of  cattell ;  yea,  and  that  so  much 
the  more,  bycause  that  after  farmes  pluckyd  downe,  and 
husbandry  decayed,  ther  is  no  man  that  passyth  for  the 
breadyng  of  yonge  stoore.  For  thees  ryche  men  brynge 
not  vp  the  yonge  ones  of  greate  cattell  as  they  do  lambes. 
But  first  they  bye  them  abrode  very  chepe,  and  afterwarde, 
when  they  be  fattede  in  their  pastures,  they  sell  them  agayne 
excedyng  deare.  And  therfor  (as  I  suppose)  the  hole  in- 
commoditie  herof  is  not  yet  felte.  For  yet  they  make  dearth 
only  in  those  places  where  they  sell.  But  when  they  shall 
fetche  them  awaye  from  thens  wheare  they  be  bredde,  faster 
then  they  can  be  brought  vp,  then  shall  there  also  be  felte 
great  dearth,  when  stoore  begynnyth  to  fayle  their  whear 
the  ware  ys  bought." 

Sir  Thomas  More,  Utopia  (Robynson's  translation,  edited   by 
J.  H.  Lupton,  Oxford,  1895),  Part  I,  51-56. 


The  sixteenth  6/2.    A  Law  against  the  Keeping  of  Sheep 

century  was  <* 

marked  by  /  j  r  *A\ 

great  and  \     J  J~ / 

widespread 

arnoninfhe  Forasmuch  as  divers  and  sundry  persons  of  the  King's 

people.  Con-  subjects  of  this  realm,  to  whom  God  of  his  goodness  hath 

writFng^of  disposed   great  plenty   and   abundance   of  moveable   sub- 

every  sort  stance,  now  of  late  within  a  few  years  have  daily  studied, 


The    Keeping   of  Sheep     191 


practised,  and  invented  ways  and  means  how  they  might 
accumulate  and  gather  together  into  few  hands,  as  well 
great  multitude  of  farms  as  great  plenty  of  cattle,  and  in 
especial  sheep,  putting  such  lands  as  they  can  get  to  pas- 
ture, and  not  to  tillage,  (2)  whereby  they  have  not  only 
pulled  down  churches  and  towns,  and  inhanced  the  old 
rates  of  the  rents  of  the  possessions  of  this  realm,  or  else 
brought  it  to  such  excessive  fines  that  no  poor  man  is  able 
to  meddle  with  it,  but  also  have  raised  and  enhanced  the 
prices  of  all  manner  of  corn,  cattle,  wool,  pigs,  geese,  hens, 
chickens,  eggs,  and  such  other,  almost  double  above  the  prices 
which  have  been  accustomed;  (3)  by  reason  whereof  a 
marvellous  multitude  and  number  of  the  people  of  this 
realm  be  not  able  to  provide  meat,  drink  and  clothes  neces- 
sary for  themselves,  their  wives  and  children,  but  be  so 
discouraged  with  misery  and  poverty,  that  they  fall  daily  to 
theft,  robbery  and  other  inconveniences,  or  pitifully  die  for 
hunger  and  cold ;  (4)  and  as  it  is  thought  by  the  King's 
most  humble  and  loving  subjects,  that  one  of  the  greatest 
occasions  that  moveth  and  provoketh  those  greedy  and 
covetous  people  so  to  accumulate  and  keep  in  their  hands 
such  great  portions  and  parts  of  the  grounds  and  lands  of  this 
realm  from  the  occupying  of  the  poor  husbandmen,  and  so 
to  use  it  in  pasture,  and  not  tillage,  is  only  the  great  profit 
that  cometh  of  sheep,  which  now  be  come  to  a  few  persons 
hands  of  this  realm,  in  respect  of  the  whole  number  of  the 
King's  subjects,  that  some  have  four  and  twenty  thousand, 
some  twenty  thousand,  some  ten  thousand,  some  six  thou- 
sand, some  five  thousand,  and  some  more,  and  some  less ; 
(5)  by  the  which  a  good  sheep  for  victual,  that  was  accus- 
tomed to  be  sold  for  two  shillings  four-pence,  or  three 
shillings  at  the  most,  is  now  sold  for  six  shillings,  or  five  shil- 
lings, or  four  shillings  at  the  least ;  (6)  and  a  stone  of 
clothing  wool,  that  in  some  shires  of  this  realm  was  accus- 
tomed to  be  sold  for  eighteen-pence  or  twenty-pence,  is 


bear  strong 
testimony  to 
this.     Parlia- 
mentary 
statutes,  ser- 
mons, popu- 
lar ballads, 
all  tell  the 
same  story. 
Tudor  Eng- 
land was  still 
an  agricul- 
tural country, 
and  the  bulk 
of  the  popu- 
lation was 
directly  de- 
pendent 
upon  the  soil 
for  support. 
But  the 
money-get- 
ting spirit 
was  strong, 
and  land- 
lords saw 
their  profit  in 
wool  grow- 
ing, and  as  a 
result  com- 
mons were 
enclosed, 
and  land  was 
turned  from 
tillage  to 
pasturage. 
Numerous 
statutes  tes- 
tify to  the 
interest  of  the 
government, 
but  laws  had 
apparently 
little  effect 
Parliament 
was  still 
legislating  on 
the  subject  at 
the  close  of 
the  century, 
and  a  con- 
temporary 
epigram 
speaks  of  the 
way  in  which 
sheep  "  swal- 


192       Days   of  the   Tudors 

now  sold  for  four  shillings,  or  three  shillings  four-pence  at 
the  least ;  and  in  some  countries  where  it  hath  been  sold 
for  two  shillings  four-pence,  or  two  shillings  eight-pence, 
or  three  shillings  at  the  most,  it  is  now  sold  for  five  shil- 
lings, or  four  shillings  eight-pence  the  least,  and  so  are 
raised  in  every  part  of  this  realm;  (7)  which  things,  thus 
used,  be  principally  to  the  high  displeasure  of  Almighty 
God,  to  the  decay  of  the  hospitality  of  this  realm,  to  the 
diminishing  of  the  King's  people,  and  to  the  let  of  the  cloth- 
making,  whereby  many  poor  people  have  been  accustomed 
to  be  set  on  work ;  and  in  conclusion,  if  remedy  be  not 
found,  it  may  turn  to  the  utter  destruction  and  desolation 
of  this  realm,  which  God  defend ;  (8)  it  may  therefore 
please  the  King's  highness,  of  his  most  gracious  and  godly 
disposition,  and  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  of  their 
goodness  and  charity,  with  the  assent  of  the  commons,  in 
this  present  parliament  assembled,  to  ordain  and  enact  by  the 
authority  of  the  same,  That  no  person  or  persons  from 
the  feast  of  Saint  Michael  the  archangel,  which  shall  be  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  God  1535,  shall  keep,  occupy  or  have 
in  his  possession,  in  his  own  proper  lands,  nor  in  the  pos- 
session, lands  nor  grounds  of  any  other  which  he  shall  have 
or  occupy  in  farm,  nor  otherwise  have  of  his  own  proper 
cattle,  in  use,  possession  or  property,  by  any  manner  of 
means,  fraud,  craft  or  covin,  above  the  number  of  two 
thousand  sheep  at  one  time,  within  any  part  of  this  realm, 
of  all  sorts  and  kinds,  (9)  upon  pain  to  lose  and  forfeit  for 
every  sheep  that  any  person  or  persons  shall  have  or  keep 
above  the  number  limited  by  this  act,  iii.  s.  iv.  d.  the  one 
half  to  the  King  our  sovereign  lord,  and  the  other  half  to 
such  person  as  will  sue  for  the  same.  .  .  . 

25  H.  VIII,  c.  13.  Statutes  at  Large  (Cambridge,  1763),  IV,  273, 
274. 


School   Boys 


193 


64.    A  Prayer  for  Landlords 

The  earth  is  thine,  (O  Lord),  and  all  that  is  contained 
therein ;  notwithstanding  thou  hast  given  the  possession 
thereof  unto  the  children  of  men,  to  pass  over  the  time  of 
their  short  pilgrimage  in  this  vale  of  misery  :  We  heartily 
pray  thee,  to  send  thy  holy  Spirit  into  the  hearts  of  them 
that  possess  the  grounds,  pastures,  and  dwelling  places  of 
the  earth,  that  they,  remembering  themselves  to  be  thy  ten- 
ants, may  not  rack  and  stretch  out  the  rents  of  their  houses 
and  lands,  nor  yet  take  unreasonable  fines  and  incomes 
after  the  manner  of  covetous  worldlings,  but  so  let  them  out 
to  other,  that  the  inhabitants  thereof  may  both  be  able  to 
pay  the  rents,  and  also  honestly  to  live,  to  nourish  their 
families,  and  to  relieve  the  poor  :  give  them  grace  also  to 
consider,  that  they  are  but  strangers  and  pilgrims  in  this 
world,  having  here  no  dwelling  place,  but  seeking  one  to 
come ;  that  they,  remembering  the  short  continuance  of 
their  life,  may  be  content  with  that  that  is  sufficient,  and 
not  join  house  to  house,  nor  couple  land  to  land,  to  the 
impoverishment  of  other,  but  so  behave  themselves  in  let- 
ting out  their  tenements,  lands,  and  pastures,  that  after 
this  life  they  may  be  received  into  everlasting  dwelling 
places  :  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord.  Amen. 

The  Primer ;  or  Book  of  Private  Prayer,  authorised  by  King 
Edward  VI.     (The  Parker  Society,  1844,  458.) 


About  the 
middle  of 
the  sixteenth 
century 
social  misery 
reached  its 
height.    Pop- 
ular indigna- 
tion was 
directed 
against  the 
landlords 
whose  greed 
was  thought 
to  be  the 
cause  of  all 
the  evil. 
Hugh  Lati- 
mer,  in  a 
sermon 
preached  at 
Paul's  Cross 
in  the  pres- 
ence of  Ed- 
ward VI, 
called  them 
"  rentreis- 
ers,"  "  step- 
lordes."   The 
government 
passed  stat- 
utes ordering 
that  enclos- 
ures should 
be  pulled 
down. 
But  preach- 
ing and  legis- 
lation were 
alike  fruit- 
less. 


65.    Two   Sixteenth   Century  School  Boys 

This  Sir  Peter  Carrewe  was  the  younger  son  to  Sir  Will- 
iam Carrewe,  knight,  the  son  and  heir  to  Sir  Edmond 
Carrew,  knight,  and  the  last  named  baron  of  Carrewe,  who 
was  slain  at  the  siege  of  Tyrwen  with  the  shot  of  a  gun  in 
the  fifth  year  of  King  Henry  the  VHIth,  1513;  and  was 


By  JOHN 
VOWELL, 

alias 

HOOKER 
(i526?-iooi), 
a  writer  of 
some  note  in 
the  sixteenth 
century.    His 
most  impor- 


194       Days   of  the   Tudors 


tant  work 
was  done  in 
connection 
with  Holin- 
shed's  Chron- 
icles.    For  a 
time  he  acted 
as  solicitor  to 
Sir  Peter 
Carew, 
whose  life  he 
wrote. 

The  Renais- 
sance bore 
fruit  in  a 
marked 
interest  in 
education. 
Colet  and 
Erasmus  led 
in  a  move- 
ment for  a 
wider  range 
of  studies 
and  better 
methods. 
Wolsey,  in 
founding 
Cardinal 
College,  now 
Christ 

Church,  Ox- 
ford, set  an 
example 
which  was 
widely  fol- 
lowed, and 
by  the  middle 
of  the  cen- 
tury six  col- 
leges and 
some  eighty 
grammar 
schools  had 
been  estab- 
lished.   The 
attainments 
of  all  the 
Tudors  were 
remarkable, 
and  the  court 
gave  the 
nation  a  high 
standard  of 
scholarship. 


born  at  Mohonesotrey  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1514  :  This 
Peter  in  his  primer  years  being  very  pert  and  forward,  his 
father  conceived  a  great  hope  of  some  good  thing  to 
come  of  him,  and  having  then  other  sons,  he  thought  best 
to  employ  this  his  youngest  son  in  the  schools,  and  so  by 
means  of  learning  to  bring  him  to  some  advancement : 
wherefore  he  brought  him,  being  about  the  age  of  twelve 
years,  to  Exeter  to  school,  and  lodged  him  with  one  Thomas 
Hunt,  a  draper  and  an  alderman  of  that  city,  and  did  put  him 
to  school  to  one  Freers,  then  master  of  the  'grammar  school 
there  :  and  whether  it  were  that  he  was  in  fear  of  the  said 
Freer,  for  he  was  counted  to  be  a  very  hard  and  a  cruel 
master,  or  whether  it  were  for  that  he  had  no  affection  to 
his  learning,  true  it  is,  he  would  never  keep  his  school,  but 
was  a  daily  truant  and  always  ranging,  whereof  the  school- 
master misliking,  did  oftentimes  complain  unto  the  foresaid 
Thomas  Hunt  his  host,  upon  which  complaints  so  made  the 
said  Thomas  would  go  and  send  abroad  to  seek  out  the 
said  Peter :  and  among  many  times  thus  seeking  him  it 
happened  that  he  found  him  about  the  walls  of  the  said 
city,  and  he  running  to  take  him,  the  boy  climbed  up  upon 
the  top  of  one  of  the  highest  garrets  of  a  turret  of  the  said 
wall,  and  would  not  for  any  request  come  down,  saying 
moreover  to  his  host  that  if  he  did  press  too  fast  upon  him, 
he  would  surely  cast  himself  down  headlong  over  the  wall : 
and  then  saith  he,  "  I  shall  break  my  neck,  and  thou  shall 
be  hanged,  because  thou  makest  me  to  leap  down."  His 
host  being  afraid  of  the  boy,  departed  and  left  some  to 
watch  him,  and  so  to  take  him  as  soon  as  he  came  down : 
but  forthwith  he  sent  to  Sir  William  Carrewe,  and  did  adver- 
tise him  of  this  and  of  sundry  other  shrewd  parts  of  his  son 
Peter  :  who,  at  his  next  coming  then  to  Exeter,  calling  his 
son  before  him,  tied  him  in  a  "  lyem,"  and  delivered  him 
to  one  of  his  servants,  to  be  carried  about  the  town  as  one 
of  his  hounds,  and  led  him  home  to  Mohonesotrey  like  a 


School    Boys 


dog :  and  after  that  he  being  come  to  Mohonesotreye,  he 
coupled  him  to  one  of  his  hounds,  and  so  continued  him 
for  a  time.  At  length  Sir  William,  minding  to  make  some 
further  proof  of  his  son  carried  him  to  London,  and  there 
did  put  him  to  school  unto  the  schoolmaster  of  Paul's,  who 
being  earnestly  requested  to  have  some  care  of  this  young 
gentleman,  he  did  his  good  endeavour  therein.  Neverthe- 
less he,  being  more  desirous  of  liberty  than  of  learning, 
was  desirous  of  the  one  and  careless  of  the  other :  and  do 
the  schoolmaster  what  he  could,  he  in  no  wise  could  frame 
this  young  Peter  to  smell  to  a  book,  or  to  like  of  any 
schooling.  .  .  . 

John  Vowell,  alias  Hooker,  Life  of  Sir  Peter  Carew  {Calendar 
of  the  Carew  Mss,  1515-1574,  Ixvii,  Ixviii,  London,  1867). 

After  that  it  pleased  your  Maistershipp  to  give  me  in 
charge  not  onlie  to  give  diligent  attendaunce  uppon  Maister 
Gregory,  but  also  to  instructe  hime  with  good  lettres, 
honeste  maners,  pastymes  of  instrumentes,  and  suche  other 
qualities  as  sholde  be  for  hime  mete  and  conveniente, 
pleasith  it  you  to  understande  that  for  the  accomplishement 
therof  I  have  indevoured  myself  by  all  weys  possible  to  invent 
and  excogitate  howe  I  might  moste  profett  hime,  in  whiche 
bihalf  thorowgh  his  diligence  the  successe  is  suche  as  I 
truste  shalbe  to  your  good  contentation  and  pleasure,  and 
his  no  smale  profecte.  But  forcause  somer  was  spente  in  the 
servyce  of  the  wylde  goddes  it  is  so  moche  to  be  regarded  after 
what  fashion  yeouth  is  educate  and  browght  upp,  in  which 
tyme  that  that  is  lerned  (for  the  moste  parte)  will  nott  all 
holelie  be  forgotten  in  the  older  yeres,  I  thinke  it  my  dutie  to 
asserteyne  yor  Maistershippe  how  he  spendith  his  tyme,  so 
that  if  there  be  any  thinge  contrary  your  good  pleasure, 
after  advertisment  receyved  in  that  bihalf  it  may  be 
amended.  And  firste,  after  he  hath  herde  Masse  he  taketh  a 
lecture  of  a  Diologe  of  Erasmus  Colloquium,  called  Pietas 


The  youth  of 
the  upper 
and  middle 
classes 
crowded  the 
universities 
and  schools, 
where  they 
were  sub- 
jected to 
exacting 
requirements 
and  severe 
discipline. 

In  spite  of 
his  father's 
efforts  young 
Carew 
remained 
indifferent  to 
learning.   He 
was  finally 
sent  to  Paris 
to  make  his 
fortune. 
After  many 
hardships  he 
returned  to 
England  and 
succeeded  in 

faining  the 
ivour  of 
Henry  VIII. 
He  was  pres- 
ent at  the 
battle  of 
Pavia,  was 
one  of  those 
appointed  to 
escort  Anne 
of  Cleves  to 
England, 
and  he  did 
good  service 
in  the  navy. 
He  died, 
finally,  in 

1575-  in 
Ireland. 


The  letter 
of  the  pre- 
ceptor of 
Cromwell's 


196       Days   of  the   Tudors 

son  was  puerilis,  whereinne    is   described  a  veray  picture   of  oone 

abouTisss       tnat  s^olde  be  vertuouselie  brought  upp,  and  forcause  it  is 
I"  1539  so  necessary  for  hime  I  do  not  onelie  cause  him  to  rede  it 

Gregory  .  .          .  ... 

Cromwell  over,  but  also  to  practise  the  preceptes  of  the  same,  and  I 
have  also  translated  it  into  Englishe,  so  that  he  may  con- 
ferre  theime  both  to  githers,  vvherof  (as  lerned  men  affirme) 
cometh  no  smalle  profecte  ;  vvhiche  translation  pleasith  it  you 
to  receyve  by  the  bringer  herof,  that  ye  may  judge  howe 
moche  profitable  it  is  to  be  lerned  :  after  that,  he  exerciseth 
his  hande  in  writing  one  or  two  houres,  and  redith  uppon 
Fabian's  Chronicle  as  longe ;  the  residue  of  the  day  he 
doth  spende  uppon  the  lute  and  virginalls.  When  he  rideth 
(as  he  doth  very  ofte)  I  tell  hime  by  the  way  some  historic 
of  the  Romanes  or  the  Greekes,  whiche  I  cause  him  to 
reherse  agayn  in  a  tale.  For  his  recreation  he  useth  to 
hawke  and  hunte,  and  shote  in  his  long  bowe,  which  frameth 
and  succeedeth  so  well  with  hime  that  he  semeth  to  be 
therunto  given  by  nature.  My  Lorde  contineweth,  or  rather 
daily  augmenteth  his  goodnes  towardes  hime.  Also  the 
gentle  men  of  the  country,  as  Sir  John  Dawne,  Sir  Henry 
Delves,  Mr.  Massey,  Mr.  Brereton  baron  of  the  Kinges 
Escheker  there,  and  diverse  other  so  gently  hath  interteigned 
hime  that  they  seme  to  strive  who  shold  shew  hime  moste 
pleasures ;  of  all  whiche  thinges  I  thowght  it  my  dutie  to 
asserteigne  your  good  Maistershipp,  most  humblie  desirenge 
the  same  to  take  in  good  parte  this  my  rude  boldnes.  And 
thus  I  pray  the  Trinitie  longe  to  preserve  yor  good  health 
with  encrease  of  moche  honor.  At  Chester  the  vjth  daie  of 
Septembre. 

Your  humble  servaunte, 

HENRY  DOWES. 

To  his  moste  worshipfull  Maister 
MR.  SECRETAIRE. 

Henry  Dowes.  Letter  to  Thomas  Cromwell  (Original  Letters, 
edited  by  Sir  Henry  Ellis.  Third  Series,  Vol.  I,  343-345, 
London,  1846). 


Reign   of  Queen   Mary     197 


66.   England  in  the  Reign  of  Queen  Mary 

The  air  of  England  is  thick,  so  it  often  generates  clouds, 
wind,  and  rain,  but  in  calm  weather  the  climate  is  so  tem- 
perate that  the  extremes  of  heat  and  cold  are  rarely  felt, 
and  never  last  long,  so  that  persons  clad  in  fur  may  be  seen 
all  the  year  round.  They  have  some  little  plague  in  Eng- 
land well  nigh  every  year,  for  which  they  are  not  accustomed 
to  make  sanitary  provisions,  as  it  does  not  usually  make  great 
progress  ;  the  cases  for  the  most  part  occur  among  the  lower 
classes,  as  if  their  dissolute  mode  of  life  impaired  their  con- 
stitutions ;  .  .  . 

The  soil,  especially  in  England  proper,  produces  wheat, 
oats,  and  barley,  in  such  plenty  that  they  have  usually 
enough  for  their  own  consumption,  but  were  they  to  work 
more  diligently,  and  with  greater  skill,  and  bring  the  soil 
into  higher  cultivation,  England  might  supply  grain  for 
exportation,  but  they  do  not  attend  much  to  this,  so  that 
they  sometimes  need  assistance  both  from  Flanders  and 
Denmark,  and  occasionally  from  France  likewise.  They 
grow  no  other  sort  of  grain,  and  their  only  lentils  are  beans 
and  peas.  Although  they  have  vines  they  do  not  make 
wine  of  any  sort,  the  plant  serving  as  an  ornament  for  their 
gardens  rather  than  anything  else,  as  grapes  do  not  ripen 
save  in  a  very  small  quantity,  partly  because  the  sun  has 
not  much  power,  and  partly  because  precisely  at  the  ripen- 
ing season  cold  winds  generally  prevail,  so  that  the  grapes 
wither,  but  in  lieu  of  wine  they  make  beer,  with  wheat, 
barley,  and  hops,  which  [last?]  they  import  from  Flanders, 
boiling  all  the  ingredients  together  in  water,  and  making 
it  stronger  or  weaker  by  adding  more  wheat  and  less  barley, 
and  producing  a  contrary  result  by  reversing  the  process. 
This  potion  is  most  palatable  to  them,  and  all  persons 
drink  it,  even  their  sovereigns,  although  they  also  consume 


By  GIACOMO 

SORANZO. 

See  No.  50. 


Probably 
there  were 
not  a  half 
dozen  years 
during  the 
reign  of 
Henry  VIII 
that  the 
plague  did 
not  visit 
London. 
"On  an  aver- 
age once  in  a 
generation, 
and  during  a 
period  of 
three  centu- 
ries—  from 
the  Black 
Death  to  the 
extinction  of 
the  plague  in 
1666  — the 
capital. lost 
from  a  fourth 
to  a  sixth  of 
its  popula- 
tion at  one 
stroke  in  a 
single 
season." 
Creighton. 

During  the 
sixteenth 
century  agri- 
culture retro- 
graded as  an 
art.    This 
was  due 
largely  to  the 
dissolution  of 
the  religious 
houses,  for 
the  monks 


198       Days   of  the    Tudors 


were  pio- 
neers in  agri- 
cultural 
advance. 
Toward  the 
end  of  the 
century  there 
was  marked 
improve- 
ment in 
methods  of 
farming,  the 
result  of  the 
high  price  of 
provisions. 

An  old  dis- 
tich says  of 
1525,  "  Tur- 
kies,  hoppes 
reformation 
and  beer 
Came  into 
England  all 
in  one  year." 


a  great  quantity  of  wine.  .  .  .  They  have  abundance  of 
fish,  both  from  the  ocean  and  the  Thames,  of  the  same  sort 
as  is  common  in  Venice,  but  they  have  also  salmon,  a  fish 
not  found  in  Italy.  They  have  an  immense  quantity  of 
oysters,  so  that  occasionally  as  many  as  20  smacks  are  seen 
filled  with  them,  but  during  four  months  in  the  summer  it  is 
forbidden  either  to  take  or  sell  them. 

The  country  is  almost  all  level,  with  few  rivers  and  springs, 
and  such  hills  as  they  have  are  not  very  high,  and  one 
advantage  of  the  climate  is  that  the  grass  remains  green  at 
all  seasons,  affording  excellent  pasturage  for  animals,  espe- 
cially for  sheep,  of  which  there  is  an  incredible  number, 
supplying  that  wool  which  is  in  such  universal  repute  under 
the  name  of  "  Prankish,"  the  French  having  been  the  first 
to  bring  it  into  Italy.  Great  part  of  this  wool  is  manufac- 
tured in  England,  where  cloths  and  kerseys  of  various  sorts 
are  wrought,  which  amount  annually  to  150,000  pieces  of 
cloths  of  all  sorts,  and  150,000  pieces  of  kersey,  the  rest  of 
the  wool  being  exported,  and  taken  usually  to  Calais  on 
account  of  the  staplers,  who  then  sell  it  on  the  spot,  and 
have  the  monopoly  of  the  wool  exports  from  England, 
though  occasionally  export-permits  are  conceded  by  favour 
to  other  persons,  though  the  staplers  do  their  utmost  to 
prevent  it.  The  quantity  of  unwrought  wool  exported  is 
said  to  amount  to  about  2000  tons  [annually]  ;  they  also 
export  hides  to  the  value  of  500,000  ducats.  In  Cornwall 
they  have  lead  and  tin  mines,  from  which  they  extract  metal 
in  great  quantity,  and  of  such  good  quality  that  the  like  is 
not  to  be  found  elsewhere.  For  some  time  they  have  not 
exported  much  lead  because  permits  are  refused,  but  they 
export  annually  from  five  to  six  thousand  weight  of  un- 
wrought tin,  and  to  the  value  of  100,000  ducats  in  the 
wrought  metal,  the  greater  part  to  Spain. 

In  Derbyshire  there  are  some  iron  mines,  but  in  small 
quantity,  but  none  of  gold  nor  of  silver. 


Reign   of  Queen   Mary     199 

In  the  north  towards  Scotland  they  find  a  certain  sort  of 
earth  well  nigh  mineral,  and  which  burns  like  charcoal,  and 
is  extensively  used,  especially  by  blacksmiths,  and  but  for  a 
certain  bad  odour  which  it  leaves  it  would  be  yet  more 
employed,  as  it  gives  great  heat  and  costs  little. 

The  principal  cities  of  the  kingdom  are  London  and  York,  See  yohn 
but  London  is  the  most  noble,  both  on  account  of  its  being  Stow.  Survey 
the  royal  residence,  and  because  the  river  Thames  runs  ' 
through  it,  very  much  to  the  convenience  and  profit  of  the 
inhabitants,  as  it  ebbs  and  flows  every  six  hours  like  the  sea, 
scarcely  ever  causing  inundation  or  any  extraordinary  floods ; 
and  up  to  London  Bridge  it  is  navigable  for  ships  of  400 
butts  burden,  of  which  a  great  plenty  arrive  with  every  sort 
of  merchandise.  This  bridge  connects  the  city  with  the 
borough,  and  is  built  of  stone  with  twenty  arches,  and  shops 
on  both  sides.  On  the  banks  of  the  river  there  are  many 
large  palaces,  making  a  very  fine  show,  but  the  city  is  much 
disfigured  by  the  ruins  of  a  multitude  of  churches  and  mon- 
asteries belonging  heretofore  to  friars  and  nuns.  It  has  a 
dense  population,  said  to  number  180,000  souls;  and  is 
beyond  measure  commercial,  the  merchants  of  the  entire 
kingdom  flocking  thither,  as,  by  a  privilege  conceded  to  the 
citizens  of  London,  from  them  alone  can  they  purchase 
merchandise,  so  they  soon  become  very  wealthy ;  and  the 
same  privileges  placed  in  their  hands  the  government  of  the 
city  of  London,  which  is  divided  into  24  trades  or  crafts, 
each  of  which  elects  a  certain  individual,  styled  alderman, 
the  election  being  made  solely  in  the  persons  of  those  who 
are  considered  the  most  wealthy,  and  the  office  is  for  life ; 
the  which  aldermen,  after  assembling  these  trades,  create 
annually  a  person  as  their  head  for  the  current  year  entitled 
Mayor,  and  they  call  him  Lord,  which  signifies  signor ;  and 
he  assumes  the  magistracy  on  the  day  of  Saints  Simon  and 
Jude,  on  which  day  he  goes  to  the  court  and  swears  alle- 
giance to  the  King,  and  then  gives  a  banquet  to  the  ambas- 


2oo       Days   of  the   Tudors 

sadors  and  lords,  and  to  the  judges  of  the  city  and  others, 
in  such  number,  that  in  one  and  the  same  hall  upwards  of  a 
thousand  persons  sit  down  to  table,  all  being  served  at  the 
same  time  with  the  most  perfect  order.  .  .  . 

The  English  for  the  most  part  are  of  handsome  stature 
and  sound  constitution,  with  red  or  white  complexions, 
.  grey.  their  eyes  also  being  white.  According  to  their  station  they 
are  all  as  well  clad  as  any  other  nation  whatever.  The 
dress  of  the  men  resembles  the  Italian  fashion,  and  that  of 
the  women  the  French. 

The  nobility  are  by  nature  very  courteous,  especially  to 
foreigners,  who  however  are  treated  with  very  great  arro- 
gance and  enmity  by  the  people,  it  seeming  to  them  that 
the  profit  derived  by  the  merchants  from  their  country  is 
so  much  taken  from  them,  and  they  imagine  that  they  could 
live  without  foreign  intercourse.  They  are  also  by  nature  of 
little  faith  both  towards  their  sovereigns  and  with  each  other, 
and  are  therefore  very  suspicious.  The  nobility,  save  such 
as  are  employed  at  Court,  do  not  habitually  reside  in  the 
cities,  but  in  their  own  country  mansions,  where  they  keep 
up  very  grand  establishments,  both  with  regard  to  the  great 
abundance  of  eatables  consumed  by  them,  as  also  by  reason 
of  their  numerous  attendants,  in  which  they  exceed  all 
other  nations,  so  that  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  has  upwards  of 
1000  clad  in  his  own  livery.  In  these  their  country  resi- 
dences they  occupy  themselves  with  hunting  of  every  de- 
scription, and  whatever  else  can  amuse  or  divert  them  ;  so 
that  they  seem  wholly  intent  on  leading  a  joyous  existence, 
the  women  also  being  no  less  sociable  than  the  men,  it 
being  customary  for  them  and  allowable  to  go  without  any 
regard  either  alone  or  accompanied  by  their  husbands  to 
the  taverns,  and  to  dine  and  sup  where  they  please. 

The  English  do  not  delight  much  either  in  military  pur- 
suits or  literature,  which  last,  most  especially  by  the  nobility, 
is  not  held  in  much  account,  and  they  have  scarcely  any 


Elizabethan    Homes        201 

opportunity  for  occupying  themselves  with  the  former,  save 
in  time  of  war,  and  when  that  is  ended  they  think  no  more 
about  them,  but  in  battle  they  show  great  courage  and  great 
presence  of  mind  in  danger,  but  they  require  to  be  largely 
supplied  with  victuals;  so  it  is  evident  that  they  cannot 
endure  much  fatigue.  .  .  . 

Report  of  England  »iade  to  the  Senate  by  Giacomo  Soranzo,  late 
Ambassador  to  Edward  VI  and  Queen  Mary  {Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  Venetian,  1534-1554,  No.  934,  London,  1873). 


67.    Elizabethan   Homes 

The  greatest  part  of  our  building  in  the  cities  and  good 
townes  of  England  consisteth  onelie  of  timber,  for  as  yet 
few  of  the  houses  of  the  communaltie  (except  here  &  there 
in  the  West  countrie  townes)  are  made  of  stone,  although 
they  may  (in  my  opinion)  in  diuerse  other  places  be  builded 
so  good  cheape  of  the  one  as  of  the  other.  In  old  time  the 
houses  of  the  Britons  were  slightlie  set  vp  with  a  few  posts 
&  many  radels,  with  stable  and  all  offices  vnder  one  roofe, 
the  like  whereof  almost  is  to  be  scene  in  the  fennie  coun- 
tries and  northerne  parts  vnto  this  daie,  where  for  lacke  of 
wood  they  are  inforced  to  continue  this  ancient  manner  of 
building.  .  .  .  Certes  this  rude  kind  of  building  made  the 
Spaniards  in  queene  Maries  daies  to  woonder,  but  cheeflie 
when  they  saw  what  large  diet  was  vsed  in  manie  of  these 
so  homelie  cottages,  in  so  much  that  one  of  no  small  reputa- 
tion amongst  them  said  after  this  maner :  "  These  English 
(quoth  he)  haue  their  houses  made  of  sticks  and  durt,  but 
they  fare  commonlie  so  well  as  the  king.  Whereby  it 
appeareth  that  he  liked  better  of  our  good  fare  in  such 
course  cabins,  than  of  their  owne  thin  diet  in  their  prince- 
like  habitations  and  palaces.  In  like  sort  as  euerie  countrie 


By  WILLIAM 
HARRISON 
(t 1593).  a 
native  of 
London, 
where  he 
studied  at 
St.  Paul's 
School,  and 
at  Westmin- 
ster.    Later 
he  attended 
Oxford  and 
Cambridge. 
In  1586  he 
became 
Canon  of 
Windsor. 
He  lived  the 
life  of  a  quiet 
country 
clergyman, 
occupying 
his  leisure 
with  literary 
work.    His 
most  impor- 
tant produc- 
tions are  the 
Description 
of  Britain 
and  the  De- 
scription of 
England, 
written  for 
Holinshed's 
Chronicle. 


2O2        Days    of  the    Tudors 

house  is  thus  apparelled  on  the  out  side,  so  is  it  imvardlie 
diuided  into  sundrie  roomes  aboue  and  beneath ;  and  where 
plentie  of  wood  is,  they  couer  them  with  tiles,  otherwise 
with  straw,  sedge,  or  reed,  except  some  quarrie  of  slate  be 
neere  hand,  from  whence  they  haue  for  their  monie  so  much 
as  may  suffice  them.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  wals  of  oar  houses  on  the  inner  sides  in  like 
sort  be  either  hanged  with  tapisterie,  arras  worke,  or  painted 
cloths,  wherin  either  diuerse  histories,  or  hearbes,  beasts, 
knots,  and  such  like  are  stained,  or  else  they  are  seeled  with 
oke  of  our  owne,  or  wainescot  brought  hither  out  of  the 
east  countries,  whereby  the  roomes  are  not  a  little  com- 
mended, made  warme,  and  much  more  close  than  other- 
wise they  would  be.  As  for  stooues  we  haue  not  hitherto 
vsed  them  greatlie,  yet  doo  they  now  begin  to  be  made  in 
diuerse  houses  of  the  gentrie  and  wealthie  citizens,  who  build 
them  not  to  worke  and  feed  in  as  in  Germanic  and  else 
where,  but  now  and  then  to  sweat  in,  as  occasion  and  need 
shall  require.  This  also  hath  beene  common  in  England, 
contrarie  to  the  customes  of  all  other  nations,  and  yet  to  be 
scene  (for  example  in  most  streets  of  London)  that  many 
of  our  greatest  houses  haue  outwardlie  beene  verie  simple 
and  plaine  to  sight,  which  inwardlie  haue  beene  able  to 
receiue  a  duke  with  his  whole  traine,  and  lodge  them  at 
their  ease.  Hereby  moreouer  it  is  come  to  passe,  that  the 
fronts  of  our  streets  haue  not  beene  so  vniforme  and  orderlie 
builded  as  those  of  forreine  cities,  where  (to  saie  truth)  the 
vtterside  of  their  mansions  and  dwellings  haue  oft  more 
cost  bestowed  vpon  them,  than  all  the  rest  of  the  house, 
which  are  often  verie  simple  and  vneasie  within,  as  expe- 
rience dooth  confirme.  Of  old  time  our  countrie  houses 
in  steed  of  glasse  did  vse  much  lattise  and  that  made  either 
of  wicker  or  fine  rifts  of  oke  in  chekerwise.  I  read  also 
that  some  of  the  better  sort,  in  and  before  the  times  of  the 
Saxons  (who  notwithstanding  vsed  some  glasse  also  since 


Elizabethan    Homes        203 

the  time  of  Benedict  Biscop  the  moonke  that  brought  the 
feat  of  glasing  first  into  this  land)  did  make  panels  of 
home  in  steed  of  glasse,  &  fix  them  in  wooden  calmes. 
But  as  home  in  windows  is  now  quite  laid  downe  in  euerie 
place,  so  our  lattises  are  also  growne  into  lesse  vse,  bicause 
glasse  is  come  to  be  so  plentifull,  and  within  a  verie  little  so 
good  cheape  if  not  better  then  the  other. 

.  .  .  Now  to  turne  againe  to  our  windowes.  Hereto- 
fore also  the  houses  of  our  princes  and  noble  men  were 
often  glased  with  Berill  (an  example  whereof  is  yet  to  be 
scene  in  Sudleie  castell)  and  in  diuerse  other  places  with 
fine  christall,  but  this  especiallie  in  the  time  of  the  Romans, 
whereof  also  some  fragments  haue  beene  taken  vp  in  old 
ruines.  But  now  these  are  not  in  vse,  so  that  onelie  the  clear- 
est glasse  is  most  esteemed  :  for  we  haue  diuerse  sorts,  some 
brought  out  of  Burgundie,  some  out  of  Normandie,  much 
out  of  Flanders,  beside  that  which  is  made  in  England, 
which  would  be  so  good  as  the  best,  if  we  were  diligent  and 
care  full  to  bestow  more  cost  vpon  it,  and  yet  as  it  is,  each 
one  that  may,  will  haue  it  for  his  building.  Moreouer  the 
mansion  houses  of  our  countrie  townes  and  villages  (which 
in  champaine  ground  stand  altogither  by  streets,  &  ioining 
one  to  an  other,  but  in  woodland  soiles  dispersed  here  and 
there,  each  one  vpon  the  seuerall  grounds  of  their  owners) 
are  builded  in  such  sort  generallie,  as  that  they  haue  neither 
dairie,  stable,  nor  bruehouse  annexed  vnto  them  vnder  the 
same  roofe  (as  in  manie  places  beyond  the  sea  &  some  of 
the  north  parts  of  our  countrie)  but  all  separate  from  the 
first,  and  one  of  them  from  an  other.  And  yet  for  all  this, 
they  are  not  so  farre  distant  in  sunder,  but  that  the  good- 
man  lieng  in  his  bed  may  lightlie  heare  what  is  doone  in 
each  of  them  with  ease,  and  call  quicklie  vnto  his  meinie  if 
anie  danger  should  attach  him. 

The  ancient  manours  and  houses  of  our  gentlemen  are 
yet  and  for  the  most  part  of  strong  timber,  in  framing 


204       Days   ot   the   Tudors 

whereof  our  carpenters  haue  beene  and  are  worthilie  pre- 
ferred before  those  of  like  science  among  all  other  nations. 
Howbeit  such  as  be  latelie  builded,  are  comonlie  either  of 
bricke  or  hard  stone,  or  both  ;  their  roomes  large  and  come- 
lie,  and  houses  of  office  further  distant  from  their  lodgings. 
Those  of  the  nobilitie  are  likewise  wrought  with  bricke  and 
hard  stone,  as  prouision  may  be  best  made  :  but  so  mag- 
nificent and  statelie,  as  the  basest  house  of  a  baron  dooth 
often  match  in  our  daies  with  some  honours  of  princes  in 
old  time.  .  .  . 

The  furniture  of  our  houses  also  exceedeth,  and  is  growne 
in  maner  euen  to  passing  delicacie  :  and  herein  I  doo  not 
speake  of  the  nobilitie  and  gentrie  onelie,  but  likewise  of 
the  lowest  sort  in  most  places  of  our  south  countrie,  that 
haue  anie  thing  at  all  to  take  to.  Certes  in  noble  mens 
houses  it  is  not  rare  to  see  abundance  of  Arras,  rich  hang- 
ings of  tapistrie,  siluer  vessell,  and  so  much  other  plate,  as 
may  furnish  sundrie  cupbords,  to  the  summe  oftentimes  of 
a  thousand  or  two  thousand  pounds  at  the  least :  whereby 
the  value  of  this  and  the  rest  of  their  stuffe  dooth  grow  to 
be  almost  inestimable.  Likewise  in  the  houses  of  knights, 
gentlemen,  merchantmen,  and  some  other  wealthie  citizens, 
it  is  not  geson  to  behold  generallie  their  great  prouision  of 
tapistrie,  Turkic  worke,  pewter,  brasse,  fine  linen,  and 
thereto  costlie  cupbords  of  plate,  worth  fiue  or  six  hun- 
dred or  a  thousand  pounds,  to  be  deemed  by  estimation. 
But  as  herein  all  these  sorts  doo  far  exceed  their  elders  and 
predecessors,  and  in  neatnesse  and  curiositie,  the  merchant 
all  other ;  so  in  time  past,  the  costlie  furniture  staied  there, 
whereas  now  it  is  descended  yet  lower,  euen  vnto  the  infe- 
riour  artificers  and  manie  farmers,  who  by  vertue  of  their 
old  and  not  of  their  new  leases  haue  for  the  most  part 
learned  also  to  garnish  their  cupbords  with  plate,  their 
ioined  beds  with  tapistrie  and  silke  hangings,  and  their  tables 
with  carpets  &  fine  naperie,  whereby  the  wealth  of  our  coun- 


Elizabethan    Homes        205 

trie  (God  be  praised  therefore,  and  giue  vs  grace  to  imploie 
it  well)  dooth  infinitelie  appeare.  .  .  .  There  are  old  men 
yet  dwelling  in  the  village  where  I  remaine,  which  haue 
noted  three  things  to  be  maruellouslie  altered  in  England 
within  their  sound  remembrance  ;  &  other  three  things  too  too 
much  increased.  One  is,  the  multitude  of  chimnies  latelie 
erected,  whereas  in  their  yoong  daies  there  were  not  aboue 
two  or  three,  if  so  manie  in  most  vplandish  townes  of  the 
realme  (the  religious  houses,  &  manour  places  of  their  lords 
ahvaies  excepted,  and  peraduenture  some  great  personages) 
but  ech  one  made  his  fire  against  a  reredosse  in  the  hall, 
where  he  dined  and  dressed  his  meat. 

The  second  is  the  great  (although  not  generall)  amend- 
ment of  lodging,  for  (said  they)  our  fathers  (yea  and  we 
our  selues  also)  haue  lien  full  oft  vpon  straw  pallets  on  rough 
mats  couered  onelie  with  a  sheet  vnder  couerlets  made  of 
dagswain  or  hopharlots  (Ivse  their  owne  termes)  and  a  good 
round  log  vnder  their  heads  in  steed  of  a  bolster  or  pillow. 
If  it  were  so  that  our  fathers  or  the  good  man  of  the  house, 
had  within  seuen  yeares  after  his  mariage  purchased  a  mat- 
teres  or  flockebed,  and  thereto  a  sacke  of  chaffe  to  rest  his 
head  vpon,  he  thought  himselfe  to  be  as  well  lodged  as  the 
lord  of  the  towne,  that  peraduenture  laie  seldome  in  a  bed 
of  downe  or  whole  fethers  ;  so  well  were  they  contented,  and 
with  such  base  kind  of  furniture  :  which  also  is  not  verie 
much  amended  as  yet  in  some  parts  of  Bedfordshire,  and 
elsewhere  further  off  from  our  south  erne  parts.  .  .  . 

The  third  thing  they  tell  of,  is  the  exchange  of  vessell,  as 
of  treene  platters  into  pewter,  and  wodden  spoones  into  sil-   /.<?.  made  of 
uer  or  tin.     For  so  common  were  all  sorts  of  treene  stuffe   l 
in  old  time,  that  a  man  should  hardlie  find  foure  peeces  of 
pewter  (of  which  one  was  peraduenture  a  salt)  in  a  good 
farmers  house,  and  yet  for  all  this  frugalitie  (if  it  may  so  be 
iustly  called)  they  were  scarse  able  to  liue  and  paie  their 
rents  at  their  daies  without  selling  of  a  cow,  or  an  horsse,  or 


206        Days   of  the   Tudors 

more,  although  they  paid  but  foure  pounds  at  the  vttermost 
by  the  yeare.  Such  also  was  their  pouertie,  that  if  some  one 
od  farmer  or  husbandman  had  beene  at  the  alehouse,  a  thing 
greatlie  vsed  in  those  daies,  amongst  six  or  seuen  of  his 
neighbours,  and  there  in  a  brauerie  to  shew  what  store  he 
had,  did  cast  downe  his  pursse,  and  therein  a  noble  or  six 
shillings  in  siluer  vnto  them  (for  few  such  men  then  cared 
for  gold  bicause  it  was  not  so  readie  paiment,  and  they  were 
oft  inforced  to  giue  a  penie  for  the  exchange  of  an  angell)  it 
was  verie  likelie  that  all  the  rest  could  not  laie  downe  so 
much  against  it :  whereas  in  my  time,  although  peraduenture 
foure  pounds  of  old  rent  be  improued  to  fortie,  fiftie,  or  an 
hundred  pounds,  yet  will  the  fanner  as  another  palme  or 
date  tree  thinke  his  gaines  verie  small  toward  the  end  of 
his  terme,  if  he  haue  not  six  or  seuen  yeares  rent  lieng  by 
The  increase  hi™,  therewith  to  purchase  a  new  lease,  beside  a  faire  gar- 
th ^s^n^h^  ms^  °^  Pevvter  on  n^s  cupbord,  with  so  much  more  in  od 
conquests  in  vessell  going  about  the  house,  three  or  foure  featherbeds,  so 
manie  couerlids  and  carpets  of  tapistrie,  a  siluer  salt,  a  bowle 
for  wine  (if  not  an  whole  neast)  and  a  dozzen  of  spoones  to 
furnish  vp  the  sute.  .  .  . 

William   Harrison,   The   Description   of  England  (Holinshed's 
Chronicle,  London,  1807),  Bk.  II,  Ch.  XII. 


Peru  and 
Mexico  is 
marked. 


By  GIO- 
VANNI SCA- 

RAMELLI, 
Venetian 
Ambassador 
in  England. 
After  the  de- 
feat of  the 
Spanish 
Armada 
English 
privateering 
developed 


68.    An    Unfriendly  View  of  the    English 
Privateers   (1603) 

While  on  this  topic  I  must  not  omit  to  say  that  the  Eng- 
lish through  their  rapacity  and  cruelty  have  become  odious 
to  all  nations.  With  Spain  they  are  at  open  war  and  are 
already  plundering  her  and  upsetting  the  India  trade ;  they 
are  continually  robbing  with  violence  the  French,  whom 


English    Privateers          207 


they  encounter  on  the  long  stretches  of  the  open  sea. 
They  cannot  sail  at  present  to  Poland  and  Prussia,  because 
the  Danish  Straits  are  blocked  against  them.  In  Germany, 
at  Hamburg,  Lubeck,  and  other  ports,  for  example,  they  are 
detested ;  because  the  German  merchants  still  claim  their 
ancient  privileges  of  their  exchange  house  in  London,  of 
which  they  were  deprived  by  the  Queen  a  few  years  ago, 
merely  with  the  view  to  foster  English  and  restrict  foreign 
commerce.  The  Venetians  have  suffered  in  the  same  way. 
^'ith  the  Flemish  they  have  little  accord  on  account  of  the 
Spanish  war,  but  also  for  natural  reasons ;  for  the  Flemish 
trade  in  the  Levant  has  grown  to  such  proportions  that  the 
English  trade  is  considerably  diminished  ;  and  the  same  has 
taken  place  between  the  Flemish  and  the  Venetians ;  for 
they  are  working  away  to  ruin  the  German  Exchange  in 
Venice  by  opening  another  route  for  the  import  not  only  of 
spices  but  of  cotton  into  Germany ;  and  although  the  Eng- 
lish exaggerate  this  topic  out  of  rivalry  with  the  Flemish,  I 
nevertheless  feel  bound  to  represent  these  considerations  to 
your  Serenity,  on  account  of  their  great  importance.  Then 
inside  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  how  can  the  English  be  en- 
dured, seeing  that  under  the  guise  of  merchants  they  plunder 
in  the  very  vitals  of  foreign  dominions  all  the  shipping  they 
find  ?  On  this  I  need  not  enlarge  further,  except  to  say  that 
in  despatches  of  December  last  the  English  Ambassador  at 
Constantinople  enclosed  a  decree  passed  by  the  Turks,  drawn 
up  by  the  Mufti  on  religious  grounds  at  the  instance  of  the 
French  Ambassador,  that  English  vessels  shall  always  render 
an  account  of  all  goods  brought  and  sold  in  Barbary  and 
elsewhere  within  Turkish  dominions ;  and  the  English 
Ambassador  is  charged  to  see  the  order  carried  out.  This 
information  is  extremely  disliked. 

Hence  both  those  who  command,  and  those  who  execute 
here  in  England,  see  quite  clearly  how  great,  how  univer- 
sal, and  how  just  is  the  hatred  which  all  nations,  nay  all 


rapidly.     Os- 
tensibly the 
vessels  from 
England, 
which 

swarmed  on 
every  sea, 
were  engaged 
in  commerce, 
but  the  Vene- 
tian Ambas- 
sador in 
Constanti- 
nople wrote 
of  them  to  the 
Senate : 
"  They  have 
but  little 
trade,  nor 
can  I  dis- 
tinguish 
those  which 
come  for 
trading  only ; 
for  all  of 
them  are 
hampered 
with  artillery 
and  provi- 
sioned for  a 
year,  even  to 
the  water, 
and  in  order 
that  they  may 
be  handy  in 
fighting,  they 
are  kept 
clear,  leaving 
not  only  the 
quarter  deck 
but  also  the 
main  deck, 
where  goods 
are  usually 
placed,  free 
for  the  artil- 
lery.   Theft 
is  their 
proper  busi- 
ness, and  the 
object  of  their 
voyage." 
The  English 
Ambassador 
in  Constan- 
tinople con,- 


208        Days   of  the    Tudors 


fessed  that 
"  in  truth  very 
few  ships  did 
sail  for  trad- 
ing," but  he 
urged  that 
"  the  king- 
dom of  Eng- 
land, though 
a  very  rich 
feeding 
ground,  was 
not  able  to 
support  the 
whole  nation, 
therefore  they 
had  to  take 
to  the  sea, 
and  to  be 
fully  armed, 
on  account 
of  the  Span- 
ish, their 
powerful 
foes ;  besides, 
these  ships 
were  the  bul- 
warks of  the 
country." 


peoples  we  might  say,  bear  to  the  English,  for  they  are  the 
disturbers  of  the  whole  world.  And  yet  with  all  this  they 
not  only  do  not  take  any  steps  to  remedy  the  mischief,  but 
in  a  certain  sense  they  glory  that  the  English  name  should 
become  formidable  just  in  this  way.  For  whereas  the 
Kings  of  England,  down  to  Henry  VII,  and  Henry  VIII, 
were  wont  to  keep  up  a  fleet  of  one  hundred  ships  in  full 
pay  as  a  defence,  now  the  Queen's  ships  do  not  amount 
to  more  than  fifteen  or  sixteen,  as  her  revenue  cannot  sup- 
port a  greater  charge;  and  so  the  whole  of  the  strength 
and  repute  of  the  nation  rests  on  the  vast  number  of  small 
privateers,  which  are  supported  and  increased  to  that  dan- 
gerous extent  which  everyone  recognises ;  and  to  ensure 
this  support,  the  privateers  make  the  ministers  partners  in 
the  profits,  without  the  risk  of  a  penny  in  the  fitting  out, 
but  only  a  share  in  the  prizes,  which  are  adjudged  by  judges 
placed  there  by  the  ministers  themselves.  To  such  a  state 
has  this  unhappy  Kingdom  come  that  from  a  lofty  religion 
has  fallen  into  the  abyss  of  infidelity. 

London,  aoth  March  1603. 

Giovanni  Scaramelli,  Venetian  Ambassador  in  England,  to  the 
Doge  and  Senate  {Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Venetian,  1592- 
1603,  No.  1160,  London,  1897). 


CHAPTER   XI  — ESTRANGEMENT    OF 
THE    KING   AND   THE    NATION 


69.    James  I.   at  the  Hampton   Court 
Conference   (1604) 

THEN  hee  [Doctor  Reynolds]  desireth,  that  accord- 
ing to  certaine  Prouincial  Constitutions,  they  of  the 
Clergy  might  haue  meetinges  once  euery  three  weeks ;  first 
in  Rurall  Deaneries,  and  therein  to  haue  Prophecying,  ac- 
cording as  the  Reuerend  Father,  Archbishop  Grindall,  and 
other  Bishops  desired  of  her  late  Maiestie.  2.  that  such 
thinges,  as  could  not  be  resolued  vpon,  there,  might  bee 
referred  to  the  Archdeacons  Visitation :  and  so  3.  from 
thence  to  the  Episcopal!  Synode,  where  the  Bishop  with 
his  Presbyteri,  should  determine  all  such  pointes,  as  before 
could  not  be  decided. 

At  which  speech,  his  Maiestie  was  somewhat  stirred  ;  yet, 
which  is  admirable  in  him,  without  passion  or  shew  thereof: 
thinking,  that  they  aymed  at  a  Scottish  Presbytery,  which 
saith  he,  as  wel  agreeth  with  a  Monarchy,  as  God,  and  the 
Deuill.  Thenyizr/fc  &  Tom  &  Will  ^L  Dick,  shall  meete,  and 
at  their  pleasures  censure  me,  and  my  Councell,  and  all  our 
proceedinges  :  Then  Will  shall  stand  vp,  and  say  it  must 
be  thus  ;  then  Dick  shall  reply,  and  say,  nay,  mary,  but 
wee  will  haue  it  thus.  And  therefore,  here  I  must  once 
reiterate  my  former  speech,  Le  Roy  s'auisera  :  Stay,  I  pray 
you,  for  one  seuen  yeares,  before  you  demaund  that  of  mee, 
and  if  then,  you  finde  me  purseye  and  fat,  and  my  winde- 
pipes  stuffed,  I  will  perhaps  hearken  to  you  :  for  let  that 
gouernement  bee  once  vp,  I  am  sure,  I  shall  bee  kept  in 
p  209 


By  WILLIAM 
BARLOW 
(ti6i3), 
Bishop  of 
Rochester, 
and  later  of 
Lincoln.    He 
was  one  of 
the  eighteen 
representa- 
tives of  the 
High  Church 
party  in  the 
Hampton 
Court  Con- 
ference. 
With  the 
exception  of 
a  few  letters 
Barlow's  ac- 
count is  the 
main  author- 
ity on  the 
proceedings 
of  the  Con- 
ference.— 
On  James 
and  the  re- 
ligious issue, 
see  Prothero, 
Statutes  and 
Constitu- 
tional Docu- 
ments. 

Reynolds  was 
one  of  the 
four  Puritans 
who  took 
part  in  the 
conference. 
He  was  one 
of  the  most 
learned  di- 
vines of  the 
time. 


2  IO 


Estrangement 


Prophecy- 
ing  =  meet- 
ings of  the 
clergy  for 
discussion 
and  practice 
in  speaking. 

The  regular 
form  of  veto 
was  "Le  Roi 
s'avisera,"  or 
"  The  king 
will  consider 
it" 


breath ;  then  shall  we  all  of  us,  haue  worke  enough,  both 
our  hands  ful.  But  Doctor  Reyn.  til  you  finde  that  I  grow 
lazy,  let  that  alone. 

And  here,  because  D.  Reyn.  had  twise  before  obtruded 
the  Kinges  Supremacy.  \.  In  the  Article,  concerning  the 
Pope ;  2.  in  the  point  of  Subscription,  his  Maiestie  at  those 
times  saide  nothing :  but  now  growing  to  an  end,  he  sayde, 
I  shal  speak  of  one  matter  more ;  yet,  somewhat  out  of 
order,  but  it  skilleth  not.  Doctor  Reyn.  quoth  the  K. 
you  haue  often  spoken  for  my  Supremacy,  and  it  is  well : 
but  know  you  any  here,  or  any  else  where,  who  like  of  the 
present  Goiternement  Ecclesiastical!,  that  finde  fault,  or  dis- 
like my  Supremacy  ?  D.  Reyn.  saide  no ;  why  then,  saith 
his  Maiesty,  I  will  tell  you  a  tale.  After  that  the  Religion 
restored  by  King  Edward  the  6  was  soone  ouerthrown  by 
the  succession  of  Queene  Mary,  here  in  England,  we  in 
Scotland  felt  the  effect  of  it.  whereupon  Mas.  Knoxe  writes 
to  the  Queene  Regent  (of  whome  without  flattery,  I  may  say, 
that  she  was  a  vertuous  and  moderate  Lady)  telling  her 
that  she  was  Supreme  head  of  the  church,  and  charged  her, 
as  she  would  aunswere  it  before  Gods  Tribunall,  to  take 
care  of  Christ  his  Euangil,  and  of  suppressing  the  Popish 
Prelates,  who  with  stoode  the  same.  But  how  long,  trow 
yee,  did  this  continue  ?  euen  so  long,  till  by  her  authority, 
the  popish  Bishops  were  repressed,  hee,  himselfe,  and  his 
adherentes  were  brought  in,  and  well  setled,  and  by  these 
meanes,  made  strong  enough  to  undertake  the  matters  of 
Reformation  themselues.  Then,  loe,  they  began  to  make 
smal  account  of  her  Supremacy,  nor  would  longer  rest 
vpon  her  authority,  but  tooke  the  cause  into  their  owne 
hand,  according  to  that  more  light  wher  with  they  were 
illuminated,  made  a  further  reformation  of  Religion.  How 
they  used  that  poore  Lady  my  mother,  is  not  unknowne, 
and  with  griefe,  I  may  remember  it :  who  because,  she  had 
not  been  otherwise  instructed,  did  desire,  only  a  priuate 


Hampton   Court   Conference     211 

Chappell,  wherin  to  serue  God,  after  her  manner,  with 
some  few  selected  persons ;  but  her  Supremacy  was  not 
sufficient  to  obtaine  it  at  their  handes.  And  how  they 
dealt  with  me,  in  my  Minority,  you  all  know  ;  it  was  not  done 
secretly  &  thogh  I  would,  I  cannot  conceale  it.  I  will  apply 
it  thus.  And  then  putting  his  hand  to  his  hat,  his  Maiestie 
saide  ;  my  Lordes  the  Bishops,  I  may  thanke  you,  that  these 
men  doe  thus  plead  for  my  Supremacy ;  They  think  they 
cannot  make  their  party  good  against  you,  but  by  appealing 
vnto  it,  as  if  you,  or  some  that  adhere  vnto  you,  were  not 
well  affected  towardes  it.  But  if  once  you  were  out,  and 
they  in  place,  I  know  what  would  become  of  my  Supremacy. 
No  Bishop,  no  King,  as  before  I  said.  Neither  doe  I  thus 
speak,  at  random,  without  grounde,  for  I  haue  obserued 
since  my  coming  into  England,  that  some  preachers  before 
me,  can  be  content  to  pray  for  lames,  King  of  England, 
Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  Faith,  but 
as  for  Supreme  Gouernour  in  all  Causes,  and  ouer  all 
persons,  (aswell  Ecclesiasticall  as  Ciuill)  they  passe  that 
ouer  with  silence ;  &  what  cut  they  haue  beene  of,  I  after 
learned.  After  this  asking  them,  if  they  had  any  more  to 
obiect ;  and  D.  Reyn.  aunswering,  No.  his  Maiestie  ap- 
pointed the  next  Wednesday  for  both  parties  to  meete 
before  him,  and  rising  from  his  Chaire,  as  hee  was  going 
to  his  inner  Chamber,  If  this  bee  al,  quoth  he,  that  they 
haue  to  say,  I  shall  make  them  conforme  themselves,  or  I 
wil  harrie  them  out  of  the  land,  or  else  doe  worse. 

And  this  was  the  Summe  of  the  Second  dayes  Conference, 
which  raysed  such  an  admiration  in  the  Lordes,  in  respect  of 
the  King,  his  singular  readiness,  and  exact  knowledge  ;  that 
one  of  them  saide,  hee  was  fully  perswaded,  his  Maiestie 
spake  by  the  instinct  of  the  spirite  of  God. 

William  Barlow,  The  Summe  and  Substance  of  the  Conference, 
.  .  .  at  Hampton  Court  (London,  1604),  78-83. 


212 


The  docu- 
ment, given 
here  in  an 
abridged 
form,  was 
drawn  up  by 
the  House  of 
Commons 
during  the 
disturbed 
session  of 
1604,  but  ap- 
parently it 
was  never 
presented  to 
the  king. 
"  In  it  they 
(the  House 
of  Com- 
mons) took 
up  the  posi- 
tion which 
they  never 
quitted  dur- 
ing eighty- 
four  long  and 
stormy  years. 
To  under- 
stand this 
Apology  is 
to  under- 
stand the 
causes  of  the 
success  of 
the  English 
Revolution. 
They  did  not 
ask  for  any- 
thing which 
was  not  in 
accordance 
with  justice. 
They  did  not 
demand  a 
single  privi- 
lege which 
was  not  nec- 
essary for 
the  good  of 
the  nation  as 
well  as  for 
their  own 
dignity." 
Gardiner.  — 
On  James  I's 


70.    Apology  of  the   House    of   Commons 

(1604) 

, 
To  THE  KING'S  MOST  EXCELLENT  MAJESTY,  FROM  THE  HOUSE 

OF  THE  COMMONS  ASSEMBLED  IN  PARLIAMENT. 

MOST  GRACIOUS  SOVEREIGN  :  .  .  .  We  know,  and  with  great 
thankfulness  to  God  acknowledge,  that  he  hath  given  us  a 
king  of  such  understanding  and  wisdom  as  is  rare  to  find  in 
any  prince  in  the  world.  Howbeit,  seeing  no  human  wis- 
dom, how  great  soever,  can  pierce  into  the  particularities 
of  the  rights  and  customs  of  people  or  of  the  sayings  and 
doings  of  particular  persons,  but  by  tract  of  experience  and 
faithful  report  of  such  as  know  them,  .  .  .  what  grief,  what 
anguish  of  mind  hath  it  been  unto  us  at  some  time  in  pres- 
ence to  hear,  and  so  in  other  things  to  find  and  feel  by 
effect  your  gracious  Majesty  (to  the  extreme  prejudice  of 
all  your  subjects  of  England,  and  in  particular  of  this  House 
of  the  Commons  thereof)  so  greatly  wronged  by  misinforma- 
tion, as  well  touching  the  estate  of  the  one  as  the  privileges 
of  the  other,  and  their  several  proceedings  during  this 
parliament.  .  .  . 

Against  which  assertions,  most  gracious  Sovereign,  tend- 
ing directly  and  apparently  to  the  utter  overthrow  of  the 
very  fundamental  privileges  of  our  House,  and  therein  of 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  whole  Commons  of  your  realm 
of  England,  which  they  and  their  ancestors  from  time  im- 
memorable  have  undoubtedly  enjoyed  under  your  Majesty's 
most  noble  progenitors,  we  the  knights,  citizens,  and  bur- 
gesses of  the  House  of  Commons  assembled  in  parliament 
and  in  the  name  of  the  whole  Commons  of  the  realm  of 
England,  with  uniform  consent  for  ourselves  and  our  poster- 
ity, do  expressly  protest,  as  being  derogatory  in  the  highest 
degree  to  the  true  dignity,  liberty  and  authority  of  your 
Majesty's  high  court  of  parliament  and  consequently  to  the 


Apology   of  the    Comng^ii|Ki  3 

rights  of  all  your  Majesty's  said  subjects^MMMKiole  body  political 

of  this  your  kingdom  ;  and^H^n  aestation  ^othero6 

may  be  recorded  to  all  po  jBB^BB"ariwise,  with  statutes  an 


Ile  and  due  respect  '^Py  our  sovereign 

head,  against  theSfc'rnis  •i«fefe*WcJKfl§t  truly 

first,  that  our  privil*  rties  are  our  rilht 

inheritance,  no  less  than  our  vrry  l.vnds-and  goods. 


all  hi; 

lord 

avouch, 

and  due 

Secondly,  that  they  cannot  be  withheld-  from  u,-  .  denied  or 

impaired,  but  with  apparent  wrong  to  the  whole  fcU^e'o'' 

realm.     Thirdly,  that  our  making  of  request  in  the  em. 

of  parliament  to  enjoy  our  privilege  is  an  act  only  of  vnair 

ners.  .  .  .     Fourthly,  we  avouch  also  that  our  Hous 

court  of  record,  and  so  ever  esteemed.     Fifthly,  that 

is  not  the  highest  standing  court  in  this  land  that  ought  to 

enter  into  competency  either  for  dignity  or  authority  with 

this  high  court  of  parliament,  which  with  your  Majesty's 

royal  assent  gives  laws  to  other  courts,  but  from  other  courts 

receives  neither  laws  nor  orders.      Sixthly  and  lastly,  we 

avouch  that  the  House  of  Commons  is  the  sole  proper  judge 

of  return  of  all  such  writs,  and  of  the  election  of  all  such 

members  as  belong  unto  it,  without  which  the  freedom  of 

election  were  not  entire  ;  V  .  . 

From  these  misinformed  positions,  most  gracious  Sover- 
eign, the  greatest  part  of  our  troubles,  distrusts  and  jealousies 
have  risen  :  having  apparently  found,  that  in  the  first  par- 
liament of  the  happy  reign  of  your  Majesty  the  privileges 
of  our  House,  and  therein  the  liberties  and  stability  of  the 
whole  kingdom,  have  been  more  universally  and  dangerously 
impugned  than  ever  .(as  we  suppose)  since  the  beginnings 
of  parliament.  .  .  .  |  First,  the  freedom  of  persons  in  our 
election  hath  been  impeached.  Secondly,  the  freedom  of  our 
speech  prejudiced  by  often  reproofs.  Thirdly,  particular 
persons  noted  with  taunt  and  disgrace,  who  have  spoken 
their  consciences  in  matters  proposed  to  the  House,  but 
with  all  due  respect  and  reverence  to  your  Majesty. 


Constif*- 
tia 


•ince 
mair*      ^^^ 

t  h  ere 

htto 


214- 


Estrangement 


Reference  to 
the  case  of 
,Sir  Thomas 


-hop 
form,  was!  * 

drawn  up  by 
the  House  ot 
Commons 
during  the 
disturbed  """ 
session  - 
160.- 


Whereby  \ve  have  tjeen  in  the  end  subject  to  so  extreme 
contempt,  as  a  gaoler  durst  so  obstinately  withstand  the 
decrees  of  our, -House ;  some  of  the  higher  clergy  to  write 
a  book  against  us,  esren  sitting  the  parliament;  the  inferior 
clergy  to  ^ma^h  against  us  in  pulpits,  yea  to  publish  their 
prjiestations,  tendLnaV  to  the  impeachment  of  our  most 
ancient  and  undoubted  rights  in  treating  of  matters  for  the 
peace  and  .  good  order  of  the  Church.  .  .  . 

,e  ri:e;tits  and  liberties  of  the  Commons  of  England  con- 
sisteflu  chiefly  in  these  three  things  :  first,  that  the  shires, 
•s  and  boroughs  of  England,  by  representation  to  be 
present,  have  free  choice  of  such  persons  as  they  shall  put  in 
-  frust  to  represent  them  :  secondly,  that  the  persons  chosen, 
during  the  time  of  the  parliament,  as  also  of  their  access 
and  recess,  be  free  from  restraint,  arrest  and  imprisonment : 
thirdly,  that  in  parliament  they  may  speak  freely  their  con- 
sciences without  check  and  controlment,  doing  the  same 
with  due  reverence  to  the  sovereign  court  of  parliament, 
that  is,  to  your  Majesty  and  both  the  Houses,  who  all  in  this 
case  make  but  one  politic  body,  whereof  your  Highness  is 
the  head.  I  .  . 

IFor  matter  of  religion,  it  will  appear,  by  examination  of 
truth  and  right,  that  your  Majesty  should  be  misinformed, 
if  any  man  should  deliver  that  the  kings  of  England  have 
any  absolute  power  in  themselves,  either  to  alter  religion 
(which  God  defend  should  be  in  the  power  of  any  mortal 
man  whatsoever)  or  to  make  any  laws  concerning  the  same, 
otherwise  than  as  in  temporal  causes  by  consent  of  parlia- 
ment.! We  have  and  shall  at  all  times  by  our  oaths  ac- 
knowledge, that  your  Majesty  is  sovereign  lord  and  supreme 
governor  in  both.  Touching  our  own  desires  and  proceed- 
ings therein,  they  have  not  been  a  little  misconceived  and 
misreported.  We  have  not  come  in  any  Puritan  or  Brownish 
spirit  to  introduce  their  parity,  or  to  work  the  subversion  of 
the  state  ecclesiastical,  as  now  it  standeth.  .  .  .  We  dis- 


Apology   of  the    Commons     215 

puted  not  of  matters  of  faith  and  doctrine ;  our  desire  was 
peace  only ;  and  our  device  of  unity,  how  this  lamentable  and 
long-lasting  dissension  amongst  the  ministers,  from  which 
both  atheism,  sects  and  all  ill  life  have  received  such  en- 
couragement and  so  dangerous  increase,  might  at  length, 
before  help  come  too  late,  be  extinguished.  And  for  the 
ways  of  this  peace,  we  are  not  at  all  addicted  to  our  own 
inventions,  but  ready  to  embrace  any  fit  way  that  may  be 
offered  ;  neither  desire  we  so  much  that  any  man  in  regard 
of  weakness  of  conscience  may  be  exempted  after  parlia- 
ment from  obedience  unto  laws  established,  as  that  in  this 
parliament  such  laws  may  be  enacted,  as  by  the  relinquish- 
ment  of  some  few  ceremonies  of  small  importance,  or  by 
any  way  better,  a  perpetual  uniformity  may  be  enjoyed  and 
observed.  Our  desire  hath  also  been  to  reform  certain 
abuses  crept  into  the  ecclesiastical  state,  even  as  into  the 
temporal :  and  lastly,  that  the  land  might  be  furnished  with 
a  learned,  religious,  and  godly  ministry,  for  the  maintenance 
of  whom  we  would  have  granted  no  small  contributions,  if 
in  these  (as  we  trust)  just  and  religious  desires  we  had  found 
that  correspondency  from  others  which  was  expected.  .  .  . 
There  remaineth,  dread  Sovereign,  yet  one  part  of  our 
duty  at  this  present,  which  faithfulness  of  heart,  not  presump- 
tion, doth  press  :  we  stand  not  in  place  to  speak  or  do  things 
pleasing.  Our  care  is,  and  must  be,  to  confirm  the  love 
and  tie  the  hearts  of  your  subjects,  the  commons,  most 
firmly  to  your  Majesty.  Herein  lieth  the  means  of  our 
well  deserving  of  both  :  there  was  never  prince  entered  with 
greater  love,  with  greater  joy  and  applause  of  all  his  people. 
This  love,  this  joy,  let  it  flourish  in  their  hearts  for  ever. 
Let  no  suspicion  have  access  to  their  fearful  thoughts,  that 
their  privileges,  which  they  think  by  your  Majesty  should  be 
protected,  should  now  by  sinister  informations  or  counsel 
be  violated  or  impaired  ;  or  that  those,  which  with  dutiful 
respects  to  your  Majesty,  speak  freely  for  the  right  and 


2  l6 


Estrangement 


good  of  their  country,  shall  be  oppressed  or  disgraced. 
j  Let  your  Majesty  be  pleased  to  receive  public  information 
from  your  Commons  in  parliament  as  to  the  civil  estate  and 
government ;  for  private  informations  pass  often  by  practice  : 
the  voice  of  the  people,  in  the  things  of  their  knowledge,  is 
said  to  be  as  the  voice  of  GodA  .  .  . 

Cobbett,  Parliamentary  History  (London,  1806),  I,  1030-1042. 


By  the 
TREASURER 
AND  COUN- 
CIL OF  THE 
LONDON 
COMPANY. 

On  the  settle- 
ment of  Vir- 
ginia, see 
Hart,  Ameri- 
can History 
told  by  Con- 
temporaries. 

In  March, 
1622,  the 
Indians  at- 
tacked the 
Virginia 
settlements, 
killing  many 
colonists, 
and  destroy- 
ing much 
property. 

An  Indian 
chief  who 
was  killed  by 
the  English  a 
short  time 
before  the 
massacre  in 
retaliation 
for  the  mur- 
der of  some 
of  the  colo- 
nists. 


71.    The    London    Company    to    the    Vir- 
ginia  Colony   (1622) 

"  To  our  very  loving  frends  Sr.  Francis  Wyatt  Knight, 
Governor  &  Captaine  generall  of  Virginia,  and  to  the  rest 
of  the  Counsell  of  State  there  : 

"  After  our  very  hartie  comendations ;  Wee  haue,  to  or 
extreame  grief,  understood  of  the  great  Massacre  executed 
on  or  people  in  Virginia,  and  that  in  such  a  maner  as  is 
more  miserable  than  the  death  itself.  To  fall  by  the  hande 
of  men  so  contemptible  ;  to  be  surprised  by  treacherie  in  a 
time  of  known  danger ;  to  be  deafe  to  so  plaine  a  warning, 
as  we  now  to  late  undrstand  was  last  yeare  given  ;  to  be 
secure  on  an  occaon  of  so  great  suspition  and  iealousie  as 
was  Nenemathanewe's  death ;  not  to  pceive  any  thing  in 
so  opne  and  generall  conspiracie  ;  but  to  be  made  in  parte  in- 
struments of  contriving  it,  and  almost  guiltie  of  the  destrucon 
by  a  blindfold  and  stupid  entertaininge  of  it,  wch  the  least 
wisdome  or  courage  sufficed  to  preuent  euen  on  the  point  of 
execution,  are  circumstances  that  do  add  much  to  or  sorrow, 
and  make  us  to  confesse  that  it  is  the  heavie  hand  of  All- 
mightie  God  for  the  punishment  of  or  and  yor  transgressions  ; 
to  the  humble  acknowledgment  and  pfect  amendment 


The   London    Company     217 


whereof,  together  with  orselues,  we  seriously  aduise  and 
inuite  you,  and  in  particular  earnestly  require  the  speedie 
redress  of  those  two  enormous  excesses  of  apparell  and 

.  ,  .          ,  ,.  .          . 

drmkemg,  the  cne  whereof  cannot  but  haue  gon  up  to 
Heaven,  since  the  infamie  hath  spredd  itself  to  all  that 
have  but  heard  the  name  of  Virginia,  to  the  detestation  of 
all  good  minds,  the  scorne  of  others,  and  or  extreame  griefe 
and  shame.  In  the  strength  of  those  faults  undoubtedly, 
and  the  neglect  of  the  Devine  worshipp,  have  the  Indians 
prevailed,  more  than  in  yor  weaknes.  Whence  the  euil  there- 
fore  spring,  the  remedy  must  first  begin,  and  an  humble 
reconciliation  be  made  with  the  Devine  Matie,  by  future 
conformitie  unto  His  most  iust  and  holie  lawes,  which  do- 
inge  we  doubt  not  but  that  you  shall  be  safe  from  the  hands 
of  all  yor  enemies,  and  them  that  hate  you,  from  whom,  if 
God's  protection  be  not  with  you,  no  strength  of  situation 
can  saue  you,  and  wth  it,  we  conceiue  not,  but  where  you 
be,  you  may  make  yourselues  as  secure  as  in  any  other  place 
whatsoeuer,  and  in  all  other  respects  the  chaung  cannot  but 
be  to  the  worst,  may  to  the  utter  ouerthrow  not  only  of  all 
or  labo"  and  changes  the  expectation  of  his  Matie  and  the 
whole  State  ;  wherefore  you  shall  do  well  so  wholie  to 
abandon  the  thought  thereof  as  in  this  point  not  to  return 
us  any  answer  ;  Spartam  quam  nactus  es  hanc  exorna  ;  than 
to  applie  all  yor  thoughts  and  endeuo"  and  in  especiall  to 
the  setting  upp  of  Staple  comodities,  according  to  those 
often  instruccons  and  reiterated  aduises  that  wee  haue  con- 
tinually  giuen  you,  the  want  whereof  hath  been  the  truest 
obiection  against  y  succeedinge  of  this  Plantation  and  the 
greatest  hindrance  and  impediment  (as  we  conceiue)  that 
his  Matie  and  the  State  haue  not  set  to  a  more  liberall  hand 
to  the  furtherance  thereof,  but  now  at  last  it  hath  pleased 
God  for  the  confirmation  no  doubt  of  or  hopes  and  redoub- 
ling  of  or  and  yor  coradges,  to  encline  his  Maties  Royall  heart 
to  graunt  the  Sole  importation  of  Tobacco  (a  thing  long 


So  much 


become  in 

the  cultiva- 

tion  of 
|h'e)accr(e.lhat 
sented  the 

thejr  nre- 
armij-  an^ 
them  in  hunt- 
"       substi* 


Bruce. 


The  com- 

{^J  urged 
the  planting 

of  wheat, 

barley,  and 
flax- 


had  shown 

to  the  V 

tobacco 

industry. 


2l8 


Estrangement 


I.e.  Ber- 
mudas. 


The  Gov- 
ernor and 
Council 
urged  the 
company  to 
allow  no  one 
to  leave  Eng- 
land to  come 
to  the  colony 
without  a 
supply  of 
grain  for  a 
twelvemonth. 


and  earnestly  desired)  to  the  Virginia  and  Sumer  Hands 
Companies  and  that  upon  such  condicons  as  the  priuate 
profit  of  each  man  is  likely  be  much  improued  and  the 
generall  state  of  the  Plantation  strongly  secured,  while  his 
Mats  reuenue  is  so  closely  ioyned  as  together  with  the 
Collonie  it  must  rise  and  faile,  grow  and  empaire,  and  that 
not  a  small  matter  neither,  but  of  twenty  thousand  pounds  p. 
ann.  (for  the  offer  of  so  much  in  certainty  hath  his  Matie 
been  pleased  to  refuse  in  fauor  of  the  Plantations) . 

"  The  good  effects  likely  hence  to  ensue  are  to  obuious  for 
us  to  sette  downe  and  phapps  greater  than  we  can  imagine ; 
they  only  in  generall  we  may  assure  or  selues  and  yo™,  that 
there  shal  be  no  iust  fauor  tending  to  the  aduancement  of  the 
Plantacon  that  we  may  not  hope  from  his  Matie  who  uppon 
or  humble  peticon  and  the  mediation  of  the  Lords  of  his 
most  Honoble  Priuie  Counsell  hath  out  of  his  Royall  bountie 
been  pleased  to  bestow  uppon  us  diu™  armes  (although  in 
these  parts  unseruiseable  yett  such  as  against  the  Indian 
may  be  uery  usefull :  wch  we  doubt  not  but  by  the  Abigaile 
to  send  you  ;  and  are  further  put  in  an  assured  hope  to 
obtaine  the  number  of  400  young  men  well  furnished  out 
of  England  and  Wales  at  2Old  a  person  to  repaire  wth  aduan- 
tage  the  number  that  is  lost,  to  sett  upp  the  publique  reu- 
enues  of  the  Companie,  and  sattisfie  the  deserts  of  worthie 
persons  in  the  Colony ;  this  suplie  we  hope  to  procure,  so 
as  they  may  be  wth  you  before  the  Spring. 

"  The  fear  of  yor  want  of  Corne  doth  much  perplex  us, 
seeing  so  little  possibility  to  supply  you,  the  publique  stock 
being  utterly  as  yor  know  exhausted  and  the  last  yeares 
aduentures  made  by  priuate  men  not  returned  as  was  prom- 
ised, we  haue  no  hope  of  raising  any  valuable  Magazine  but 
rather  feare  to  see  the  effect  of  what  we  forwarned  by  the 
Warwick. 

"  Other  waies  and  meanes  are  so  uncertaine  as  wee  cannot 
wish  you  to  rely  uppon  any  thing  but  yor  selues,  yet  shall 


A    Famous   Scene          219 

there  not  be  left  any  meanes  unatempted  on  or  parts  in  this 
kind  and  for  other  necessaries  to  supplie  you  hoping  that 
the  danger  of  this  extremitie  will  hence  forward  psvvade  you 
not  to  comitt  the  certainty  of  yor  Hues  to  the  uncertainty  of 
one  haruest ;  and  that  at  last  you  will  undrstand  it  is  as  fitt 
and  necessarie  to  yeeld  the  return  of  Aduentures  yearely  as 
to  receiue  them  ;  .  .  . 

Yor  very  Louing  frends 

August  the  first  The  Treasurer  &  Counsell  of  Virginia. 

1622 

Edward  Neill,   History  of  the   Virginia   Company  of  London 
(Albany,  N.Y.,  1869),  322-325. 


72.    A  Famous  Scene  in  the  House  of     ANONY- 

'  MOUS. 

Commons  (1629)  !?,§!£%* 

No.  54)  calls 

"  Upon  Monday  the  second  of  March,  as  soone  as  praiers  ^^ond 
were  ended,  the  Speaker  went  into  the  chaire,  and  delivered   1629,  "the 
the  Kinges  command  for  the  adiornement  of  the   Howse 
untill    Tewsday   sevenight   following,    being    the   tenth   of 

March.  that  had  hap- 

"  The  Howse  made  him  answere,  that  it  was  not  the  office  l^!!;!.  °r- 

JU      Cello. 


_ 

of  a  Speaker  to  deliver  any  such  command  unto  them,  but  On  that  day 

-  ,.  ,  ,      ,     ,  there  was 

for  the  adiornement  of  the  Howse  it  did  properly  belong  manifested  a 


unto  themselves,  and,  after  they  had  uttered  some  thinges 

they  thought  fitt  to  be  spoken  of,  they  would  sattisfie  the  Crown  and 

-rr-  Commons 

•*^-in§'  unknown  in 

"  The  Speaker  tould  them,  he  had  an  expresse  command  a11  previous 

from  his  Maiestie  that  as  soone  as  he   had   delivered  his  tary  history. 


message  he  should  rise,  and  upon  that  left  the  chaire,  but 

was  by  force  drawne  to  it  againe  by  Mr.  Densill  Holies,  famous  oc- 

sonn  to  the  Earle  of  Clare,  Mr.  Valentine,  and  others  :  and  derivedfrom 


220 


Estrangement 


various 
sources,  no 
one  of  which 
is  quite  com- 
plete. —  See 
Parliamen- 
tary History  ; 
Gardiner, 
History  of 
England, 
1603-1642. 

Sir  John 
Finch  was 
Speaker. 

Eliot  was 
the  great 
champion  of 
Parliamen- 
tary govern- 
ment, and 
died  in  prison 
for  his  part  in 
this  day's 
proceedings. 

Lord  Weston 

was 

Treasurer. 

Eliot  had 
prepared  a 
series  of  reso- 
lutions de- 
claring that 
any  one  who 
introduced 
innovations 
in  religion, 
or  furthered 
the  spread  of 
Popery  or 
Arminian- 
ism,  or  ad- 
vised the 
levying  of 
tonnage  or 
poundage 
without  a 
grant  by 
Parliament, 
or  voluntarily 
paid  such 
duties, 
should 
be  regarded 


Mr.  Hollis,  notwithstanding  the  endeavour  of  Sir  Thomas 
Edmonds,  Sir  Humfrey  May,  and  other  privie  Councellers 
to  free  the  Speaker  from  the  chaire,  swore, '  God's  wounds  ! ' 
he  should  sitt  still  until  they  pleased  to  rise. 

"  Here  Sir  John  Elliott  begann  in  a  rhetoricall  oration  to 
enveigh  against  the  Lord  Treasorer  and  the  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester, saying  he  could  prove  the  Lord  Treasorer  to  be  a 
great  instrument  in  the  inovation  of  Religion,  and  invation 
of  the  liberties  of  the  howse  ;  and  offered  a  remonstrance 
to  the  howse,  wherein  he  said  he  could  prove  him  to  be 
the  great  enimie  of  the  Commonwealth,  saying  that  he  had 
traced  him  in  all  his  actions,  and  withall  that  if  ever  it  were 
his  fortune  to  meete  againe  in  this  honorable  assemblie,  he 
protested  (as  he  was  a  gentleman)  that  where  he  nowe  left 
he  would  there  beginn  againe ;  and  further  said,  '  God 
knowes  I  nowe  speake  with  all  dutie  to  the  King.  It  is 
true  ye  misfortunes  wee  suffer  are  manie,  wee  knowe  what 
discoveries  have  been  made,  howe  Arminianisme  creeps  and 
undermines,  and  howe  Poperie  comes  upon  vs ;  they  maske 
not  in  strange  disguises,  but  expose  themselves  to  the  vewe 
of  the  world  :  in  search  whereof  wee  have  fixed  our  eyes, 
not  simply  one  the  Actors  (the  Jesuits  and  Preists)  but  one 
their  masters,  those  that  are  in  authoritie ;  hence  comes  it 
wee  suffer.  The  feare  of  them  makes  these  interuptions. 
You  have  scene  Prelates  that  are  their  Abetters.  That  great 
Bishop  of  Winchester,  wee  knowe  what  he  hath  done  to 
favour  them  ;  this  feare  extends  to  some  others,  that  contract 
a  feare  of  being  discovered,  and  they  drawe  from  hence  this 
iealosie  :  This  is  the  Lord  Treasorer,  in  whose  person  is 
contracted  all  the  evill :  I  find  him  acting  and  building  one 
those  grounds  laid  by  his  Master  the  late  great  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  and  his  spiritt  is  moving  for  these  interrup- 
tions :  And  from  this  feare  they  breake  Parliaments  lest 
Parliaments  should  breake  them.  I  find  him  the  head  of 
all  that  great  party  ye  Papists ;  and  all  Jesuits  and  Preists 


A    Famous   Scene 


221 


derive  from  him  their  shelter  and  protection.  In  this  great 
question  of  Tonnage  and  Poundage,  instruments  moved  att 
his  command  and  pleasure,  he  dismaies  our  Merchants,  and 
he  invites  strangers  to  come  in  to  drive  our  trade,  and  to 
serve  their  owne  ends.' 

"  The  Remonstrance  which  he  offered  was  put  to  a  ques- 
tion, but  the  Speaker  refused  to  doe  it,  and  said  he  was 
otherwise  commaunded  from  the  King ;  whereupon  Mr.  Sel- 
den  spake  :  — '  You  say,  Mr.  Speaker,  you  dare  not  put  the 
question  which  wee  commaund  you ;  if  you  will  not  put  it, 
we  must  sitt  still,  and  thus  wee  shall  never  be  able  to  doe 
anie  thing ;  they  which  maie  come  after  you  maie  saie  they 
have  the  Kinges  commandment  not  to  doe  it.  We  sitt  here, 
by  commaundement  of  the  Kinge,  under  the  great  Scale ; 
and  for  you,  you  are  by  his  Maiestie  (sitting  in  his  Royall 
chaire  before  both  Howses),  appointed  our  Speaker,  and 
nowe  you  refuse  to  be  our  Speaker.'  The  Speaker  made 
an  humble  supplicatory  speach  unto  the  Howse  with  ex- 
tremitie  of  weeping,  shewing  what  commaund  he  had 
received  from  his  Maiesty,  and  withall  desiring  them  not  to 
command  his  ruine ;  yet,  notwithstanding  the  Speaker's 
extremetie  of  weeping  and  supplicatory  oration,  Sir  Peter 
Hayman  (a  gentleman  of  his  own  country)  bitterly  enveighed 
against  him,  and  tould  him,  he  was  sorrie  he  was  a  Kentish 
man,  and  that  he  was  a  disgrace  to  his  country,  and  a  blott 
to  a  noble  familie  ;  and  that  all  the  inconveniences  that 
should  follow,  and  their  distraccion  should  be  derived  to 
posteritie  as  the  yssue  of  his  basenes,  with  whome  he  should 
be  remembred  with  scorne  and  disdaine.  And  that  he,  for 
his  part,  (since  he  would  not  be  perswaded  to  doe  his  dutie,) 
thought  it  fitting  he  should  be  called  to  the  Barr,  and  a  newe 
Speaker  chosen  in  the  mean  time,  since  neither  advise  nor 
threatninges  would  prevaile.  Mr.  Strowd  spake  much  to  the 
same  effect,  and  tould  the  Speaker  that  he  was  the  instru- 
ment to  cutt  of  the  libertie  of  the  subject  by  the  roote,  and 


as  an  enemy 
to  the  king- 
dom and  a 
betrayer  of 
the  liberties 
of  England. 


The  Speaker 
persisting  in 
his  refusal  to 
do  the  will  of 
the  House,  he 
was  held  in 
his  chair 
and  the  door 
kept  locked 
while  Denzil 
Holies  re- 
peated Eliot's 
resolutions, 
and  put  the 
question, 
which  was 
answered 
with  shouts 
of  "  Ay !  " 
"Ay!" 


The  House 
voted  its  own 
adjournment 
and  then 
went  forth. 
Eleven  years 
passed  before 
it  was  per- 
mitted to 
meet  again. 


222 


Estrangement 


that  if  he  would  not  be  perswaded  to  put  the  same  to  ques- 
tion, they  must  all  retorne  as  scattered  sheepe,  and  a  scorne 
put  upon  them  as  it  was  last  session. 

"  The  King,  hearing  that  the  Howse  continued  to  sitt  (not- 
withstanding his  command  for  the  adjornement  thereof), 
sent  a  messinger  for  the  Seriant  with  his  mase,  which  being 
taken  from  the  table  there  cann  be  noe  further  proceeding ; 
but  the  key  of  the  dore  was  taken  from  the  Seriant  and 
delivered  to  Sir  Miles  Hubert  to  keepe,  who,  after  he  had 
receaved  the  same,  put  the  Seriant  out  of  the  Howse,  leav- 
ing his  mase  behind  him,  and  then  locked  the  dore.  After 
this,  the  King  sent  Mr.  Maxwell  (the  usher  of  the  black 
rodd)  for  the  dissolucion  of  the  Parliament ;  but  being  in- 
formed that  neither  he  nor  his  message  would  be  receaved 
by  the  Howse,  the  King  grewe  into  much  rage  and  passion, 
and  sent  for  the  Captaine  of  the  Pentioners  and  Guard  to 
force  the  dore ;  but  the  rising  of  the  Howse  prevented  the 
danger  and  ill  consequence  that  might  have  followed." 

MS.  of  Lord  Verulam  (Archcelogia,  London,  1860,  XXXVIII, 
242-244). 


By  JOHN 
WINTHROP 
(1588-1649), 
a  gentleman 
of  Suffolk. 
In  this  same 
year  Win- 
throp  was 
chosen  Gov- 
ernor of 
Massachu- 
setts Bay 
Colony,  and 
in  1630  he 
sailed  for 
New  Eng- 
land. — 
On  the  New 
England 


73.    Reasons  for 


Going   to    New   England 
(1629) 


"  i.  It  will  be  a  service  to  the  Church  of  great  conse- 
quence to  carry  the  Gospell  into  those  parts  of  the  world,  to 
helpe  on  the  comminge  of  the  fullnesse  of  the  Gentiles,  & 
to  raise  a  Bulworke  against  the  kingdome  of  AnteChrist  wch 
the  Jesuites  labour  to  reare  up  in  those  parts. 

"  2.  All  other  churches  of  Europe  are  brought  to  desola- 
tion, &  or  sinnes,  for  wch  the  Lord  beginnes  allreaddy  to 
frowne  upon  us  &  to  cutte  us  short,  doe  threatne  evill  times 
to  be  comminge  upon  us,  &  whoe  knowes,  but  that  God  hath 


Going   to    New    England     223 

provided  this  place  to   be  a  refuge  for  many  whome  be  Colonies,  see 

meanes  to  save  out  of  the  generall  callamity,  &  seeinge  the  c^Oiston" 

Church  hath  noe  place  lefte  to  flie  into  but  the  wildernesse,  told  by  Con- 

what  better  worke  can  there  be,  then  to  goe  &  provide  taber-  also  Old 

nacles  &  foode  for  her  against  she  comes  thether :  ^"a/lets 

"  3.   This  Land  growes  weary  of  her  Inhabitants,  soe  as  Nos.  7,  50. 
man,  whoe  is  the  most  pretious  of  all  creatures,  is  here  more  Protestant- 
vile  &  base  then  the  earth  we  treade  upon,  &  of  lesse  prise  ceived  severe 
among  us  then  an  horse  or  a  sheepe  :  masters  are  forced  by  blows  in 

°  '     France,  Bo- 

authonty  to  entertame  servants,  parents  to  mametame  there   hemia,  and 
owne  children,  all  townes  complaine  of  the  burthen  of  theire  a^  P: 
poore,  though  we  have  taken  up  many  unnessisarie  yea  un- 
lawfull  trades  to  mainetaine  them,  &  we  use  the  authoritie 
of  the  Law  to  hinder  the  increase  of  or  people,  as  by  urginge 
the  Statute  against  Cottages,  &  inmates,  &  thus  it  is  come  to 
passe,  that  children,  servants  &  neighboures,  especially  if 
they  be  poore,  are  compted  the  greatest  burthens,  wch  if 
thinges  weare  right  would  be  the  cheifest  earthly  blessinges. 

"  4.  The  whole  earth  is  the  Lords  garden  &  he  hath 
given  it  to  the  Sonnes  of  men  wth  a  gen1  Cofnission  :  Gen  : 
1:28:  increace  &  multiplie,  &  replenish  the  earth  &  subdue 
it,  wch  was  againe  renewed  to  Noah :  the  end  is  double  & 
naturall,  that  man  might  enioy  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  & 
God  might  have  his  due  glory  from  the  creature  :  why  then 
should  we  stand  striving  here  for  places  of  habitation,  etc., 
(many  men  spending  as  much  labour  &  coste  to  recover  or 
keepe  sometimes  an  acre  or  twoe  of  Land,  as  would  procure 
them  many  &  as  good  or  better  in  another  Countrie)  &  in 
the  meane  time  suffer  a  whole  Continent  as  fruitfull  &  con- 
venient for  the  use  of  man  to  lie  waste  wtbout  any  improve- 
ment? 

"5.  We  are  growne  to  that  height  of  Intemperance  in 
all  excesse  of  Riott,  as  noe  mans  estate  allmost  will  suffice 
to  keepe  saile  wth  his  aequalls  :  &  he  whoe  failes  herein, 
must  live  in  scorne  &  contempt.  Hence  it  comes  that  all 


224  Estrangement 


artes  &  Trades  are  carried  in  that  deceiptfull  &  unrighteous 
course,  as  it  is  allmost  impossible  for  a  good  &  upright  man 
to  mainetayne  his  charge  &  live  comfortablie  in  any  of 
them. 

"  6.  The  ffountaines  of  Learning  &  Religion  are  soe  cor- 
rupted as  (besides  the  unsupportable  charge  of  there  edu- 
cation) most  children  (even  the  best  witts  &  of  fairest 
hopes)  are  perverted,  corrupted,  &  utterlie  overthrowne  by 
the  multitude  of  evill  examples  &  the  licentious  governm' 
of  those  seminaries,  where  men  straine  at  knatts  &  swallowe 
camells,  use  all  severity  for  mainetaynance  of  cappes  & 
other  accomplyments,  but  suffer  all  ruffianlike  fashions  & 
disorder  in  manners  to  passe  uncontrolled. 

"  7.  What  can  be  a  better  worke,  &  more  honorable  & 
worthy  a  Christian  then  to  helpe  raise  &  supporte  a  particu- 
lar Church  while  it  is  in  the  Infancy,  &  to  ioyne  his  forces 
wth  such  a  company  of  faithfull  people,  as  by  a  timely  assist- 
ance may  growe  stronge  &  prosper,  &  for  wante  of  it  may 
be  put  to  great  hazard,  if  not  wholly  ruined  : 

"  8.  If  any  such  as  are  knowne  to  be  Godly,  &  live  in 
wealth  &  prosperity  here,  shall  forsake  all  this,  to  ioyne 
themselves  wth  this  Church  &  to  runne  an  hazard  \vth  them 
of  an  hard  &  meane  condition,  it  will  be  an  example  of 
great  use  both  for  removinge  the  scandall  of  worldly  & 
sinister  respects  wch  is  cast  upon  the  Adventurers ;  to  give 
more  life  to  the  faith  of  Gods  people,  in  their  praiers  for 
the  Plantation ;  &  to  incorrage  others  to  ioyne  the  more 
willingly  in  it. 

"  9.  It  appeares  to  be  a  worke  of  God  for  the  good  of  his 
Church,  in  that  he  hath  disposed  the  hartes  of  soe  many  of 
his  wise  &  faithfull  servants,  both  ministers  &  others,  not 
onely  to  approve  of  the  enterprise  but  to  interest  them- 
selves in  it,  some  in  their  persons  &  estates,  other  by  their 
serious  advise  &  helpe  otherwise,  &  all  by  their  praiers  for 
the  wealfare  of  it.  Amos  3  :  the  Lord  revealeth  his  secreat 


A    Puritan    Gentleman      225 


to  his  servants  the  prophetts,  it  is  likely  he  hath  some  great 
worke  in  hand  wch  he  hath  revealed  to  his  prophetts  among 
us,  whom  he  hath  stirred  up  to  encourage  his  servants  to 
this  Plantation,  for  he  doth  not  use  to  seduce  his  people  by 
his  owne  prophetts,  but  comitte  that  office  to  the  ministrie 
of  false  prophetts  &  lieing  spiritts." 

John  Winthrop,  "Reasons  to  be  considered  for  iustifieinge  the 
undertakeres  of  the  intended  Plantation  in  New  England" 
etc.  (R.  Winthrop,  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  Boston, 
1864,  1,309-311). 


74.    A   Puritan    Gentleman 

He  was  of  a  middle  stature,  of  a  slender  and  exactly  well- 
proportioned  shape  in  all  parts,  his  complexion  fair,  his 
hair  of  light  brown,  very  thick  set  in  his  youth,  softer  than 
the  finest  silk,  and  curling  into  loose  great  rings  at  the 
ends ;  his  eyes  of  a  lively  grey,  well-shaped  and  full  of  life 
and  vigour,  graced  with  many  becoming  motions  ;  his  visage 
thin,  his  mouth  well-made,  and  his  lips  very  ruddy  and 
graceful,  although  the  nether  chap  shut  over  the  upper,  yet 
it  was  in  such  a  manner  as  was  not  unbecoming ;  his  teeth 
were  even  and  white  as  the  purest  ivory ;  his  chin  was  some- 
thing long,  and  the  mould  of  his  face  ;  his  forehead  was  not 
very  high  ;  his  nose  was  raised  and  sharp ;  but  withal  he 
had  a  most  amiable  countenance,  which  carried  in  it  some- 
thing of  magnanimity  and  majesty  mixed  with  sweetness, 
that  at  the  same  time  bespoke  love  and  awe  in  all  that  saw 
him ;  his  skin  was  smooth  and  white,  his  legs  and  feet 
excellently  well-made  ;  he  was  quick  in  his  pace  and  turns, 
nimble  and  active  and  graceful  in  all  his  motions ;  he  was 
apt  for  any  bodily  exercise,  and  any  that  he  did  became 
him;  he  could  dance  admirably  well,  but  neither  in  youth 
nor  riper  years  made  any  practice  of  it ;  he  had  skill  in 
Q 


By  LUCY 
HUTCHIN- 
SON  (1620- 

1675?),  wife 
of  Colonel 
John  Hutch- 
mson. 

She  wrote  the 
biography  of 
her  husband, 
from  which 
this  extract  is 
taken,  be- 
tween the 
years  1664 
and  1671. 
"  As  a  pic- 
ture of  the 
life  of  a  Puri- 
tan family, 
and  the  char- 
acter of  a 
Puritan 
gentleman,  it 
is  unique." 
Firth. 

Colonel 
John  Hutch- 
mson  was 
prominent 
on  the  parlia- 
mentary side 
during  the 
civil  wars. 
As  governor 
of  Netting- 


226 


Estrangement 


ham  Castle 
he  success- 
fully de- 
fended that 
stronghold 
against  the 
royalist 
attacks.     In 
1646  he  en- 
tered the 
Long  Parlia- 
ment, and  he 
was  one  of 
those  who 
signed  the 
sentence 
against  the 
king. 

Through  the 
intervention 
of  royalist 
friends  he 
escaped  the 
fate  of  the 
other  regi- 
cides after 
the  Restora- 
tion, but  he 
lived  under 
suspicion 
until  his 
death  in 
1664. 


fencing,  such  as  became  a  gentleman ;  he  had  a  great  love 
of  music,  and  often  diverted  himself  with  a  viol,  on  which 
he  played  masterly;  and  he  had  an  exact  ear  and  judgment 
in  other  music ;  he  shot  excellently  in  bows  and  guns,  and 
much  used  them  for  his  exercise ;  he  had  great  judgment 
in  paintings,  graving,  sculpture,  and  all  liberal  arts,  and  had 
many  curiosities  of  value  in  all  kinds ;  he  took  great  delight 
in  perspective  glasses,  and  for  his  other  rarities  was  not  so 
much  affected  with  the  antiquity  as  the  merit  of  the  work; 
he  took  much  pleasure  in  improvement  of  grounds,  in  plant- 
ing groves,  and  walks,  and  fruit-trees,  in  opening  springs  and 
making  fish-ponds ;  of  country  recreations  he  loved  none 
but  hawking,  and  in  that  was  very  eager  and  much  delighted 
for  the  time  he  used  it,  but  soon  left  it  off;  he  was  wonder- 
fully neat,  cleanly,  and  genteel  in  his  habit,  and  had  a  very 
good  fancy  in  it,  but  he  left  off  very  early  the  wearing  of 
anything  that  was  costly,  yet  in  his  plainest  negligent  habit 
appeared  very  much  a  gentleman ;  he  had  more  address 
than  force  of  body,  yet  the  courage  of  his  soul  so  supplied 
his  members  that  he  never  wanted  strength  when  he  found 
occasion  to  employ  it ;  his  conversation  was  very  pleasant, 
for  he  was  naturally  cheerful,  had  a  ready  wit  and  apprehen- 
sion ;  he  was  eager  in  everything  he  did,  earnest  in  dispute, 
but  withal  very  rational,  so  that  he  was  seldom  overcome ; 
everything  that  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  do  he  did  with 
delight,  free  and  unconstrained ;  he  hated  ceremonious  com- 
pliment, but  yet  had  a  natural  civility  and  complaisance  to 
all  people;  he  was  of  a  tender  constitution,  but  through  the 
vivacity  of  his  spirit  could  undergo  labours,  watchings,  and 
journeys,  as  well  as  any  of  stronger  compositions ;  he  was 
rheumatic,  and  had  a  long  sickness  and  distemper  occa- 
sioned thereby,  two  or  three  years  after  the  war  ended,  but 
else,  for  the  latter  half  of  his  life,  was  healthy  though  tender ; 
in  his  youth  and  childhood  he  was  sickly,  much  troubled 
with  weakness  and  toothaches,  but  then  his  spirits  carried 


A   Puritan    Gentleman      227 

him  through  them  ;  he  was  very  patient  under  sickness  or 
pain,  or  any  common  accidents,  but  yet,  upon  occasions, 
though  never  without  just  ones,  he  would  be  very  angry,  and 
had  even  in  that  such  a  grace  as  made  him  to  be  feared, 
yet  he  was  never  outrageous  in  passion ;  he  had  a  very  good 
faculty  in  persuading,  and  would  speak  very  well,  pertinently, 
and  effectually  without  premeditation  upon  the  greatest 
occasions  that  could  be  offered,  for  indeed,  his  judgment 
was  so  nice,  that  he  could  never  frame  any  speech  before- 
hand to  please  himself;  but  his  invention  was  so  ready,  and 
wisdom  so  habitual  in  all  his  speeches,  that  he  never  had 
reason  to  repent  himself  of  speaking  at  any  time  without 
ranking  the  words  beforehand ;  he  was  not  talkative,  yet 
free  of  discourse ;  of  a  very  spare  diet,  not  given  to  sleep, 
and  an  early  riser  when  in  health  ;  he  never  was  at  any  time 
idle,  and  hated  to  see  any  one  else  so ;  in  all  his  natural 
and  ordinary  inclinations  and  composure,  there  was  some- 
thing extraordinary  and  tending  to  virtue,  beyond  what  I  can 
describe,  or  can  be  gathered  from  a  bare  dead  description ; 
there  was  a  life  of  spirit  and  power  in  him  that  is  not  to  be 
found  in  any  copy  drawn  from  him.  To  sum  up,  therefore, 
all  that  can  be  said  of  his  outward  frame  and  disposition,  we 
must  truly  conclude,  that  it  was  a  very  handsome  and  well 
furnished  lodging  prepared  for  the  reception  of  that  prince, 
who  in  the  administration  of  all  excellent  virtues  reigned 
there  a  while,  till  he  was  called  back  to  the  palace  of  the 
universal  emperor. 

Lucy  Hutchinson,  Memoirs  of  Colonel  Hutchinson  (edited  by 
C.  H.  Firth,  London,  1885),  I,  32-35. 


228 


Estrangement 


By  G.  GAR- 
RARD,  a 
clergyman. 


Chancellor 
of  the  Ex- 
chequer. 


The 
dramatist. 

See  p.  230. 


Henry  Bur- 
ton, a  clergy- 
man who, 
for  his  at- 
tacks upon 
the  bishops 
in  sermons 
and  pam- 
phlets, was 
condemned 
by  the  Star 
Chamber  to 
lose  his  ears, 
pay  a  fine  of 
.£5000,  and 
undergo 
imprison- 
ment for  life. 

John  Prynne 
was  a  learned 
Puritan  bar- 
rister who 
was  con- 
demned in 
1634  to  the 
loss  of  his 
ears  because 
of  his  attacks 
upon  the 
stage,  and 
the  govern- 


75.    A    Newsletter    to   Wentworth    (1637) 

May  it  please  your  Lordship, 

My  long  Silence  since  the  last  of  July  I  desire  you  to 
excuse,  I  must  set  the  Saddle  on  the  right  Horse,  and  lay  it 
on  the  Lord  Cottington,  who  got  me  to  Funtell,  where  he 
kept  me  near  one  Month,  a  Place  near  an  hundred  Miles 
from  London,  where  I  heard  nothing  of  the  Affairs  of  the 
World,  therefore  could  write  nothing.  Since  for  this  last 
Month  I  have  been  most  at  Sion,  from  whence  now  I  write 
to  your  Lordship.  Looking  on  my  Diary,  I  find  .  .  .  Ben. 
Johnson  dead  in  England ;  .  .  .  horrible  ado  against  the 
Bishops  in  Scotland,  for  seeking  to  bring  in  amongst  them 
our  Church-Service ;  strange  flocking  of  the  People  after 
Burton,  when  he  removed  from  the  Fleet  toward  Lancaster 
Castle.  Mr.  Ingram,  Sub-Warden  of  the  Fleet  told  the 
King,  that  there  was  not  less  than  one  hundred  thousand 
People  gathered  together  to  see  him  pass  by,  betwixt  Smith- 
field  and  Brown's  Well,  which  is  two  Miles  beyond  High- 
gate,  his  Wife  went  along  in  a  Coach,  having  much  Money 
thrown  to  her  as  she  passed  along.  These  Occurrences  are 
so  ancient  and  stale,  that  I  will  enlarge  them  no  further  : 
...  I  will  now  come  to  more  fresh  Things. 

Complaint  hath  been  made  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council 
of  a  Sheriff  of  West  Chester,  who  when  Prynne  passed  that 
Way  through  Chester  to  Carnarvon  Castle,  he  with  others 
met  him,  brought  him  into  Town,  feasted  and  defrayed  him  ; 
besides,  this  Sheriff  gave  him  a  Suit  of  coarse  Hangings  to 
furnish  his  Chamber  at  Carnarvon  Castle,  other  Presents 
were  offered  him,  Money  and  other  Things,  but  he  refused 
them.  This  Sheriff  is  sent  for  up  by  a  Pursuivant.  .  .  . 

The  Fleet  sent  to  Sallee  by  his  Majesty  under  the  Con- 
duct of  Captain  Rainsborough,  Captain  Carfrvright,  and 
others,  consisting  of  four  Ships  and  two  Pinnaces,  hath  had 


Newsletter  to  Wentworth     229 


good  Success.  So  that  neither  our  English  nor  your  Irish 
Coasts  shall  be  troubled  any  more  with  them.  The  Sallee 
Men  this  Year  had  Ships  in  Readiness  to  come  forth,  of 
good  Number,  intending  their  Voyage  for  England  and 
Ireland,  were  ready  to  set  sail  when  our  Fleet  came  before 
the  Town,  but  they  kept  them  in.  ... 

The  great  Ship  of  the  King's  built  in  the  great  Dock  at 
Woolwich,  which  is  1637  Tun,  built  in  the  same  year  of  our 
Lord,  not  by  Design,  but  yet  it  is  so  fallen  out,  is  named 
the  Sovereign.  Both  King  and  Queen  at  the  last  Full  of  the 
Moon  went  to  see  her  launched,  but  it  could  not  then  be 
done,  the  Tides  not  falling  out  so  great  as  they  expected ; 
but  the  next  Spring-Tides  they  hope  to  do  it.  She  is  the 
goodliest  Ship  that  was  ever  built  in  England.  .  .  . 

Sir  Henry  Vane,  the  Comptroller's  eldest  Son,  who  hath 
been  Governor  in  New- England  this  last  Year  is  come 
Home ;  whether  he  hath  left  his  former  misgrounded 
Opinions  for  which  he  left  us,  I  know  not.  .  .  . 

About  the  2Oth  of  September  my  Lord  of  Holland  went  to 
keep  his  great  Court  of  Justice  in  Eyre,  both  in  Northamp- 
tonshire and  Oxford.  Against  Rockingham  Forest  were 
found  many  great  Trespassers  ;  my  Lord  was  assisted  by  five 
Judges,  Bridgeman,  Finch,  Trevor,  Jones,  and  Craw  ley  ; 
and  those  who  were  found  faulty,  were  soundly  fined ;  my 
Lord  of  Salisbury,  for  his  Father's  Faults,  if  he  made  any, 
for  Brigstock-Parks  given  him  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  was 
fined  20000  1.  but  I  hope  he  will  come  off,  for  'tis  said,  if 
his  Counsel  had  been  well  informed  by  those  Servants  of  his 
who  attended  the  Business,  and  had  showed  in  Time  those 
Pardons  which  King  James  gave  Robert  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
when  he  came  to  the  Crown,  he  had  escaped  fining,  but 
now  he  is  at  the  King's  Mercy.  The  Earl  of  Westmorland 
was  fined  19000  1.  Sir  Christopher  Hatton  12000  1.  my  Lord 
Newport  3000  1.  Sir  Lewis  Watson  4000  1.  Sir  Robert  Ban- 
nister 3000  1.  my  Lord  of  Peterborough,  my  Lord  Brudenell, 


ment  that 
counte- 
nanced it. 
In  1637,  his 
offence  was 
violent  lan- 
guage against 
the  govern- 
ment of  the 
Church. 
The  popular 
sympathy 
displayed  at 
this  time 
was  in  strik- 
ing contrast 
with  the  in- 
difference 
shown 
toward 
Prynne's 
sufferings  in 
1634. 

The  Sallee 
men  were 
Barbary 
pirates. 

The  Sover- 
eign saw 
much  service 
under  Blake, 
and  was 
burned 
through  neg- 
ligence in 
1696. 
"  A  ship 
which  was 
second  to 
none  in  the 
world,  and 
which  for 
more  than  a 
generation 
was  the  envy 
of  foreign 
seamen." 
Clowes. 

Vane  was 
one  of  the 
advanced 
thinkers  of  . 
his  time. 
He  left  Eng- 


230 


Estrangement 


land  in  1635 
because  of 
dissatisfac- 
tion with 
Charles's 
rule.     Dis- 
gusted with 
the  intoler- 
ance of  the 
colonists  he 
returned 
home  in  time 
to  take  an 
active  part  in 
the  Puritan 
revolution.  — 
See 
J.  Hosmer, 

Young 
Sir  Harry 

Vane. 

The  bounda- 
ries of  the 
forests  in  the 
whole  of 
England  had 
been  fixed 
for  more 
than  three 
centuries  in 
accordance 
with  a  sur- 
vey made  in 
the  reign  of 
Edward  I. 
In  1634  the 
survey  was 
declared  in- 
valid, and 
enormous 
fines  were 
exacted  from 
alleged  tres- 
passers. 

The  attempt 
of  Charles 
and  Laud  to 
force  the 
English  Ser- 
vice Book 
upon  Scot- 
land roused 
an  opposition 
which  was 
the  opening 


Sir  Lewis  Tresham,  and  other  little  Fines,  which  I  omit. 
The  Bounds  of  this  Forest  of  Rockingham  are  increased  from 
six  Miles  to  sixty.  The  Particulars  of  his  Proceedings  in 
Oxfordshire  I  know  not ;  it  was  no  great  Matter  he  did 
there.  My  Lord  Danby  was  fined  500  1.  which  he  hath 
sent  in. 

I  mentioned  before  an  Attempt  to  bring  in  our  English 
Church-Service  into  Scotland,  which  made  a  great  Hubbub 
there,  and  was  repelled  with  much  Violence  by  the  Common 
People,  though  Women  appeared  most  in  the  Action,  fling- 
ing their  Stools  at  the  Bishop,  and  renting  his  episcopal 
Garments  off  him,  as  he  went  forth  of  the  Church,  others 
flinging  Stones  at  him  in  the  Streets,  so  that  if  the  Earl  of 
Roxborough  had  not  sought  to  quiet  them,  and  receive  him 
into  his  Coach,  they  had  stoned  him  to  Death.  A  second 
Attempt  hath  been  made,  of  which  fresh  News  is  come 
thence  to  the  Court,  wherein  they  have  sped  worse.  Besides 
some  of  the  Nobless,  and  many  of  the  Gentry  and  better 
Sort  appear  in  it,  who  withstand  it  with  greater  Violence 
than  before,  so  that  there  is  no  Hope  that  it  will  be  effected. 

On  Michaelmas  Day  the  King  at  Hampton-  Court  suddenly 
prickt  the  High  Sheriffs  of  England  and  Wales,  that  so  the 
more  speedily  they  may  go  in  Hand  to  gather  the  Ship- 
Monies  for  this  next  Year,  the  Writs  being  already  sent  to 
them.  .  .  . 

The  East  India  Company  here  are  giving  over  their 
Trade,  the  Disturbances  they  have  received  abroad  by  Ships 
sent  out  in  the  Name  of  Sir  William  Curtine  and  Endymion 
Porter  have  so  disordered  their  Affairs,  that  except  they 
receive  present  Comforts  from  the  King  and  State  here,  and 
be  by  them  protected,  they  cannot  longer  subsist ;  their 
Goods  are  seized  on  in  the  East-Indies,  the  Bodies  of  their 
Factors  imprisoned,  whom  to  free  they  have  already  paid 
great  Sums  of  Money.  And  they  are  now  resolving  to  call 
Home  their  Men,  Goods  and  Shipping.  Their  breaking 


Newsletter  to  Wentworth     231 

will  certainly  for  a  Time  diminish  the  King's  Customs,  as   scene  in  the 

Puritan 
most  conceive.    ...  rebellion. 

So  wishing  unto   your   Lordship   all   Happiness,  I   am,   This  was  the 


My  Lord,  *lrd  « 

ship  money 

Your  most  humble  Servant,  made  famous 

r;    PApRAwn          through 
Ijr.  LrARRARD.          Hampden's 

Ston,  Oct.  oth,  1637.  resistance.— 

See  Old 

The  Earl  of  Strafforde^s  Letters  and  Despatches  (edited  by    '^^^ 
W.  Knowies,  London,  1739),  U>  114-118. 


By  ROBERT 
BAILLIE 
(1599-1663), 
a  learned 
Scottish 
Presbyterian 
divine.    Bail- 
lie  was  a 
member  of 
the  historic 
general  as- 
sembly at 
Glasgow  in 
1638,  which 
heralded  the 
revolt  of 
Scotland 
against 
Laud's 
ecclesiastical 
policy.     In 
1640  he  was 
sent  to  Lon- 
don by  the 
covenanting 
lords  to  draw 
up  an  accu- 
sation against 
the  arch- 
bishop. 
Later  he  was 
one  of  the 
Scottish  com- 
missioners in 
the  famous 
Westminster 
assembly. 
He  was  not 
in  sympathy 
with  the  In- 
dependents, 
and  opposed 
the  execution 
of  Charles  I. 
At  the  time 


CHAPTER   XII  — THE   PURITAN 
REBELLION 

76.    The  Impeachment  of  Strafford  ( 1 640- 
1641) 

ALL  things  here  goes  as  our  hearts  could  wish.  The 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland  came  bot  on  Monday  to  toun 
late ;  on  Tuesday  rested  ;  on  Wednesday  came  to  Parlia- 
ment ;  bot  ere  night,  he  was  caged.  Intolerable  pryde  and 
oppression  cryes  to  Heaven  for  a  vengeance.  The  Lower 
House  closed  their  doores ;  the  Speaker  keeped  the  keyes 
till  his  accusation  was  concluded.  Thereafter,  Mr.  Pym 
went  up,  with  a  number  at  his  back,  to  the  Higher  House 
and,  in  a  prettie  .  short  speech,  did,  in  name  of  the  Lower 
House,  and  in  name  of  the  Commons  of  all  England, 
accuse  Thomas  Earle  of  Strafford,  Lord  Lieutenant  of 
Ireland  of  high  treasone  and  required  his  person  to  be 
arreisted  till  probatione  might  be  heard.  So  Pym  and 
his  back  were  removed ;  the  Lords  began  to  consult  on 
that  strange  and  unexpected  motion.  The  word  goes 
in  haste  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  where  he  was  with  the 
King ;  with  speed  he  comes  to  the  House ;  he  calls  rudelie 
at  the  doore.  James  Maxwell  keeper  of  the  Black-Rod, 
opens ;  his  Lordship,  with  a  proud  glouming  countenance, 
makes  towards  his  place  at  the  boord-head  :  bot  at  once 
manie  bids  him  void  the  house,  so  he  is  forced  in  con- 
fusion, to  goe  to  doore  till  he  was  called.  After  consulta- 
tion, being  called  in,  he  stands,  bot  is  commanded  to 
kneell  and,  on  his  knees  to  hear  the  sentence.  Being  on 
his  knees,  he  is  delyvered  to  the  keeper  of  the  Black- Rod, 

232 


Impeachment   of  Strafford     233 


to  be  prisoner  till  he  was  cleared  of  these  crymes  the  House 
of  Commons  did  charge  him  with.  He  offered  to  speak, 
hot  was  commanded  to  be  gone  without  a  word.  In  the 
outer  roome  James  Maxwell  required  him,  as  prisoner,  to 
deliver  his  sword ;  when  he  had  gotten  it,  he  cryes,  with 
a  loud  voyce,  for  his  man  to  carrie  my  Lord  Lieutenant's 
sword.  This  done,  he  makes  through  a  number  of  people 
towards  his  coatch,  all  gazeing,  no  man  capping  to  him, 
before  whom  that  morning  the  greatest  of  England  would 
have  stood  discovered:  all  crying,  What  is  the  matter? 
He  said,  A  small  matter  I  warrand  yow  !  They  replyed, 
Yes  indeed,  high  treason  is  a  small  matter  !  .  .  . 

Westminster  Hall  is  a  roome  as  long  as  broad  if  not  more 
than  the  outer  house  of  the  High  Church  of  Glasgow,  sup- 
poning  the  pillars  wer  removed.  In  the  midst  of  it  was 
erected  a  stage  like  to  that  prepared  for  the  Assemblie  of 
Glasgow,  but  much  more  large,  taking  up  the  breadth  of 
the  whole  House  from  wall  to  wall,  and  of  the  length  more 
than  a  thrid  part.  At  the  north  end  was  set  a  throne  for 
the  King,  and  a  chayre  for  the  Prince ;  before  it  lay  a  large 
wooll-seck,  covered  with  green,  for  my  Lord  Steward,  the 
Earle  of  Arundaill ;  beneath  it  lay  two  other  seeks  for  my 
Lord  Keeper  and  the  Judges,  with  the  rest  of  the  Chancerie, 
all  in  their  red  robes.  Beneath  this  a  little  table  for  four 
or  fyve  Clerks  of  the  Parliament  in  their  black  gouns; 
round  about  these  some  furmes  covered  with  green  freese, 
whereupon  the  Earles  and  Lords  did  sitt  in  their  red  robes, 
of  that  same  fashion,  lyned  with  the  same  whyte  ermin 
skinnes,  as  yow  see  the  robes  of  our  Lords  when  they  ryde 
in  Parliament ;  the  Lords  on  their  right  sleeve  having  two 
barres  of  whyte  skinnes,  the  Viscounts  two  and  ane  half, 
the  Earles  three,  the  Marquess  of  Wincester  three  and  ane 
half.  England  hath  no  more  Marquesses :  and  he  bot  one 
late  upstart  of  creature  of  Queen  Elizabeth's.  Hamilton 


of  his  death 
he  was  prin- 
cipal of  the 
University  of 
Glasgow. 
His  Letters 
and  Journals 
are  a  valu- 
able record 
of  the  time. 

The  Long 
Parliament 
met  Novem- 
ber 3,  and 
by  the  6th  the 
formal  at- 
tack upon 
Strafford  had 
begun. 
Strafford 
came  at  once 
to  London  in 
obedience  to 
the  king's 
summons, 
but  he  knew 
his  danger. 
He  wrote  to 
his  secretary, 
"  I  am  to- 
morrow to 
London  with 
more  dangers 
beset,  I  be- 
lieve, than 
ever  any  man 
went  with  out 
of  Yorkshire; 
yet  my  heart 
is  good,  and 
I  find  noth- 
ing cold  in 
me."     No- 
vember ii 
he  appeared 
in  the  House 
of  Lords. 

Strafford's 
trial  opened 
March  22.  — 
See  Old 
South  Leaf- 
lets, No.  61. 


234    The    Puritan    Rebellion 

goes  here  bot  among  the  Earles,  and  that  a  late  one. 
Dukes,  they  have  none  in  Parliament :  York,  Richmond,  and 
Buckinghame  are  but  boyes  ;  Lennox  goeth  among  the  late 
Earles.  Behinde  the  formes  where  the  Lords  sitt,  there  is  a 
barr  covered  with  green  :  at  the  one  end  standeth  the  Com- 
mittee of  eight  or  ten  gentlemen,  appoynted  by  the  House 
of  Commons  to  pursue ;  at  the  midst  there  is  a  little  dask, 
where  the  prisoner  Strafford  stands  and  sitts  as  he  pleaseth, 
together  with  his  keeper,  Sir  William  Balfour  the  Lieuten- 
ant of  the  Tower.  At  the  back  of  this  is  a  dask,  for  Straf- 
ford's  four  secretars,  who  carries  his  papers  and  assists  him 
in  writing  and  reading ;  at  their  side  is  a  voyd  for  witnesses 
to  stand ;  and  behinde  them  a  long  dask  at  the  wall  of  the 
room  for  Strafford's  counsell-at-law,  some  five  or  six  able 
lawers,  who  were  [not]  permitted  to  disputt  in  matters  of 
fact,  bot  questions  of  right,  if  any  should  be  incident.  This 
is  the  order  of  the  House  below  on  the  floore ;  the  same 
that  is  used  dailie  in  the  Higher  House.  Upon  the  two 
sides  of  the  House,  east  and  west,  there  arose  a  stage  of 
elevin  ranks  of  formes,  the  highest  touching  almost  the 
roof;  everie  one  of  these  formes  went  from  the  one  end  of 
the  roome  to  the  other,  and  contained  about  fortie  men ; 
the  two  highest  were  divided  from  the  rest  by  a  raill,  and 
"a  raill  cutted  off  at  everie  end  some  seatts.  The  gentle- 
men of  the  Lower  House  did  sitt  within  the  raile,  others 
without.  All  the  doores  were  keeped  verie  straitlie  with 
guards ;  we  alwayes  behooved  to  be  there  a  little  after  five 
in  the  morning.  My  Lord  \Yilloughbie,  Earle  of  Lindesay, 
Lord  Chamberland  of  England,  (Pembroke  is  Chamberland 
of  the  Court,)  ordered  the  House,  with  great  difficultie. 
James  Maxwell,  Black-Rod,  was  great  usher  ;  a  number  of 
other  servant  gentlemen  and  knights  assisted.  By  favour 
we  got  place  within  the  raile,  among  the  Commons.  The 
House  was  full  dailie  before  seven  ;  against  eight  the  Earle 
of  Strafford  came  in  his  barge  from  the  Tower,  acompanied 


Charles   I   and   Strafford     235 

with  the  Lieutenant  and  a  guard  of  musqueteers  and  halber- 
ders.  The  Lords,  in  their  robes,  were  sett  about  eight ; 
the  King  was  usuallie  halfe  ane  howre  before  them  :  he 
came  not  into  his  throne,  for  that  would  have  marred  the 
action  ;  for  it  is  the  order  of  England,  that  when  the  King 
appears,  he  speaks  what  he  will,  bot  no  other  speaks  in  his 
presence.  At  the  back  of  the  throne  was  two  roomes  on 
the  two  sydes ;  in  the  one  did  Duke  de  Vanden,  Duke  de 
Vallet,  and  other  French  nobles  sitt ;  in  the  other,  the  King, 
the  Queen,  Princesse  Mary,  the  Prince  Elector,  and  sofne 
Court  ladies ;  the  tirlies,  that  made  them  to  be  secret,  the  I.e.  lattice. 
King  brake  doun  with  his  own  hands  ;  so  they  satt  in  the 
eye  of  all,  bot  little  more  regarded  than  if  they  had  been 
absent ;  for  the  Lords  satt  all  covered ;  these  of  the  Lower 
House,  and  all  other  except  the  French  noblemen,  satt 
discovered  when  the  Lords  came,  not  else.  A  number  of 
ladies  wes  in  boxes,  above  the  railes,  for  which  they  payed 
much  money.  It  was  dailie  the  most  glorious  Assemblie 
the  Isle  could  afford  ;  yet  the  gravitie  not  such  as  I  ex- 
pected ;  oft  great  clamour  without  about  the  doores  ;  in  the 
intervalles,  while  Strafford  was  making  readie  for  answers, 
the  Lords  gott  alwayes  to  their  feet,  walked  and  clattered ; 
the  Lower  House  men  too  loud  clattering ;  .  .  . 

Robert  Baillie,  Letters  and  Journals   (Bannatyne  Club,  Edin- 
burgh, 1841),  I,  272,  273,  314-316. 


77.    Charles  I   and  Strafford    (1641)         By  CHARLES 
11  I  (1600- 

o^     cc     j  1649)-     The 

Strafford,  bill  of  at- 


The  misfortune  that  is  fallen  upon   you  by  the  strange  ^"^  Straf. 

mistaking  and  conjuncture  of  these  times,  being  such,  that  ford  had 

I   must  lay  by  the  thought  of  employing  you  hereafter  in  p^d^he 

my  affairs  ;  yet  I  cannot  satisfy  myself  in  honour  or  con-  Commons 


236     The   Puritan    Rebellion 


by  a  vote  of 
204  to  49,  and 
it  was  certain 
to  pass  the 
Lords,  but 
Charles  still 
hoped  to 
save  his 
minister. 
In  the  end  it 
was  the 
king's 
efforts  that 
ruined  Straf- 
ford.    "  It 
was  not  so 
much  a  ques- 
tion whether 
Strafford  had 
been  a  traitor 
as  whether 
Charles 
could  be 
trusted." 
Gardiner. 

On  the  loth 
of  May  the 
king,  moved 
by  fears  for 
his  wife  and 
children, 
agreed  to  the 
bill  of  at- 
tainder. 
When  Straf- 
ford heard 
what  Charles 
had  done  he 
exclaimed, 
"  Put  not 
your  trust  in 
princes  nor 
in  the  sons 
of  men,  for 
in  them  there 
is  no  salva- 
tion." 

This  letter 
was  delivered 
to  the  Lords 
by  the  Prince 
of  Wales  in 
person. 


science  without  assuring  you  (now  in  the  midst  of  your 
troubles),  that  upon  the  word  of  a  king  you  shall  not  suffer 
in  life,  honour,  or  fortune.  This  is  but  justice,  and  therefore 
a  very  mean  reward  from  a  master  to  so  faithful  and  able  a 
servant  as  you  have  showed  yourself  to  be  ;  yet  it  is  as  much 
as  I  conceive  the  present  times  will  permit,  though  none 
shall  hinder  me  from"  being, 

Your  constant,  faithful  friend, 

CHARLES  R. 
Whitehall,  April  23,  1641. 

The  Earl  of  Strafforde's  Letters  and  Despatches  (edited  by  W. 
Kiiowles,  London,  1739)  H>  4I6- 

My  lords, 

I  did  yesterday  satisfy  the  justice  of  the  kingdom,  by 
passing  of  the  bill  of  attainder  against  the  earl  of  Straf- 
ford ;  but  mercy  being  as  inherent  and  inseparable  to  a 
king  as  justice,  I  desire  at  this  time  in  some  measure, 
to  show  that  likewise,  by  suffering  that  unfortunate  man  to 
fulfil  the  natural  course  of  his  life  in  a  close  imprisonment, 
yet  so  that,  if  ever  he  make  the  least  offer  to  escape,  or 
offer,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  meddle  with  any  sort  of  pub- 
lic business,  especially  with  me,  either  by  message  or  letter, 
it  shall  cost  him  his  life,  without  further  press. 

This,  if  it  may  be  done  without  the-  discontent  of  my 
people,  will  be  an  unspeakable  comfort  to  me  ;  to  which  end, 
as  in  the  first  place,  I  by  this  letter  do  earnestly  desire  your 
approbation  ;  and  to  endear  it  the  more,  have  chosen  him 
to  carry,  that  of  all  your  house  is  most  dear  to  me ;  so  I  do 
desire,  that  by  a  conference  you  will  endeavour  to  give  the 
House  of  Commons  contentment ;  likewise  assuring  you, 
that  the  exercise  is  no  more  pleasing  to  me  than  to  see  both 
Houses  of  Parliament  consent,  for  my  sake,  that  I  should 
moderate  the  severity  of  the  law  in  so  important  a  case.  I 
will  not  say,  that  your  complying  with  me  in  this  my  pre- 


The   Attempted   Arrest      237 

tended  mercy,  shall  make  me  more  willing,  but  certainly  it 
will  make  me  more  cheerful  in  granting  your  just  grievances  ; 
but,  if  no  less  than  his  life  can  satisfy  my  people,  I  must 
say,  fiat  jiistitia. 

Thus  again  earnestly  recommending  the  consideration  of 
my  intentions  to  you,  I  rest, 

Your  unalterable  and  affectionate  friend, 

CHARLES  R. 
Whitehall,  nth  May,  1641. 

If  he  must  die,  it  were  charity  to  reprieve  him  till  Saturday. 
Harleian  Mss.  1769,  art.  12. 


78.    The    Attempted    Arrest    of    the    Five  By  JOHN 

1  RUSHWORTH 

Members    (1642)  ^6l2?r. 

1690),  histo- 
rian.  During 

.  The  said  five  accused  Members  this  day  after  dinner  the  ^,vil 

•  troubles 

came  into  the  House,  and  did  appear  according  to  the  special  Rushworth 

Order  and  Injunction  of  the  House  laid  upon  them  yester-  clerk  to*  the 

day,  to  give  their  attendance  upon  the  House,  de  die  in  diem  House  of 

and  their  appearance  was  entred  in  the  Journal.  secretary  to 

They  were  no  sooner  sate  in  their  places,  but  the  House  tl)e,,9oun?!l 

1  '  of  War  of  the 

was  informed  by  one  Captain  Langrish,  lately  an  Officer  in  New  Model, 

Arms  in  France,  that  he  came  from  among  the  Officers,  and  short°drne  as 

Souldiers  at    White  Hall,  and  understanding  by  them,  that  secretary  to 

his  Majesty  was  coming  with  a  Guard  of    Military  Men,  He  was  also 

Commanders  and  Souldiers,  to  the  House  of  Commons,  he  ^fo^im-11 

passed  by  them  with  some  difficulty  to  get  to  the  House  portantnego- 

before  them,  and  sent  in  word  how  near  the  said  Officers  the  Restora- 

and  Souldiers  were  come  :   Whereupon  a  certain  Member  I1?"  he  made 

.  his  peace 

of  the  House  having  also  private  Intimation  from  the  Coun-    with  the 

tess  of  Carlile,  Sister  to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  that    ^tu£  p"^a. 
endeavours  would  be  used  this  day  to  apprehend  the  five   ment.  and 


238      The    Puritan    Rebellion 


for  a  time 
was  em- 
ployed by 
the  Colony 
of  Massachu- 
setts to  act  as 
its  agent 
His  Histori- 
cal Collec- 
tions fill  eight 
volumes,  and 
are  a  valu- 
able and 
fairly  impar- 
tial record  of 
the  period. 

The  report 
that  the 
House  of 
Commons 
intended  to 
impeach  the 
queen  for 
plotting 
against  Par- 
liament im- 
pelled 

Charles  to  a 
counter  at- 
tack against 
the  parlia- 
mentary 
leaders. 
Urged  by  the 
queen,  who 
cried,  "  Go, 
you  coward ! 
and  pull 
those  rogues 
out  by  the 
ears,  or 
never  see  my 
face  more," 
Charles  de- 
cided to 
make  sure  of 
his  victims 
by  arresting 
them  himself. 

Before  the 
king  left 
Whitehall  the 
queen  had 
trusted  the 
secret  to 


Members,  the  House  required  the  five  Members  to  depart 
the  House  forthwith,  to  the  end  to  avoid  Combustion  in  the 
House,  if  the  said  Souldiers  should  use  Violence  to  pull  any 
of  them  out.  To  which  Command  of  the  House,  four  of 
the  said  Members  yielded  ready  Obedience,  but  Mr.  Stroud 
was  obstinate,  till  Sir  Walter  Earle  (his  ancient  acquaintance) 
pulled  him  out  by  force,  the  King  being  at  that  time  entring 
into  the  New  Pallace-yard,  in  Westminster:  And  as  his 
Majesty  came  through  Westminster  Hall,  the  Commanders, 
Reformadoes,  &c.  that  attended  him,  made  a  Lane  on  both 
sides  the  Hall  (through  which  his  Majesty  passed  and  came 
up  the  Stairs  to  the  House  of  Commons)  and  stood  before 
the  Guard  of  Pentioners,  and  Halberteers,  (who  also  at- 
tended the  Kings  Person,)  and  the  door  of  the  House  of 
Commons  being  thrown  open,  his  Majesty  entred  the 
House,  and  as  he  passed  up  towards  the  Chair  he  cast  his 
eye  on  the  Right-hand  near  the  Bar  of  the  House,  where 
Mr.  Pym  used  to  sit,  but  his  Majesty  not  seeing  him  there 
(knowing  him  well)  went  up  to  the  Chair,  and  said,  "  By  your 
leave,  (Mr.'  Speaker)  I  must  borrow  your  Chair  a  little," 
whereupon  the  Speaker  came  out  of  the  Chair,  and  his 
Majesty  stept  up  into  it,  after  he  had  stood  in  the  Chair  a 
while,  casting  his  Eye  upon  the  Members  as  they  stood  up 
uncovered,  but  could  not  discern  any  of  the  five  Members  to 
be  there,  nor  indeed  were  they  easie  to  be  discerned  (had 
they  been  there)  among  so  many  bare  Faces  all  standing  up 
together. 

Then  his  Majesty  made  this  Speech, 

"  Gentlemen, 

I  Am  sorry  for  this  occasion  of  coming  unto  you : 
Yesterday  I  sent  a  Serjeant  at  Arms  upon  a  very  Impor- 
tant occasion  to  apprehend  some  that  by  my  command 
were  accused  of  High  Treason,  whereunto  I  did  expect 
Obedience  and  not  a  Message.  And  I  must  declare  unto 


The   Attempted   Arrest      239 


you  here,  that  albeit,  no  King  that  ever  was  in  England,  Lady 
shall  be  more  careful  of  your  Priviledges,  to  maintain  them 

to  the  uttermost  of  his  power  then  I  shall  be  ;  yet  you  must  se"  No^a'. 

know  that  in  Cases  of  Treason,  no  person  hath  a  priviledge.  The  king's 

And  therefore  I  am  come  to  know  if  any  of  these  persons  comniand 

J  r  was  held  to 

that  were  accused  are  here  :  For  I  must  tell  you  Gentlemen,  be  breach  of 
that  so  long  as  these  persons  that  I  have  accused  (for  no  Pnvile£e- 
slight  Crime  but  for  Treason)  are  here,  I  cannot  expect  that 
this  House  will  be  in  the  Right  way  that  I  do  heartily  wish 
it :  Therefore  I  am  come  to  tell  you  that  I  must  have  them 
wheresoever  I  find  them.  Well  since  I  see  all  the  Birds  are 
Flown,  I  do  expect  from  you,  that  you  shall  send  them  unto 
me,  as  soon  as  they  return  hither.  But  I  assure  you,  in  the 
'word  of  a  King,  I  never  did  intend  any  Force,  but  shall 
proceed  against  them  in  a  legal  and  fair  way,  for  I  never 
meant  any  other. 

And  now  since  I  see  I  cannot  do  what  I  came  for,  I 
think  this  no  unfit  occasion  to  repeat  what  I  have  said 
formerly,  That  whatsoever  I  have  done  in  favour,  and  to  the 
good  of  my  Subjects,  I  do  mean  to  maintain  it. 

I  will  trouble  you  no  more,  but  tell  you  I  do  expect  as 
soon  as  they  come  to  the  House,  you  will  send  them  to 
me ;  otherwise  I  must  take  my  own  Course  to  find  them." 

When  the  King  was  looking  about  the  House,  the 
Speaker  standing  below  by  the  Chair,  his  Majesty  ask'd 
him,  whether  any  of  these  persons  were  in  the  House? 
Whether  he  saw  any  of  them?  and  where  they  were?  To 
which  the  Speaker  falling  on  his  Knee,  thus  Answered. 


"  May  if  please  your  Majesty,  I  Have  neither  Eyes  to 
see,  nor  Tongue  to  speak  in  this  place,  but  as  the  House  is 
pleased  to  direct  me,  whose  Servant  I  am  here,  and  humbly 
beg  your  Majesties  Pardon,  that  I  cannot  give  any  other 
Answer  than  this,  to  what  your  Majesty  is  pleased  to  demand 
of  me." 


William 
Lenthall, 
"the  first  to 
realise  the 
position  of  a 
Speaker  in 
times  of 
political  con- 
troversy." 
Gardiner. 


240      The   Puritan    Rebellion 

The  King  having  Concluded  his  Speech,  went  out  of  the 
House  again  which  was  in  great  disorder,  and  many  Mem- 
bers cried  out,  aloud  so  as  he  might  hear  them,  "  Priviledge  ! 
Priviledge  ! "  and  forthwith  Adjourned  till  the  next  Day  at 
One  of  the  Clock.  .  .  . 

John    Rushworth,  Historical  Collections  (London,    1691),   IV, 
477,  478. 


79.    Toleration  in  the  Army  (1643) 

"To  Major-General  Crawford  :   These" 

Cambridge,  loth  March  "  1643." 

Sir,  —  The  complaints  you  preferred  to  my  Lord  against 
your  Lieutenant-Colonel,  both  by  Mr.  Lee  and  your  own 
Letters,  have  occasioned  his  stay  here :  —  my  Lord  being 
"so"  employed  in  regard  of  many  occasions  which  are 
upon  him,  that  he  hath  not  been  at  leisure  to  hear  him 
make  his  defence:  which,  in  pure  justice,  ought  to  be 
granted  him  or  any  man  before  a  judgment  be  passed 
upon  him. 

During  his  abode  here  and  absence  from  you,  he  hath 
acquainted  me  what  a  grief  it  is  to  him  to  be  absent  from 
his  charge,  especially  now  the  regiment  is  called  forth  to 
action:  and  therefore,  asking  of  me  my  opinion,  I  advised 
him  speedily  to  repair  unto  you.  Surely  you  are  not  well 
advised  thus  to  turn-off  one  so  faithful  to  the  Cause,  and 
so  able  to  serve  you  as  this  man  is.  Give  me  leave  to 
tell  you,  I  cannot  be  of  your  judgment;  "cannot  under- 
stand," if  a  man  notorious  for  wickedness,  for  oaths,  for 
drinking,  hath  as  great  a  share  in  your  affection  as  one  who 
fears  an  oath,  who  fears  to  sin,  —  that  this  doth  commend 
your  election  of  men  to  serve  as  fit  instruments  in  this 
work !  — 


Toleration   in   the   Army     241 


Ay,  but  the  man  'is  an  Anabaptist.'  Are  you  sure  of 
that?  Admit  he  be,  shall  that  render  him  incapable  to 
serve  the  Public?  'He  is  indiscreet.'  It  may  be  so,  in 
some  things:  we  have  all  human  infirmities.  I  tell  you, 
if  you  had  none  but  such  'indiscreet  men  '  about  you,  and 
would  be  pleased  to  use  them  kindly,  you  would  find  as 
good  a  fence  to  you  as  any  you  have  yet  chosen. 

Sir,  the  State,  in  choosing  men  to  serve  it,  takes  no 
notice  of  their  opinions;  if  they  be  willing  faithfully  to 
serve  it,  —  that  satisfies.  I  advised  you  formerly  to  bear 
with  men  of  different  minds  from  yourself:  if  you  had 
done  it  when  I  advised  you  to  it,  I  think  you  would  not 
have  had  so  many  stumblingblocks  in  your  way.  It  may 
be  you  judge  otherwise;  but  I  tell  you  my  mind.  —  I  desire 
you  would  receive  this  man  into  your  favour  and  good 
opinion.  I  believe,  if  he  follow  my  counsel,  he  will 
deserve  no  other  but  respect  from  you.  Take  heed  of 
being  sharp,  or  too  easily  sharpened  by  others,  against 
those  to  whom  you  can  object  little  but  that  they  square 
not  with  you  in  every  opinion  concerning  matters  of  reli- 
gion. If  there  be  any  other  offence  to  be  charged  upon 
him,  —  that  must  in  a  judicial  way  receive  determination. 
I  know  you  will  not  think  it  fit  my  Lord  should  discharge 
an  Officer  of  the  Field  but  in  a  regulate  way.  I  question 
whether  you  or  I  have  any  precedent  for  that.  I  have  not 
farther  to  trouble  you :  —  but  rest,  your  humble  servant, 

OLIVER  CROMWELL. 

Oliver  Cromwell,  Letters  and  Speeches  (edited  by  T.  Carlyle, 
London,  1870),  I,  186-188. 


Baillie  (see 
No.  76) 
wrote  in  1644, 
"  Manchester 
himself  a 
sweet,  meek 
man,  per- 
mitted his 
lieutenant 
General, 
Cromwell,  to 
guide  all  the 
army  at  his 
pleasure. 
The  man  had 
a  very  wise 
and  an  active 
head,  univer- 
sally well  be- 
loved, as  re- 
ligious and 
stout;  being 
a  known  In- 
dependent, 
the  most  of 
the  soldiers 
who  loved 
new  ways  put 
themselves 
under  his 
command. 
Our  country 
man,  Craw- 
ford, was 
made  major 
General  of 
that  army. 
This  man 
proving  very 
stout  and 
successful, 
got  a  great 
hand  with 
Manchester 
and  with  all 
the  army  that 
were  not  for 
the  sects." 
See  No.  80. 


242      The   Puritan    Rebellion 


By  JOHN 
RUSH- 
WORTH. 

See  No.  78. 


December  3 
at  Essex 
House. 


Probably 
Whitelock 
himself 
(see  No.  81). 


80.    The  Self-denying  Ordinance  (1644) 

.  .  .  Some  were  thought  too  fond  of  a  Peace,  and  others 
over-desirous  to  spin  out  the  War,  and  others  engaged  in 
such  particular  Feuds,  that  there  was  little  vigorous  Action 
to  be  expected  from  such  disagreeing  Instruments.  And  yet 
to  search  too  deep  into  past  Miscarriages,  or  determine  in 
favour  of  either  of  those  that  mutually  Recriminated  each 
other,  might  (under  their  then  present  Circumstances) 
prove  the  next  danger  to  suffering  a  Continuance  of  the 
same  Inconveniencies.  Besides,  there  were  of  the  Army- 
Officers  (especially  since  the  coming  in  of  the  Scots]  two 
apparent  Parties,  the  first  zealous  for  setting  up  Presbytery, 
the  other  (called  Independents)  endeavoured  to  decline  that 
Establishment;  and  of  this  latter  party  Lieutenant  General 
Cromwell  was  esteemed  one  of  the  Chief;  and  as  on  that 
score  he  was  little  beloved  by  the  Scots,  so  by  reason  of  his 
Popularity,  General  Essex  began  to  Entertain  some  Jeal- 
ousies of  him,  and  therefore  with  the  Scotch  Commissioners 
had  a  Consultation  (about  the  end  of  November  or  begin- 
ning of  Decemb.  1644)  touching  the  means  how  to  remove 
him,  which  by  Mr.  Whitlock  (a  Person  present  and  con- 
cern'd)  is  related  to  this  effect.  .  .  . 

But  Mr.  Whitlock  adds,  That  "there  was  cause  to  believe, 
that  some  present  at  this  Debate  were  false  Brethren,  and 
informed  Cromwell  of  all  that  passed,  which  might  make 
him  carry  on  his  designs  more  actively  for  his  own  Ad- 
vancement." And  indeed  it  may  well  be  presumed  he  was 
not  like  to  be  behind-hand  in  Artifices  for  removing  of 
those  that  would  have  removed  him. 

But  from  whatever  Grounds  or  Motives  it  sprang,  so  it 
was  that  on  the  Ninth  of  Decemb.  1644,  (the  Parliament's 
Forces  being  then  setled  in  their  Winter  Quarters,  and 
most  of  the  Commanders  in  Chief,  who  were  Members  of 
either  House  of  Parliament,  being  in  Town)  the  House  of 


The   Self-Denying   Ordinance    243 

Commons  took  into  Consideration  the  sad  Condition  of  the 
Kingdom  in  reference  to  its  Grievances  by  the  Burthen  of 
the  War  in  case  the  Treaty  for  a  Peace,  which  was  then 
propounded  (and  of  the  successless  issue  of  which  we  have 
before  in  the  former  Volume  given  an  Account)  should  not 
take  effect,  nor  the  War  be  effectually  prosecuted.  After 
a  long  Debate  of  this  matter,  the  House  Voted  themselves 
into  a  Grand  Committee,  where  there  was  a  general  silence 
for  a  good  space  of  time,  many  looking  one  upon  another, 
to  see  who  would  break  the  Ice,  and  speak  first  in  so  ten- 
der and  sharp  a  Point:  Amongst  whom  Oliver  Cromwell 
stood  up,  and  spake  shortly  to  this  effect. 

"THAT  it  was  now  time  to  speak,  or  for  ever  to  hold  the 
tongue :  The  important  occasion  being  no  less  than  to  save 
a  Nation  out  of  a  Bleeding,  nay,  almost  dying  condition, 
which  the  long  continuance  of  the  War  had  already  brought 
it  into;  so  that  without  a  more  speedy  vigorous  and  effect- 
ual prosecution  of  the  War,  casting  off  all  lingering  pro- 
ceedings like  Soldiers  of  Fortune  beyond  Sea,  to  spin  out 
a  War,  we  shall  make  the  Kingdom  weary  of  us,  and  hate 
the  Name  of  a  Parliament.  For  what  do  the  Enemy  say? 
Nay,  what  do  many  say  that  were  Friends  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Parliament?  even  this,  That  the  Members  of  both 
Houses  have  got  great  Places  and  Commands,  and  the  Sword 
into  their  hands,  and  what  by  Interest  in  Parliament,  and 
what  by  power  in  the  Army,  will  perpetually  continue  them- 
selves in  Grandeur,  and  not  permit  the  War  speedily  to 
end,  lest  their  own  power  should  determine  with  it.  This 
I  speak  here  to  our  own  Faces,  is  but  what  others  do  utter 
abroad  behind  our  Backs.  I  am  far  from  reflecting  on 
any,  I  know  the  worth  of  those  Commanders,  Members  of  The  desire  of 
both  Houses  who  are  yet  in  power;  but  if  I  may  speak  my  ^d'orthose 
Conscience  without  reflection  upon  any,  I  do  conceive  if  who  held 

,  .  •»«•     i       i  i     i       IT?        with  him,  was 

the  Army  be  not  put  into  another  Method,  and  the  War   not  to  ad- 
more  vigorously  prosecuted,  the  People  can  bear  the  War  vance  their 


244      Tne    Puritan    Rebellion 

own  inter-  no  longer,  and  will  enforce  you  to  a  dishonourable  Peace. 
stSrfke°down  But  tnls  ^  would  recommend  to  your  Prudence  not  to  insist 
this  or  that  upon  any  Complaint  or  over-sight  of  any  Commander  in 

man,  but  to 

bring  the  war  Chief  upon  any  occasion  whatsoever;  for  as  I  must  acknow- 
tor&  condu0-  led&e  my  self  Guilty  of  Over-sights,  so  I  know  they  can 
sion.  rarely  be  avoided  in  Military  Affairs;  therefore  waving  a 

strict  inquiry  into  the  Causes  of  these  things,  let  us  apply 
our  selves  to  the  Remedy  which  is  most  necessary:  And  I 
hope,  we  have  such  true  English  Hearts,  and  zealous  Affec- 
tions towards  the  General  Weal  of  our  Mother-Country,  as 
no  Members  of  either  House  will  scruple  to  deny  them- 
selves and  their  own  private  Interests  for  the  publick  Good, 
nor  account  it  to  be  a  dishonour  done  to  them  whatever  the 
Parliament  shall  resolve  upon  in  this  weighty  matter." 

Another  spoke  to  this  purpose. 

"Whatever  is  the  matter  (which  I  list  not  so  much  to  inquire 
after)  two  Summers  are  past  over,  and  we  are  not  saved: 
Our  Victories  (the  price  of  Blood  invaluable)  so  gallantly 
gotten,  and  (which  is  more  pity)  so  Graciously  bestowed, 
seem  to  have  been  put  into  a  Bag  with  holes;  what  we  won 
one  time,  we  lost  another :  The  Treasure  is  Exhausted,  The 
Country's  Wasted:  A  Summer's  Victory  has  proved  but  a 
Winter's  Story;  the  Game  however  shut  up  with  Autumn, 
was  to  be  new  play'd  again  the  next  Spring;  as  if  the  Blood 
that  has  been  shed  were  only  to  manure  the  Field  of  War 
for  a  more  plentiful  Crop  of  Contention.  Mens  hearts 
have  failed  them  with  the  Observation  of  these  things;  The 
Cause  whereof  the  Parliament  has  been  tender  of  Ravelling 
into.  But  Men  cannot  be  hindred  from  venting  their 
Opinions  privately,  and  their  Fears,  which  are  various,  and 
no  less  variously  express'd;  concerning  which  I  determine 
nothing,  but  this  I  would  say,  'tis  apparent  that  the  Forces 
being  under  several  great  Commanders,  want  of  good  Cor- 
respondency amongst  the  Chieftains,  has  oftentimes  hin- 
dred the  Publick  Service." 


Naseby 


245 


But  the  first  that  moved  expresly  to  have  all  Members  of 
Parliament  Excluded  from  Commands  and  Offices  was  Mr. 
Zouch  Tate ;  wherein  he  was  seconded  by  Sir  Henry  Vane 
Jun.  and  others.  The  Debate  lasted  long,  but  in  conclu- 
sion the  Grand  Committee  came  to  this  Resolution,  "That 
"no  Member  of  either  House  of  Parliament  shall  during 
"the  War  Enjoy  or  Execute  any  Office  or  Command  Mili- 
"tary  or  Civil,  and  that  an  Ordinance  be  brought  in  to 
"that  purpose." 

John  Rushworth,  Historical  Collections  (London,  1701),  VI,  1-5. 


8 1.    Naseby  (1645) 


This  was  the  day  of  the  famous  Battel  at  Naseby.  The 
King  had  drawn  off  from  Borough-hill  to  Harborough,  pur- 
posing to  march  to  Pom/ret,  and  thinking  if  he  were  fol- 
lowed, he  should  fight  with  more  advantage  Northward. 

Fairfax  sent  out  Ire  ton  with  a  flying  party  of  Horse,  who 
fell  upon  a  party  of  the  King's  Rere  quartered  in  Naseby 
Town,  took  many  prisoners,  some  of  the  Prince's  Life- 
guard, and  Langdale's  Brigade. 

This  gave  such  an  alarm  to  the  whole  Army,  that  the 
King  at  Midnight  leaves  his  own  quarters,  and  for  security 
hastens  to  Harborough,  where  the  Van  of  his  Army  was 
quartered,  raiseth  P.  Rupert,  and  calls  a  Council  of  War. 

There  it  was  resolved  (and  chiefly  by  P.  Rupert's  eager- 
ness, old  Commanders  being  much  against  it)  to  give  Bat- 
tel :  and  because  Fairfax  had  been  so  forward,  they  would  no 
longer  stay  for  him,  but  seek  him  out.  Fairfax  was  come 
from  Gilborough  to  Gilling,  and  from  thence  to  Naseby, 
where  both  Armies  drawn  up  in  Battalia,  faced  each  other. 

The  King  commanded  the  main  Body  of  his  Army,  Prince 


The  effect  of 
this  resolu- 
tion would  be 
to  exclude 
Cromwell  as 
well  as  Man- 
chester and 
Essex  from 
commands. 
But  Crom- 
well desired 
to  secure  the 
success  of 
his  cause 
even  at  the 
cost  of  his 
own  posi- 
tion. 

On  Decem- 
ber lothe 
Self-denying 
Ordinance 
passed  the 
Commons, 
but  it  was 
thrown  out 
by  the  Lords. 
Finally,  on 
April  3,  1645, 
a  second 
Self-denying 
Ordinance 
was  passed. 
This  marked 
the  triumph 
of  the  In- 
dependents. 

By  BUL- 

STRODE 

WHITE- 
LOCK  (1605- 
1675),  mem- 
ber of  the 
Long  Parlia- 
ment, and 
prominent  in 
the  various 
peace  negoti- 
ations.   See 
No.  80. 

Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax  was 
commander- 


246      The    Puritan    Rebellion 


in-chief  of 
the  New 
Model. 


Under  the 
Self-denying 
Ordinance 
Cromwell  re- 
signed his 
place  as 
lieutenant- 
general,  but 
in  response 
to  a  general 
demand  he 
was  rein- 
stated by  the 
Commons  on 
the  loth  of 
June,  four 
days  before 
the  battle  of 
Naseby. 


Rupert  and  Prince  Maurice  the  Right  Wing,  Sir  Marma- 
duke  Langdale  the  Left,  the  Earl  of  Lindsey  and  the  Lord 
Ashley  the  right  hand  Reserve,  the  Lord  Bard  and  Sir 
George  L'Isle  the  left  Reserve. 

Of  the  Parliaments  Army  Fairfax  and  Skippon  commanded 
the  Main  Body,  Cromwel  the  Right  Wing,  with  whom  was 
Rosseter,  and  they  both  came  in  but  a  little  before  the 
Fight:  Ireton  commanded  the  Left  Wing,  the  Reserves 
were  brought  up  by  Rainsborough,  Hammond  and  Pride. 

P.  Rupert  began  and  charged  the  Parliaments  Left  Wing 
with  great  resolution;  Ireton  made  gallant  resistance,  but 
at  last  was  forced  to  give  ground,  he  himself  being  run 
through  the  Thigh  with  a  Pike,  and  into  the  Face  with  a 
Halbert,  and  his  Horse  shot  under  him,  and  himself  taken 
Prisoner. 

Prince  Rupert  follows  the  chase  almost  to  Naseby  Town, 
and  in  his  return,  summoned  the  Train,  who  made  no 
other  answer  but  by  their  Fire-locks,  he  also  visited  the 
Carriages  where  was  good  plunder,  but  his  long  stay  so  far 
from  the  Main  Body  jvas  no  small  prejudice  to  the  King's 
Army. 

In  the  mean  time  Cromwel  charged  furiously  on  the 
King's  Left  Wing,  and  got  the  better,  forcing  them  from 
the  Body,  and  prosecuting  the  advantage,  quite  broke  them, 
and  their  Reserve. 

During  which,  the  Main  Bodies  had  charged  one  another 
with  incredible  fierceness,  often  retreating  and  rallying, 
falling  in  together  with  the  Butends  of  their  Muskets,  and 
coming  to  hand  blows  with  their  Swords. 

Langdale 's  men  having  been  in  some  discontent  before, 
did  not  in  this  Fight  behave  themselves  as  they  used  to 
doe  in  others,  as  their  own  party  gave  it  out  of  them;  yet 
they  did  their  parts,  and  the  rest  of  the  King's  Army  both 
Horse  and  Foot  performed  their  duties  with  great  courage 
and  resolution,  both  Commanders  and  Souldiers. 


Naseby  247 


Some  of  the  Parliament  horse  having  lingred  awhile 
about  pillage,  and  being  in  some  disadvantage,  Skippon 
perceiving  it,  brought  up  his  foot  seasonably  to  their  assist- 
ance, and  in  this  charge  (as  himself  related  it  to  me)  was 
shot  in  the  side. 

Cromwel  coming  in  with  his  victorious  Right  Wing,  they 
all  charged  together  upon  the  King,  who  unable  to  endure 
any  longer,  got  out  of  the  Field  towards  Leicester. 

P.  Rupert,  who  now  too  late  returned  from  his  improvi- 
dent eager  pursuit,  seeing  the  day  lost,  accompanied  them 
in  their  flight,  leaving  a  compleat  Victory  to  the  Parlia- 
mentarians, who  had  the  chase  of  them  for  14  Miles,  within 
two  Miles  of  Leicester ;  and  the  King  finding  the  pursuit  so 
hot,  left  that  Town,  and  hasts  to  Litchfield. 

This  Battel  was  wone  and  lost  as  that  of  Marston  Moor, 
but  proved  more  destructive  to  the  King  and  his  party;  and 
it  was  exceeding  bloody,  both  Armies  being  very  coura- 
geous and  numerous,  and  not  500  odds  on  either  side. 

It  was  fought  in  a  large  fallow  Field,  on  the  North-west 
side  of  Naseby,  about  a  Mile  broad,  which  space  of  ground 
was  wholly  taken  up. 

On  the  Parliaments  side  were  wounded  and  slain  above 
1000  Officers  and  private  Souldiers.  M.  G.  Skippon  (an 
old  experienced  Souldier)  was  ordered  to  draw  up  the  form 
of  the  Battel,  he  fought  stoutly  that  day,  and  although  he 
was  sorely  wounded  in  the  beginning  of  the  Fight,  and  the 
General  desired  him  to  go  off  the  Field,  he  answered,  he  Fairfax. 
would  not  stir  so  long  as  a  man  would  stand,  and  accord- 
ingly staid  till  the  Battel  was  ended. 

Ireton  was  dangerously  hurt,  and  taken  Prisoner  for  a 
while,  after  he  had  done  his  part,  but,  in  the  confusion  of 
the  Fight  got  loose  again,  and  saw  the  Victory  atchieved 
by  his  party. 

The  General  had  his  Helmet  beat  off,  and  riding  in  the 
field  bare  headed  up  and  down  from  one  part  of  his  Army 


248      The    Puritan    Rebellion 

to  another,  to  see  how  they  stood,  and  what  advantage 
might  be  gained,  and  coming  up  to  his  owne  Life  Guard 
commanded  by  Colonel  Charles  D' Oyley,  he  was  told  by 
him  that  he  exposed  himself  to  too  much  danger,  and  the 
whole  Army  thereby,  riding  bare  headed  in  the  fields,  and 
so  many  Bullets  flying  about  him,  and  D'  Oyley  offered  his 
General  his  Helmet,  but  he  refused  it,  saying,  //  is  well 
enough  Charles:  and  seeing  a  Body  of  the  King's  foot 
stand,  and  not  at  all  broken,  he  asked  Z>'  Oyley  if  he  had 
charged  that  Body,  who  answered,  that  he  had  twice  charged 
them,  but  could  not  break  them. 

With  that  Fairfax  bid  him  to  charge  them  once  again  in 
the  front,  and  that  he  would  take  a  commanded  party,  and 
charge  them  in  the  Rere  at  the  same  time,  and  they  might 
meet  together  in  the  middle,  and  bad  him,  when  Fairfax 
gave  the  sign  to  begin  the  charge. 

D 'Oyley  pursued  his  General's  Orders,  and  both  together 
charging  that  Body  put  them  into  a  confusion,  and  broke 
them,  and  Fairfax  and  D'  Oyley  met  indeed  in  the  middle 
of  them,  where  Fairfax  killed  the  Ensign,  and  one  of 
D1  Oyley' s  Troupers  took  the  Colours,  bragging  of  the  ser- 
vice he  had  done  in  killing  the  Ensign  and  taking  the  chief 
Colours. 

D"  Oyley  chid  the  Trouper  for  his  boasting  and  lying, 
telling  him  how  many  witnesses  there  were  who  saw  the 
General  doe  it  with  his  own  hand,  but  the  General  him- 
self bad  D' Oyley  to  let  the  Trouper  alone,  and  said  to 
him,  I  have  honour  enough,  let  him  take  that  honour  to 
himself. 

Both  the  General  and  the  Lieutenant  General  performed 
their  work  with  admirable  resolution,  and  by  their  par- 
ticular examples  infused  valour  into  their  followers,  so 
likewise  did  the  other  Officers,  of  whom  divers  were 
wounded. 

On  the  other  side  the  King  shewed  himself  this  day  a 


Death-Warrant  of    Charles   I     249 

courageous  General,  keeping  close  with   his   Horse,  and 
himself  in  person  rallying  them  to  hot  encounters. 

Sir  Bulstrode  Whitelock,  Memorials  (London,  1682),  145,  146. 


82.    The   Death-Warrant  of  Charles  I 
(1649) 

At  the  high  CoDt  of  Justice  for  the  tryinge  and  iudginge 
of  Charles  Steuart  Kinge  of  England  January  xx/'-r"1 
Anno  Dni  1648. 
Whereas  Charles  Steuart  Kinge  of  England  is  and  standeth 

convicted  attaynted  and  condemned  of  High  Treason  and 

other  high  Crymes,  And  sentence  uppon  Saturday  last*™  pro- 
nounced against  him  by  this  Codt  to  be  putt  to  death  by  the 
severinge  of  his  head  from,  his  body  Of  wch  sentence  exe- 
cucon  yet  remayneth  to  be  done,  These  are  therefore  to  will 
and  require  you  to  see  the  said  sentence  executed  In  the 
open  Streete  before  Whitehall  vppon  the  morrowe  being 
the  Thirtieth  day  of  this  instante  moneth  of  January 
betweene  the  houres  of  Tenn  in  the  morninge  and  Five  in 
the  afternoone  of  the  same  day  wth  full  effect  And  for  soe 
doing  this  shall  be  yor  sufficient  warrant  And  these  are  to 
require  All  Officers  and  Souldiers  and  other  the  good  people 
of  this  Nation  of  England  to  be  assistinge  vnto  you  in  this 
Service  Given  vnder  o°  hands  and  Scales. 

To  Colo nell  Ff rands  Hacker,  Colonell  Huncks  and  Liev- 
tenant  Colonell  Phayre  and  to  every  of  them, 

Jo.  BRADSHAW 
THO.  GREY 
O.  CROMWELL 

&c.  &c. 
Notes  and  Queries,  Ajh  S.  X.  21. 


By  the  HIGH 
COURT  OF 
JUSTICE.  On 
the  zyth  of 
January, 
1649,  the 
High  Court 
of  Justice 
passed  sen- 
tence of 
death  upon 
Charles  I 
"  as  a  tyrant, 
traitor,  mur- 
derer, and 
public 

enemy."  The 
death-war- 
rant bears 
fifty-nine  sig- 
natures, but 
all  accounts 
go  to  prove 
that  some 
were  ob- 
tained only 
with  diffi- 
culty. —  On 
the  trial  and 
execution  of 
Charles  I,  see 
Gardiner, 
History  of 
the  Great 
Civil  War. 

The  italics 

indicate 

erasures. 


250      The   Puritan    Rebellion 


By  ANDREW        8?.    The  Death  of  Charles  I   (1640) 

MARVELL. 
See  No.  89. 

He  nothing  common  did,  or  mean, 
Upon  that  memorable  scene, 

But  with  his  keener  eye 

The  axe's  edge  did  try; 
Nor  called  the  gods  with  vulgar  spite 
To  vindicate  his  helpless  right, 

But  bowed  his  comely  head 

Down,  as  upon  a  bed. 

Andrew  Marvell,  A  Horatian  Ode  upon  Cromwell's  Return  from 
Ireland.     Poetical  Works  (Boston,  1857),  136. 


CHAPTER   XIII  — PURITAN   RULE 

84.    Milton  to  Cromwell  (1652) 

CROMWELL,  our  chief  of  men,  who,  through  a  cloud 
Not  of  war  only,  but  detractions  rude, 
Guided  by  faith  and  matchless  fortitude, 
To  peace  and  truth  thy  glorious  way  hast  plough' d, 

And  on  the  neck  of  crowned  fortune  proud 

Hast  rear'd  God's  trophies,  and  his  work  pursued, 
While  Darwen  stream,  with  blood  of  Scots  imbrued, 
And  Dunbar  field,  resounds  thy  praises  loud, 

And  Worcester's  laureate  wreath.     Yet  much  remains 
To  conquer  still;  peace  hath  her  victories 
No  less  renown'd  than  war:  new  foes  arise 

Threatening  to  bind  our  souls  with  secular  chains : 

Help  us  to  save  free  conscience  from  the  paw 
Of  hireling  wolves,  whose  gospel  is  their  maw. 

John  Milton,  Ode  to  the  Lord  General  Cromwell.     Poetical  Works 
(edited  by  J.  Montgomery,  London,  1843),  II,  214. 


85.    Cromwell  and  the  Long  Parliament 

(1653) 

The  Parliament  now  perceiving  to  what  kind  of  excesses 
the  madness  of  the  army  was  like  to  carry  them,  resolved 
to  leave  as  a  legacy  to  the  people  the  Government  of  a 
Commonwealth  by  their  representatives,  when  assembled 
in  Parliament,  and  in  the  intervals  thereof  by  a  Council  of 

25 i 


By  JOHN 
MILTON 
(1608-1674), 
one  of  the 
greatest  of 
English 
poets.     Dur- 
ing the  Puri- 
tan revolu- 
tion Milton's 
sympathies 
were  with  the 
Independent 
and  Republi- 
can party. 
Under  the 
Common- 
wealth he 
became  Latin 
secretary  to 
the  council  of 
state,  retain- 
ing this  office 
throughout 
the  Protecto- 
rate of  Oliver 
Cromwell. 
"  By  a  rare  or 
unexampled 
fortune,  the 
first  political 
genius  of  his 
age  was 
served  by  the 
first  literary 
genius  of  his 
time." 
F.  Harrison. 

This  sonnet 
was  written 
during 
Cromwell's 
struggle  with 
the  Long 
Parliament. 


By  EDMUND 
LUDLOW 
(1617?- 
1692),  an  ac- 
tive member 
in  the  Long 
Parliament, 
Colonel  in 


Puritan    Rule 


the  parlia- 
mentary 
army,  and  a 
signer  of  the 
sentence 
against  the 
king.    Under 
the  Com- 
monwealth 
he  was  sec- 
ond in  com- 
mand in 
Ireland.    His 
sympathies 
were  with  the 
extreme  Re- 
publican 
party,  and  he 
opposed  the 
Protectorate. 
After  the 
Restoration 
he  escaped 
to  the  Conti- 
nent, return- 
ing for  a  few 
months  at  the 
Revolution. 
His  Memoirs, 
composed 
during  his 
exile,  give  a 
valuable  pic- 
ture of  the 
civil  war  in 
England  and 
Ireland,  and 
throw  much 
light  upon 
the  struggle 
between  the 
popular  party 
and  Crom- 
well, but  the 
writer's 
prejudices 
are  strong, 
and  he  is  not 
always 
accurate. 

Cromwell 
and  the  army 
did  not  ob- 
ject to  the 
dissolution 


State,  chosen  by  them,  and  to  continue  till  the  meeting  of 
the  next  succeeding  Parliament,  to  whom  they  were  to  give 
an  account  of  their  conduct  and  management.  To  this 
end  they  resolved,  without  any  further  delay,  to  pass  the 
Act  for  their  own  dissolution;  of  which  Cromwel  having 
notice,  makes  haste  to  the  House,  where  he  sat  down  and 
heard  the  debate  for  some  time.  Then  calling  to  Major- 
General  Harrison,  who  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  House, 
to  come  to  him,  he  told  him,  that  he  judged  the  Parliament 
ripe  for  a  dissolution,  and  this  to  be  the  time  of  doing  it. 
The  Major-General  answered,  as  he  since  told  me;  'Sir, 
the  work  is  very  great  and  dangerous,  therefore  I  desire  you 
seriously  to  consider  of  it  before  you  engage  in  it.'  'You 
say  well, '  replied  the  General,  and  thereupon  sat  still  for 
about  a  quarter  of  an  hour;  and  then  the  question  for  passing 
the  Bill  being  to  be  put,  he  said  again  to  Major-General 
Harrison,  'this  is  the  time  I  must  do  it;  '  and  suddenly 
standing  up,  made  a  speech,  wherein  he  loaded  the  Parlia- 
ment with  the  vilest  reproaches,  charging  them  not  to  have 
a  heart  to  do  any  thing  for  the  publick  good,  to  have  espoused 
the  corrupt  interest  of  Presbytery  and  the  lawyers,  who  were 
the  supporters  of  tyranny  and  oppression,  accusing  them  of 
an  intention  to  perpetuate  themselves  in  power,  had  they 
not  been  forced  to  the  passing  of  this  Act,  which  he  affirmed 
they  designed  never  to  observe,  and  thereupon  told  them, 
that  the  Lord  had  done  with  them,  and  had  chosen  other 
instruments  for  the  carrying  on  his  work  that  were  more 
worthy.  This  he  spoke  with  so  much  passion  and  discom- 
posure of  mind,  as  if  he  had  been  distracted.  Sir  Peter  Went- 
worth  stood  up  to  answer  him,  arid  said,  that  this  was  the 
first  time  that  ever  he  had  heard  such  unbecoming  language 
given  to  the  Parliament,  and  that  it  was  the  more  horrid  in 
that  it  came  from  their  servant,  and  their  servant  whom  they 
had  so  highly  trusted  and  obliged:  but  as  he  was  going  on, 
the  General  stept  into  the  midst  of  the  House,  where  con- 


Long   Parliament  253 


tinuing  his  distracted  language,  he  said,  'Come,  come,  I 
will  put  an  end  to  your  prating; '  then  walking  up  and  down 
the  House  like  a  mad-man,  and  kicking  the  ground  with 
his  feet,  he  cried  out,  'You  are  no  Parliament,  I  say  you 
are  no  Parliament;  I  will  put  an  end  to  your  sitting;  call 
them  in,  call  them  in: '  whereupon  the  serjeant  attending 
the  Parliament  opened  the  doors,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Worstey  with  two  files  of  musqueteers  entred  the  House; 
which  Sir  Henry  Vane  observing  from  his  place,  said  aloud, 
'This  is  not  honest,  yea  it  is  against  morality  and  common 
honesty.'  Then  Cromwel  fell  a  railing  at  him,  crying  out 
with  a  loud  voice,  '  O  Sir  Henry  Vane,  Sir  Henry  Vane,  the 
Lord  deliver  me  from  Sir  Henry  Vane.'  Then  looking 
upon  one  of  the  members,  he  said,  'There  sits  a  drunkard,' 
and  giving  much  reviling  language  to  others,  he  commanded 
the  mace  to  be  taken  away,  saying,  '  What  shall  we  do  with 
this  bauble?  here,  take  it-away.'  Having  brought  all  into 
this  disorder,  Major-General  Harrison  went  to  the  Speaker 
as  he  sat  in  the  chair,  and  told  him,  that  seeing  things  were 
reduced  to  this  pass,  it  would  not  be  convenient  for  him  to 
remain  there.  The  Speaker  answered,  that  he  would  not 
come  down  unless  he  were  forced.  'Sir,'  said  Harrison, 
'I  will  lend  you  my  hand;  '  and  thereupon  putting  his 
hand  within  his,  the  Speaker  came  down.  Then  Cromwel 
applied  himself  to  the  members  of  the  House,  who  were  in 
number  between  80  and  100,  and  said  to  them,  'It's  you 
that  have  forced  me  to  this,  for  I  have  sought  the  Lord  night 
and  day,  that  he  would  rather  slay  me  than  put  me  upon 
the  doing  of  this  work.' 


of  Parlia- 
ment, but  to 
the  provision 
by  which  the 
present  mem- 
bers were  to 
retain  their 
seats. 

Ludlow  was 
not  present 
at  the  expul- 
sion, but 
learnt  these 
details  from 
Harrison  in 
1656.    Ac- 
cording to 
other  ac- 
counts 
Cromwell's 
action  was 
much  less 
violent. 

For  Sir 
Henry  Vane, 
see  No.  75. 


Deaths,  with- 
drawals, ex- 
pulsions, had 
reduced  the 
number  of 
the  members 
to  about  100. 


Edmund   Ludlow,  Memoirs  (edited   by   C.    H.    Firth,  Oxford, 
1894),  1,351-354- 


254 


Puritan    Rule 


ANONY- 
MOUS.   Dur- 
ing the  year 
1653  Eng- 
land dealt 
the  commer- 
cial and 
maritime 
supremacy 
of  Holland 
many  severe 
blows.    The 
fight  here  de- 
scribed was 
one  of  the 
most  stub- 
born contests 
of  that  year. 
On  the  I2th 
and  i3th  of 
June.Tromp, 
the  greatest 
naval  com- 
mander of 
the  age,  en- 
gaged in 
battle  with 
Monck  and 
Blake  off 
Dunkirk.    In 
the  end  the 
Dutch  were 
forced  to 
seek  the  shel- 
ter of  their 
own  ports. 
The  English 
claimed  to 
have  sunk 
eight  of  the 
enemy's 
ships,  and  to 
have  taken 
eleven. 
The  Dutch 
Vice- 
admiral, 
de-With, 
declared  to 
the  States- 
General, 
"  The  Eng- 
lish are  now 
masters  of  us, 
and  there- 


86.    The  Rivalry  of  England  and  Holland 

(-653) 

With  this  unexpected  news  of  the  beating  of  our  fleete 
here  is  great  amasement;  and  the  more,  because  the  great 
fleete  at  the  Flie  for  Eastland  and  other  parts  are  sent  for 
up,  which  caused  the  corne  to  rise  yesterday  four  pounds 
upon  a  last,  and  feared  may  rise  more,  if  noe  shipps  may 
goe  to  sea;  and  if  the  busses  cannot  goe  out  neyther  to  gett 
herrings,  heere  will  be  desolate  time.  All  the  mariners  of 
the  Eastland  fleete  shal  be  prest,  and  put  aboarde  the  men 
of  warr;  and  soldiers  also  shal  be  prest  out  of  every  com- 
pany to  supply  every  shipp  with  twenty,  new  souldiers;  so 
that  the  garrisons  are  made  so  bare  of  souldiers  that  we 
feare  the  cytisens  must  be  forced  to  march  to  the  fronter 
towns  to  preserve  them.  At  Amsterdam  are  five  or  six  men 
of  warr  redy  to  goe  downe  to  the  Texell,  and  seven  pr  eight 
more  are  hasted  to  be  shortly  redye,  which  are  lusty  shipps; 
and  from  thence  goe  two  commissioners  to  Zealand  to 
haste  out  their  shipps  all  that  are  fitt  for  warr.  For  if  we 
cannot  prevent  the  Inglish  from  layinge  upon  our  coste,  this 
land  wil  be  quickly  undone,  which  wil  not  be  indured;  and 
therefore  'tis  taken  deepely  to  harte,  and  every  stone  wil 
be  moved  to  prevent  such  an  evill.  For  in  three  or  four 
weekes  we  heere  expect  five  Straites  shipps,  with  two  men 
of  warr  for  convoye,  which  we  have  writinge  sett  sail  some 
three  or  four  weekes  agoe  from  Livorne;  and  in  few  dais 
after  were  ten  men  of  warr  to  follow  to  goe  to  Hollande, 
beinge  there  stronge  enough  besides,  seeing  the  Inglish 
have  abandoned  the  Straites;  all  which  and  many  other  will 
be  taken  by  the  Inglish,  if  they  may  lay  upon  our  costs. 
But  here  'tis  not  doubted  of,  but  we  shall  quickly  have  a 
mighty  fleete  at  sea,  to  beare  heade  against  the  Inglish. 
Heere  is  also  great  feare,  that  our  East-Indie  ships, 


England   and   Holland     255 


expected  this  yeare,  may  fall  into  the  Inglish  handes;  to 
prevent  which,  the  East  India  company  are  resolved  to 
sende  out  fifty  men  of  warr  at  their  owne  charge,  if  they 
can  possibly  get  them. 

The  six  East  India  ships,  that  were  laden  and  below  redy 
to  goe  out  with  the  fleete,  are  sent  for  up  to  be  unladen,  to 
be  made  men  of  warr;  for  now  all  our  welfarre  hangs  upon 
it.  ... 

Here  is  a  generall  arrest  of  all  shipps,  noe  shipps  or 
boats  soe  small,  that  may  goe  to  sea;  and  the  more  for 
feare  any  marriners  should  goe  away;  for  they  goe  not 
now  gredyly  against  the  Inglish,  seeing  they  gett  nothinge 
but  blowes. 

'Tis  heere  pitifull  to  see  the  amasement  amongst  all  sorts 
of  people;  yea  the  merchant  never  looked  with  such  a  coun- 
tenance, which  is  sad  to  see  upon  the  exchange. 

Another  writes,  that  seeinge  we  are  now  blocked  up  in 
our  havens,  all  our  hoopes  is  of  a  good  peace;  to  which 
end  deputies  are  a  sending  for  Inglande.  .  .  . 

...  It  is  collected  by  all  reports  made,  that  this  fight  was 
only  performed  with  the  cannon,  and  that  the  ships  came  not 
so  near  as  to  charge  each  other  with  musket  shot;  and  that 
the  English  had  greater  guns  than  the  Hollanders,  and  there- 
fore had  the  advantage,  and  prevailed.  We  had  also  certain 
Information,  that  Blake  with  twenty  or  thirty  ships  had 
joined  himself  with  the  English  fleet;  so  that  the  English 
fleet  is  now  above  130  sail  strong.  Nevertheless  we  are 
nowise  out  of  hope,  but  all  this  shall  be  repaired  again, 
and  a  fleet  put  out  to  sea,  which  shall  force  the  English  to 
go  and  keep  their  own  coast. 

The  fleet  of  merchants  bound  for  the  Eastland  lie  in  the 
Flye  four  or  five  hundred  sail,  and  are  commanded  to  stop 
and  lie  still;  but  as  soon  as  we  shall  observe  the  English 
gone  away,  the  aforesaid  Eastland  fleet  shall  put  to  sea;  as 


fore  of  the 
sea."    The 
first  of  these 
two  "  letters 
of  intelli- 
gence," 
written  from 
Holland  a 
week  after 
the  fight, 
depicts  the 
feeling  of 
the  people, 
and  shows 
incidentally 
the  wide 
commercial 
interests  of 
the  Dutch ; 
the  second 
throws  some 
light  on 
methods  of 
fighting  at 
that  time.  — 
On  the 
trouble  with 
the  Dutch  see 
American 
History  Leaf- 
lets, No.  19. 


256 


Puritan    Rule 


also  a  considerable  number  of  herring  busses;  together  with 
the  ships  appointed  for  Muscovia. 

Men  labour  here  to  extenuate  the  retreat  of  the  Holland 
fleet  (none  daring  to  call  it  a  beating)  as  much  as  is  pos- 
sible to  do.      It  was  a  misfortune  that  the  English  had 
always  the  wind  of  them,  which  gives  a  very  great  advan- 
tage, and  if  the  Hollanders  should  have  had  that  advantage 
against  the   English,   they  had   totally  routed  and  ruined 
them;  and  they  are  confidant  here,  if  there  happen  another 
encounter,  and  the  Dutch  get  the  wind  of  the  English,  that 
they  will  either  take,  or  burn,  or  sink  the  English  wholly. 
Also  that  the  Hollanders  and  Zealanders  will  prevail  in  point 
of  boarding  and  entring,  because  the  English  have  no  mind 
to  work,  being  diffident  and  fearful  of  themselves.     They 
De  Ruyter       report  that  de  Ruyter  had  once  boarded  admiral  Monck 
mandnof0the     anc^  na<^  already  driven  and  chased  all  Monck's  men  under 
Dutch  fleet      deck  and  out  of  sight,  and  that  he  had  undoubtedly  taken 
See  No.  94.     him,  had  he  not  been  succoured  and  seconded  with  five  or 
six  friggats,  by  which  means  Ruyter  was  forced  to  leave 
him.     They  say  the  English  have  no  defence  on  deck,  but 
that  the  soldiers  and  marriners  are  compelled  to  stand  there 
naked. 

They  speak  also  of  the  gunport  holes  in  the  English 
ships,  that  they  are  too  narrow,  by  which  their  ordnance 
cannot  play  but  forth  outright;  whereas  on  the  contrary 
those  of  the  Hollanders  are  wide  and  large,  by  which 
means  their  guns  have  liberty  to  turn  more  ways  than  one. 

Two  Letters  of  Intelligence,  written  from  Holland.  June  20,  1653. 
John  Thurloe,  Collection  of  State  Papers  (London,  1742),  I, 
279-282. 


Commonwealth   and   Europe   257 


87.    The  Commonwealth  and  Europe 

(1654) 

.  .  .  And  in  the  mean  time  all  endeavours  possible  were 
used  to  hinder  the  work  of  God  in  Ireland,  and  the  pro- 
gress of  the  work  '  of  God '  in  Scotland;  by  continual  intelli- 
gences and  correspondences,  both  at  home  and  abroad, 
from  hence  into  Ireland,  and  from  hence  into  Scotland. 
Persons  were  stirred  up,  from  our  divisions,  and  discom- 
posure of  affairs,  to  do  all  they  could  to  ferment  the  War 
in  both  these  places.  To  add  yet  to  our  misery,  whilst 
we  were  in  this  condition,  we  were  in  a  'foreign '  War. 
Deeply  engaged  in  War  with  the  Portuguese;  whereby  our 
Trade  ceased:  the  evil  consequences  by  that  War  were 
manifest  and  very  considerable.  And  not  only  this,  but 
we  had  a  War  with  Holland;  consuming  our  treasure; 
occasioning  a  vast  burden  upon  the  people.  A  War  that 
cost  this  Nation  full  as  much  as  the  'whole  '  Taxes  came 
unto;  the  Navy  being  a  Hundred-and-sixty  Ships,  which 
cost  this  Nation  above  100,000  1.  a-month;  besides  the 
contingencies,  which  would  make  it  120,000  1.  That  very 
one  War  did  engage  us  to  so  great  a  charge.  —  At  the  same 
time  also  we  were  in  a  War  with  France.  The  advantages 
that  were  taken  of  the  discontents  and  divisions  among  our- 
selves did  also  ferment  that  War,  and  at  least  hinder  us  of 
an  honourable  peace;  every  man  being  confident  we  could 
not  hold-out  long.  And  surely  they  did  not  calculate 
amiss,  if  the  Lord  had  not  been  exceedingly  gracious  to  us ! 
I  say,  at  the  same  time  we  had  a  War  with  France.  And 
besides  the  sufferings  in  respect  to  the  Trade  of  the  Nation, 
it's  most  evident  that  the  Purse  of  the  Nation  could  not 
have  been  able  much  longer  to  bear  it,  —  by  reason  of  the 
advantages  taken  by  the  other  States  to  improve  their  own, 
and  spoil  our  Manufacture  of  Cloth,  and  hinder  the  vent 
s 


By  OLIVER 
CROMWELL. 
See  No.  79. 
1  he  year 
1654  marks 
the  turning- 
point  in 
Cromwell's 
foreign  pol- 
icy, when  the 
interests  of 
this  world 
gained  the 
upper  hand 
over  the 
things  of  the 
spirit.    The 
measures  of 
the  next  few 
years  were 
concerned 
with  trade, 
little  with  re- 
ligion, but 
they  were 
brilliantly 
successful. 
"At  the 
death  of  the 
Protector, 
England  held 
a  rank  in  the 
eyes  of  Eu- 
rope, such  as 
she  had 
never 
reached 
since  the 
days  of  the 
Plantagenets, 
such  as  she 
has  never 
reached 
since,  but  in 
the  time  of 
Marlbor- 
ough,  Nel- 
son, and 
Wellington." 
F.  Harrison. 
This  extract 
is  from  the 
speech  which 
Cromwell 
made  at  the 


258 


Puritan    Rule 


assembling 
of  the  First 
Protectorate 
Parliament, 
September  4, 
1654. 

In  1649  the 
Puritan 
Common- 
wealth could 
count  on  the 
hostility  of 
every  impor- 
tant power 
in  Europe. 

War  with 
Holland, 
1652-1654. 

In  1654 
Whitelock 
negotiated  a 
commercial 
treaty  with 
Sweden. 


A  commer- 
cial treaty 
with  Den- 
mark, in 
1654,  opened 
to  England 
the  naval 
supplies  of 
the  Baltic 
states. 


thereof;  which  is  the  great  staple  commodity  of  this 
Nation.  Such  was  our  condition:  spoiled  in  our  Trade, 
and  we  at  this  vast  expense;  thus  dissettled  at  home,  and 
having  these  engagements  abroad.  .  .  . 

I  did  instance  the  Wars;  which  did  exhaust  your  treas- 
ure; and  put  you  into  such  a  condition  that  you  must  have 
sunk  therein,  if  it  had  continued  but  a  few  months  longer: 
this  I  can  affirm,  if  strong  probability  may  be  a  fit  ground. 
And  now  you  have,  though  it  be  not  the  first  in  time,  — 
Peace  with  Swedeland;  an  honourable  peace;  through  the 
endeavours  of  an  honourable  Person  here  present  as  the 
instrument.  I  say  you  have  an  honourable  peace  with  a 
Kingdom  which  not  many  years  since,  was  much  a  friend 
to  France,  and  lately  perhaps  inclinable  enough  to  the 
Spaniard.  And  I  believe  you  expect  not  much  good  from 
any  of  your  Catholic  neighbours;  nor  yet  that  they  would 
be  very  willing  you  should  have  a  good  understanding  with 
your  Protestant  friends.  Yet,  thanks  be  to  God,  that  Peace 
is  concluded;  and  as  I  said  before,  it  is  an  honourable 
Peace. 

You  have  a  Peace  with  the  Danes,  —  a  State  that  lay  con- 
tiguous to  that  part  of  this  Island  which  hath  given  us  the 
most  trouble.  And  certainly  if  your  enemies  abroad  be 
able  to  annoy  you,  it  is  likely  they  will  take  their  advan- 
tage (where  it  best  lies)  to  give  you  trouble  from  that 
country.  But  you  have  a  Peace  there,  and  an  honourable 
one.  Satisfaction  to  your  Merchants'  ships;  not  only  to 
their  content,  but  to  their  rejoicing.  I  believe  you  will 
easily  know  it  is  so, — 'an  honourable  peace.'  You  have 
the  Sound  open;  which  used  to  be  obstructed.  That  which 
was  and  is  the  strength  of  this  Nation,  the  Shipping,  will 
now  be  supplied  thence.  And  whereas  you  were  glad  to 
have  anything  of  that  kind  at  secondhand,  you  have  now 
all  manner  of  commerce  there,  and  at  as  much  freedom 
as  the  Dutch  themselves,  '  who  used  to  be  the  carriers  and 


Commonwealth  and   Europe    259 


venders  of  it  to  us; '  and  at  the  same  rates  and  tolls;  —  and 
I  think,  by  that  Peace,  the  said  rates  now  fixed-upon  can- 
not be  raised  to  you  '•  in  future.' 

You  have  a  Peace  with  the  Dutch :  a  Peace  unto  which  I 
shall  say  little,  seeing  it  is  so  well  known  in  the  benefit  and 
consequences  thereof.  And  I  think  it  was  as  desirable, 
and  as  acceptable  to  the  spirit  of  this  Nation,  as  any  one 
thing  that  lay  before  us.  And,  as  I  believe  nothing  so 
much  gratified  our  enemies  as  to  see  us  at  odds  '  with  that 
Commonwealth;'  so  I  persuade  myself  nothing  is  of  more 
terror  or  trouble  to  them  than  to  see  us  thus  reconciled. 
'  Truly '  as  a  Peace  with  the  Protestant  States  hath  much 
security  in  it,  so  it  hath  as  much  of  honour  and  of  assur- 
ance to  the  Protestant  Interest  abroad;  without  which  no 
assistance  can  be  given  thereunto.  I  wish  it  may  be  writ- 
ten upon  our  hearts  to  be  zealous  for  that  Interest !  For  if 
ever  it  were  like  to  come  under  a  condition  of  suffering,  it 
is  now.  In  all  the  Emperor's  Patrimonial  Territories,  the 
endeavour  is  to  drive  the  Protestant  part  of  the  people  out, 
as  fast  as  is  possible;  and  they  are  necessitated  to  run  to 
Protestant  States  to  seek  their  bread.  And  by  this  conjunc- 
tion of  Interests,  I  hope  you  will  be  in  a  more  fit  capacity 
to  help  them.  And  it  begets  some  reviving  of  their  spirits, 
that  you  will  help  them  as  opportunity  shall  serve. 

You  have  a  Peace  likewise  with  the  Crown  of  Portugal; 
which  Peace,  though  it  hung  long  in  hand,  yet  is  lately 
concluded.  It  is  a  Peace  which,  your  Merchants  make  us 
believe,  is  of  good  concernment  to  their  trade;  the  rate  of 
insurance  to  that  Country  having  been  higher;  and  so  the 
profit  which  could  bear  such  rate,  than  to  other  places. 
And  one  thing  hath  been  obtained  in  this  treaty,  which 
never  'before  '  was,  since  the  Inquisition  was  set  up  there: 
That  our  people  which  trade  thither  have  Liberty  of  Con- 
science, — '  liberty  to  worship  in  Chapels  of  their  own.' 

Indeed,  Peace  is,  as  you  were  well  told  today,  desirable 


A  treaty  with 
the  Dutch  in 
1654  secured 
the  exclusion 
of  the  Stuarts 
from  Hol- 
land and 
reparation 
for  damages 
to  English 
trade. 


A  treaty  with 
Portugal 
opened  to 
the  English 
the  trade  of 
the  Portu- 
guese colo- 
nies. 


260 


Puritan    Rule 


with  all  men,  as  far  as  it  may  be  had  with  conscience  and 
honour!  We  are  upon  a  Treaty  with  France.  And  we 
may  say  this,  That  if  God  give  us  honour  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Nations  about  us,  we  have  reason  to  bless  Him  for  it,  and 
so  to  own  it.  And  I  dare  say  that  there  is  not  a  Nation  in 
Europe  but  is  very  willing  to  ask  a  good  understanding 
with  you.  .  .  . 

Oliver  Cromwell,  Speech  to  his  First  Parliament,  1654.  Crom- 
well's Letters  and  Speeches  (edited  by  T.  Carlyle,  London, 
1870),  IV,  36-44. 


By  DANIEL 
GOOKIN, 
English 
agent,  to  John 
Thurloe, 
secretary  of 
state  under 
the  Common- 
wealth and 
Protectorate. 


It  was  Crom- 
well's wish  to 
further  the 
interests  of 
the  Puritan 
colonists, 
and  at  the 
same  time 
strengthen 
the  "godly  " 
party  by 
transplanting 
them  to  im- 
portant dis- 
tricts. 

Already  he 
had  sought 
to  induce 
them  to 


88.    A  Colonial   Scheme  of  Oliver  Crom- 
well (1656) 

Right  Honorable. 

Since  my  arrival  in  New  England,  which  was  the  aoth 
of  January  last,  I  wrote  two  letters  by  way  of  Barbadoes, 
and  this  3d  also  the  same  way,  being  destitute  of  a  direct 
conveyance  from  hence.  The  sum  of  the  2  first  were  to 
inform  your  honour  of  my  arrivall  here,  and  of  a  little 
motion,  that  I  had  then  made  in  his  highnesse's  affayres; 
but  the  sharpness  of  the  winter  prevented  my  travill  into 
other  colonies.  But  I  procured  a  meeting  of  the  council 
of  this  colony  March  the  7th,  being  the  soonest  they  mett, 
although  the  governour  called  them  a  month  before;  but  in 
the  interval  between  my  arival  and  the  counsel's  meeting, 
I  endeavoured  to  make  knowne,  as  far  as  I  could,  the  sum 
of  his  highness  desires;  but  their  was  litle  done  during 
that  season,  for  the  forementioned  reson,  but  after  the 
counsell  of  this  colony  mett,  and  I  had  delivered  his  high- 
ness letters,  and  declared  the  cause  of  my  coming,  they 
thankfully  accepted,  and  readily  made  an  order  for  the 
promotion  thereof,  requiring  their  officers  to  attend  my 
motions  in  the  publishing  the  same.  Whereupon,  I  did 


A   Colonial   Scheme        261 


forthwith  cause  a  short  declaration  to  be  printed  and  pub- 
lished unto  all  the  towns  and  plantations  of  the  English, 
not  only  in  this,  but  other  colonys,  (the  copie  of  which 
printed  paper  and  order  I  have  inclosed)  and  together 
therewith  I  procured  and  imployed  persons  of  trust  in 
severall  parts  (where  I  could  not  be  in  person)  to  promote 
the  business  and  take  subscriptions.  Shortly  after  this 
was  done  in  mid  Aprill  (as  soone  as  the  waies  were  well 
passable)  I  tooke  my  journey  to  the  colonies  of  Conecticut 
and  New  Haven  (about  150  miles,  for  the  most  part  through 
the  woods)  and  unto  the  magistrates  of  those  colonies 
declared  my  busines,  delivering  his  highnes  letters  to  Mr. 
Eaton,  etc.  They  all  thankfully  accepted  his  great  love, 
manifesting  themselves  very  ready  to  further  the  worke  in 
the  West  Indies,  which  they  trust  is  of  God.  But  as  for 
this  place  of  Jamaica  now  tendred,  the  minds  of  most  were 
averse  at  present,  for  as  much  as  at  that  very  season  their 
came  divers  letters  from  thence  smgnifieing  the  sore  afflict- 
ing hand  of  God  in  the  mortalitie  of  the  English  upon  the 
Island,  in  so  much  that  of  8000  and  upward,  that  landed 
there,  there  was  not  living  above  one  halfe;  and  those  very 
weake,  and  lowe,  and  many  of  them  dicing  daily,  wherein 
also  was  related  the  death  of  major  general  Fortescue,  Mr. 
Gage,  and  divers  others.  These  tydings  are  a  very  great 
discouragement  unto  the  most  and  best  persons,  which 
otherwise  would  have  ingaged  to  remove;  only  some  few 
families  have  subscribed,  but  not  considerable.  If  the 
Lord  please  to  give  the  state  either  Hispaniola,  Cuba,  or 
any-other  helthful  place,  I  have  good  reason  to  beeleve,  that 
sundry  persons  of  worth,  yea  and  some  whole  Churches 
would  remove  from  hence  into  those  parts.  .  .  .  For  the  pres- 
ent their  are  some  few  godly  discrett  persons,  that  intend  to 
pass  theither  in  a  ship  of  the  states  called  the  Hope,  whereof 
one  Martin  is  comander,  which  is  now  here  ladeing  masts 
for  the  fleet.  These  persons  leave  there  familie  here;  and 


remove  to 
Ireland, 
where  his 
arms  had 
conquered  a 
peace.     He 
now  strove 
to  turn  their 
minds 
toward  his 
new  con- 
quest, the 
rich  island  of 
Jamaica, 
promising 
them  that 
they  should 
have  the 
government 
in  their  own 
hands.     He 
declared  to 
the  agent  for 
the  colonies 
in  England 
that  he  be- 
lieved that 
"  the  people 
of  New  Eng- 
land had  as 
clear  a  call 
to  transport 
themselves 
from  thence 
to  Jamaica, 
as  they  had 
from  Eng- 
land to  New 
England  in 
order  to  the 
bettering 
their  outward 
condition, 
God  having 
promised  his 
people 
should  be 
the  head, 
and  not  the 
tail ;  besides 
that  design 
hath  its  ten- 
dency to  the 
overturn  of 
the  man  of 
Sin." 


262  Puritan    Rule 

if  it  shall  please  God  to  cary  them  safe,  and  that  the  island 
be  liked  by  them  (as  I  hope  it  may)  then  upon  their  returne 
and  inteligence,  'tis  probable,  that  many  will  remove.  .  .  . 
There  is  one  thing,  that  I  desire  to  mention  to  your  honour, 
that  is,  an  objection  I  mett  with  from  some  principal  per- 
sons, that  incline  to  transplant,  and  indeed  the  motions  of 
such  will  draw  or  hinder  many.  If  his  highness  see  cause 
to  remove  it,  'tis  probable  it  may  further  the  work.  They 
say,  there  is  no  incouradgment  in  the  propositions  for  min- 
isters or  men  of  place,  but  what  is  equall  with  other  men. 
Now  if  a  minister  and  people  remove,  the  people  wil  not 
be  in  a  capacity,  untill  they  are  setled,  to  maintayne  their 
ministers,  for  as  much  as  they  cannot  cary  their  estates  from 
hence,-  being  it  principally  consists  in  land  and  cattle. 
Now  if  there  were  some  annual  allowance  made  unto  such 
persons  for  a  f ew  yeares,  untill  the  people  recruite,  or  other 
waies  be  contrived,  it  would  then  take  of  that  hinderance. 
Thus  I  have,  as  breefly  as  I  may,  perticulerly  signified 
unto  your  honour,  the  sume  of  what  is  hetherto  done.  I 
am  hartily  sorry,  that  my  service  hath  beene  hetherunto  so 
In  the  end  unprofitable  to  his  highness  and  the  state  .  .  .  but  yet  I  am 
only  a  few  not  out  of  hope,  that  his  highness  pious  intentions  and 

accepted  the 

invitation.  motions  in  this  great  worke,  both  in  the  West  Indies,  and 
elsewhere,  shal  be  owned  and  crowned  with  the  Lord's 
blessing  in  his  best  season.  .  .  . 

I  remaine  desirous  to  be, 
sir, 

his  highnes  and  your  honer's 

most  humble  and  faithful  servant. 

DANIEL  GOOKIN. 
Cambridge,  in  New  England, 
May  loth,  1656. 

John  Thurloe,  A   Collection  of  State  Papers   (London,   1752), 
V,  6,  7. 


Cromwell 


263 


89.    Cromwell  (1658) 

He  without  noise  still  travelled  to  his  end, 
As  silent  suns  to  meet  the  night  descend; 
The  stars  that  for  him  fought,  had  only  power 
Left  to  determine  now  his  fatal  hour, 
Which  since  they  might  not  hinder,  yet  they  cast 
To  choose  it  worthy  of  his  glories  past. 
No  part  of  time  but  bare  his  mark  away 
Of  honour,  — all  the  year  was  Cromwell's  day; 
But  this,  of  all  the  most  auspicious  found, 
Twice  had  in  open  field  him  victor  crowned, 
When  up  the  armed  mountains  of  Dunbar 
He  marched,  and  through  deep  Severn,  ending  war : 
What  day  should  him  eternize,  but  the  same 
That  had  before  immortalized  his  name, 
That  so  whoe'er  would  at  his  death  have  joyed, 
In  their  own  griefs  might  find  themselves  employed, 
But  those  that  sadly  his  departure  grieved, 
Yet  joyed,  remembering  what  he  once  achieved? 


O  Cromwell!  Heaven's  favourite,  to  none, 
Have  such  high  honours  from  above  been  shown, 
For  whom  the  elements  we  mourners  see, 
And  Heaven  itself  would  the  great  herald  be, 
Which  with  more  care  set  forth  his  obsequies 
Than  those  of  Moses,  hid  from  human  eyes; 
As  jealous  only  here,  lest  all  be  less 
Than  we  could  to  his  memory  express. 

Then  let  us  too  our  course  of  mourning  keep; 
Where  Heaven  leads,  'tis  piety  to  weep. 
Stand  back  ye  seas,  and  shrunk  beneath  the  veil 
Of  your  abyss,  with  covered  head  bewail 


By  ANDREW 
MARVELL 
(1621-1678), 
poet  and 
satirist.     His 
sympathies 
were  with  the 
parliamen- 
tary cause, 
and  in  1657 
he  was 
appointed 
Milton's 
colleague  in 
the  Latin 
secretary- 
ship.    See 
No.  84. 
After  the 
Restoration 
he  sat  in  the 
Cavalier 
Parliament, 
but  his  en- 
ergies were 
spent  mainly 
in  writing 
political 
satires,  few 
of  which 
were  pub- 
lished during 
his  lifetime. 

Cromwell 
died  on  "  his 
day  of  tri- 
umph, the 
3d  of  Sep- 
tember, the 
day  of  Dun- 
bar  and  of 
Worcester." 

Reference  to 
the  historic 
storm  of 
August  30, 
1658. 


264 


Puritan   Rule 


Your  monarch  :  we  demand  not  your  supplies 
To  compass-in  our  isle,  —  our  tears  suffice, 
Since  him  away  the  dismal  tempest  rent, 
Who  once  more  joined  us  to  the  continent; 
Who  planted  England  on  the  Flanderic  shore, 
Reference  to  And  stretched  our  frontier  to  the  Indian  ore; 

Whose  greater  truths  obscure  the  fables  old, 
Whether  of  British  saints  or  worthies  told, 
And  in  a  valour  lessening  Arthur's  deeds, 
For  holiness  the  Confessor  exceeds. 

He  first  put  arms  into  Religion's  hand, 
And  timorous  conscience  unto  courage  manned; 
The  soldier  taught  that  inward  mail  to  wear, 
And  fearing  God,  how  they  should  nothing  fear; 
Those  strokes,  he  said,  will  pierce  through  all  below, 
Where  those  that  strike  from  Heaven  fetch  their  blow. 
Astonished  armies  did  their  flight  prepare, 
And  cities  strong  were  stormed  by  his  prayer; 
Of  that  forever  Preston's  field  shall  tell 
The  story,  and  impregnable  Clonmel, 
And  where  the  sandy  mountain  Fenwick  scaled, 
The  sea  between,  yet  hence  his  prayer  prevailed. 
What  man  was  ever  so  in  Heaven  obeyed 
Since  the  commanded  sun  o'er  Gideon  stayed? 
In  all  his  wars  needs  must  he  triumph,  when 
He  conquered  God,  still  ere  he  fought  with  men: 
Hence,  though  in  battle  none  so  brave  or  fierce, 
Yet  him  the  adverse  steel  could  never  pierce; 
Pity  it  seemed  to  hurt  him  more,  that  felt 
Each  wound  himself  which  he  to  others  dealt, 
Danger  itself  refusing  to  offend 
I      So  loose  an  enemy,  so  fast  a  friend. 

Andrew  Marvell.  A  Poem  upon  the  Death  of  his  Late  Highness^ 
the  Lord  Protector.     Poetical  Works  (Boston,  1857),  160-163. 


CHAPTER   XIV  — THE   STUART 
RESTORATION 


90.    The  Return  of  Charles  II  (1660) 

[  "TV  /FAY]  23rd.  .  .  .  All  day  nothing  but  Lords  and  per- 
IV J.  sons  of  honour  on  board,  that  we  were  exceedingly 
full.  Dined  in  a  great  deal  of  state,  the  Royall  company 
by  themselves  in  the  coach,  which  was  a  blessed  sight  to 
see.  I  dined  with  Dr.  Clerke,  Dr.  Quarterman,  and  Mr. 
Darcy  in  my  cabin.  This  morning  Mr.  Lucy  came  on 
board,  to  whom  and  his  company  of  the  King's  Guard  in 
another  ship  my  Lord  did  give  three  dozen  of  bottles  of 
wine.  He  made  friends  between  Mr.  Pierce  and  me. 
After  dinner  the  King  and  Duke  altered  the  name  of 
some  of  the  ships,  viz.  the  Nazeby  into  Charles;  the 
Richard,  James  ;  the  Speaker,  Mary;  .  .  .  That  done, 
the  Queen,  Princess  Royal,  and  Prince  of  Orange, 
took  leave  of  the  King,  and  the  Duke  of  York  went 
on  board  the  London,  and  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  the 
Swiftsure.  Which  done,  we  weighed  anchor,  and  with  a 
fresh  gale  and  most  happy  weather  we  set  sail  for  England. 
All  the  afternoon  the  King  walked  here  and  there,  up  and 
down  (quite  contrary  to  what  I  thought  him  to  have  been), 
very  active  and  stirring.  Upon  the  quarter-deck  he  fell 
into  discourse  of  his  escape  from  Worcester,  where  it  made 
me  ready  to  weep  to  hear  the  stories  that  he  told  of  his 
difficulties  that  he  had  passed  through,  as  his  travelling 
four  days  and  three  nights  on  foot,  every  step  up  to  his 
knees  in  dirt,  with  nothing  but  a  green  coat  and  a  pair  of 
country  breeches  on,  and  a  pair  of  country  shoes  that  made 

265 


By  SAMUEL 

PEPYS  (1633- 

1703) ,  clerk 
in  the  navy 
office  in  the 
reign  of 
Charles  II, 
and  secretary 
of  the  Admi- 
ralty under 
James  II. 
In  1660, 
Pepys  was 
appointed 
secretary  to 
Sir  Edward 
Montague  on 
his  expedi- 
tion to  bring 
about  the 
restoration  of 
Charles  II. 
Thus  it  hap- 
pened that  he 
was  one  of 
the  company 
that  brought 
the  young 
king  to 
Dover. 
During  the 
years  1659- 
1669  Pepys 
kept  a  diary, 
which  is 
invaluable  to 
the  student  of 
the  social 
life  and 
manners  of 
the  time. 

My  Lord  = 

Sir  Edward 
Montague, 


266    The   Stuart    Restoration 


later  Earl  of 
Sandwich. 

The  Duke  = 
the  Duke  of 
York. 


I.e.  boot  hose 
tops. 


Hollis  was 
one  of  the 
commission- 
ers sent  by 
Parliament  to 
wait  on 
Charles  II  at 
the  Hague. 
See  Nos.  72 
and  78. 


him  so  sore  all  over  his- feet,  that  he  could  scarce  stir.  Yet 
he  was  forced  to  run  away  from  a  miller  and  other  company, 
that  took  them  for  rogues.  His  sitting  at  table  at  one  place, 
where  the  master  of  the  house,  that  had  not  seen  him  in 
eight  years,  did  know  him,  but  kept  it  private;  when  at  the 
same  table  there  was  one  that  had  been  of  his  own  regiment 
at  Worcester,  could  not  know  him,  but  made  him  drink  the 
King's  health,  and  said  that  the  King  was  at  least  four 
fingers  higher  than  he.  At  another  place  he  was  by  some 
servants  of  the  house  made  to  drink,  that  they  might  know 
him  not  to  be  a  Roundhead,  which  they  swore  he  was.  In 
another  place  at  his  inn,  the  master  of  the  house,  as  the 
King  was  standing  with  his  hands  upon  the  back  of  a  chair 
by  the  fire-side,  kneeled  down  and  kissed  his  hand,  pri- 
vately, saying,  that  he  would  not  ask  him  who  he  was,  but 
bid  God  bless  him  whither  he  was  going.  Then  the  diffi- 
culty of  getting  a  boat  to  get  into  France,  where  he  was 
fain  to  plot  with  the  master  thereof  to  keep  his  design  from 
the  four  men  and  a  boy  (which  was  all  his  ship's  company), 
and  so  got  to  Fecamp  in  France.  At  Rouen  he  looked  so 
poorly,  that  the  people  went  into  the  rooms  before  he  went 
away  to  see  whether  he  had  not  stole  something  or  other.  .  .  . 

24th.  Up,  and  made  myself  as  fine  as  I  could,  with  the 
linning  stockings  on  and  wide  canons  that  I  bought  the 
other  day  at  Hague.  Extraordinary  press  of  noble  com- 
pany, and  great  mirth  all  the  day.  There  dined  with  me 
in  my  cabin  (that  is,  the  carpenter's)  Dr.  Earle  and  Mr. 
Hollis,  the  King's  Chaplins.  .  .  .  I  was  called  to  write  a  pass 
for  my  Lord  Mandeville  to  take  up  horses  to  London,  which 
I  wrote  in  the  King's  name,  and  carried  it  to  him  to  sign, 
which  was  the  first  and  only  one  that  he  ever  signed  in  the 
ship  Charles.  To  bed,  coming  in  sight  of  land  a  little 
before  night. 

25th.  By  the  morning  we  were  come  close  to  the  land, 
and  every  body  made  ready  to  get  on  shore.  The  King  and 


Return   of  Charles   II      267 

the  two  Dukes  did  eat  their  breakfast  before  they  went, 
and  there  being  set  some  ship's  diet  before  them,  only  to 
show  them  the  manner  of  the  ship's  diet,  they  eat  of  nothing 
else  but  pease  and  pork,  and  boiled  beef.  I  had  Mr.  Darcy 
in  my  cabin  and  Dr.  Clerke,  who  eat  with  me,  told  me  how 
the  King  had  given  ,£50  to  Mr.  Sheply  for  my  Lord's  ser- 
vants, and  ^500  among  the  officers  and  common  men  of 
the  ship.  I  spoke  with  the  Duke  of  York  about  business, 
who  called  me  Pepys  by  name,  and  upon  my  desire  did 
promise  me  his  future  favour.  Great  expectation  of  the 
King's  making  some  Knights,  but  there  was  none.  About 
noon  (though  the  brigantine  that  Beale  made  was  there 
ready  to  carry  him)  yet  he  would  go  in  my  Lord's  barge 
with  the  two  Dukes.  Our  Captain  steered,  and  my  Lord 
went  along  bare  with  him.  I  went,  and  Mr.  Mansell,  and 
one  of  the  King's  footmen,  with  a  dog  that  the  King  loved,  See  No.  91. 
...  in  a  boat  by  ourselves,  and  so  got  on  shore  when  the 
King  did,  who  was  received  by  General  Monk  with  all 
imaginable  love  and  respect  at  his  entrance  upon  the  land 
of  Dover.  Infinite  the  crowd  and  the  horsemen,  citizens, 
and  noblemen  of  all  sorts.  The  Mayor  of  the  town  came 
and  gave  him  his  white  staff,  the  badge  of  his  place,  which 
the  King  did  give  him  again.  The  Mayor  also  presented  him 
from  the  town  a  very  rich  Bible,  which  he  took  and  said  it 
was  the  thing  that  he  loved  above  all  things  in  the  world. 
A  canopy  was  provided  for  him  to  stand  under,  which  he 
did,  and  talked  awhile  with  General  Monk  and  others,  and 
so  into  a  stately  coach  there  set  for  him,  and  so  away 
through  the  town  towards  Canterbury,  without  making  any 
stay  at  Dover.  The  shouting  and  joy  expressed  by  all  is 
past  imagination.  .  .  . 

Samuel   Pepys,   Diary  (edited   by   H.    B.  Wheatley,   London, 
I893)>  I>  I55-162- 


268     The    Stuart    Restoration 


Charles  II's 
love  of  dogs 
is  well 
known. 
See  No.  90. 
Also  Roch- 
ester's satire, 
"  His  very 
dog  at 
Connal- 
board 
Sits  grave 
and  wise  as 
any  lord." 
History  of 
Insiplds. 

The  first  of 
these  adver- 
tisements 
was  probably 
written  by 
the  John 
Ellis  men- 
tioned in  it, 
but  the  sec- 
ond shows 
the  hand  of 
the  witty 
king  himself. 


91.    Charles  II  and  His  Dogs  (1660) 

A  Smooth  Black  DOG,  less  than  a  Greyhound,  with  white 
under  his  breast,  belonging  to  the  King's  Majesty,  was  taken 
from  Whitehal,  the  eighteenth  day  of  this  instant  June,  or 
thereabout.  If  any  one  can  give  notice  to  John  Ellis,  one 
of  his  Majesties  Servants,  or  to  his  Majesties  Back-Stayrs, 
shal  be  well  rewarded  for  their  labour. 

Mercurius  Publicus,  June  — ,  1660. 
28 

We  must  call  upon  you  again  for  a  Black  Dog  between  a 
Greyhound  and  a  Spaniel,  no  white  about  him  onely  a  streak 
on  his  Brest  and  his  Tayl  a  little  bobbed.  It  is  His  Majes- 
ties own  Dog,  and  doubtles  was  stoln,  for  the  Dog  was  not 
born  nor  bred  in  England,  and  would  never  forsake  his 
Master.  Whosoever  findes  him  may  acquaint  any  at  White- 
hal, for  the  Dog  was  better  known  at  Court  than  those  who 
stole  him.  Will  they  never  leave  robbing  His  Majesty? 
Must  he  not  keep  a  Dog?  This  Dog's  place  (though  better 
than  some  imagine)  is  the  only  place  which  nobody  offers 
to  beg. 

une  28 


Mercurius  Publicus, 


July  5 


!,i66o. 


By  GILBERT 
BUR NET 
(1643-1715), 
a  learned 
and  broad- 
minded 
Scotch 
clergyman. 
He  took  an 
important 
part  in  the 
Revolution  of 


92.    The  Five  Mile  Act  (1665) 

England  was  at  this  time  in  a  dismal  state.  The  plague 
continued  for  the  most  part  of  the  summer  in  and  about 
London,  and  began  to  spread  over  the  country.  The  earl 
of  Clarendon  moved  the  king  to  go  to  Salisbury.  But  the 
plague  broke  out  there.  So  the  court  went  to  Oxford, 
where  another  session  of  parliament  was  held.  And  tho' 


The    Five   Mile   Act        269 


the  conduct  at  sea  was  severely  reflected  on,  yet  all  that 
was  necessary  for  carrying  on  the  war  another  year  was 
given.  The  house  of  commons  kept  up  the  ill-humour  they 
were  in  against  the  non-conformists  very  high.  A  great 
many  of  the  ministers  of  London  were  driven  away  by  the 
plague;  tho'  some  few  staid.  Many  churches  being  shut 
up,  when  the  inhabitants  were  in  a  more  than  ordinary  dis- 
position to  profit  by  good  sermons,  some  of  the  non-con- 
formists upon  that  went  into  the  empty  pulpits,  and 
preached;  and,  it  was  given  out,  with  very  good  success: 
and  in  many  other  places  they  began  to  preach  openly,  not 
reflecting  on  the  sins  of  the  court,  and  on  the  ill  usage  that 
they  themselves  had  met  with.  This  was  represented  very 
odiously  at  Oxford.  So  a  severe  bill  was  brought  in, 
requiring  all  the  silenced  ministers  to  take  an  oath,  declar- 
ing it  was  not  lawful  on  any  pretence  whatsoever  to  take 
arms  against  the  king,  or  any  commissioned  by  him,  and 
that  they  would  not  at  any  time  endeavour  an  alteration  in 
the  government  of  the  church  or  state.  Such  as  refused  this 
were  not  to  come  within  five  miles  of  any  city,  or  parlia- 
ment borough,  or  of  the  church  where  they  had  served. 
This  was  much  opposed  in  both  houses,  but  more  faintly  in 
the  house  of  commons.  The  earl  of  Southampton  spoke 
vehemently  against  it  in  the  house  of  lords.  He  said,  he 
could  take  no  such  oath  himself:  for  how  firm  soever  he 
had  always  been  to  the  church,  yet,  as  things  were  managed, 
he  did  not  know  but  he  himself  might  see  cause  to  endeav- 
our an  alteration.  Doctor  Earl,  bishop  of  Salisbury,  died 
at  that  time.  But,  before  his  death,  he  declared  himself 
much  against  this  act.  He  was  the  man,  of  all  the  clergy, 
for  whom  the  king  had  the  greatest  esteem.  He  had  been 
his  subtutor,  and  had  followed  him  in  all  his  exile  with  so 
clear  a  character,  that  the  king  could  never  see  or  hear  of 
any  one  thing  amiss  in  him.  So  he,  who  had  a  secret 
pleasure  in  finding  out  any  thing  that  lessened  a  man 


1688,  and 
was  re- 
warded with 
the  bishopric 
of  Salisbury. 
In  spite  of 
his  political 
activity  he 
was  consci- 
entious in 
the  woik  of 
his  office. 
His  influence 
was  always 
on  the  side 
of  toleration. 
His  most 
important 
work  was  the 
History  of  his 
Own  limes,  a 
candid  and 
fairly  accu- 
rate record 
of  the  period. 

The  Bishop 
of  London 
ordered  the 
ministers  to 
return  dn 
pain  of  for- 
feiting their 
offices. 

"  Silf  need 
ministers," 
i.e.  those  who 
had  been 
driven  from 
the  church  in 
1662  for  re- 
fusing to  take 
the  oaths  re- 
quired by  the 
Act  of  Uni- 
formity. 


270    The   Stuart  Restoration 


By  SAMUEL 
PEPVS. 
See  No.  90. 
"  The  ruins 
of  the  city 
were  436 
acres  (viz. 
373  within 
the  walls, 
and  63  with- 


esteemed  eminent  for  piety,  yet  had  a  value  for  him  beyond 
all  the  men  of  his  order.  Sheldon  and  Ward  were  the 
bishops  that  acted  and  argued  most  for  this  act,  which  came 
to  be  called  the  five  mile  act.  All  that  were  the  secret 
favourers  of  popery  promoted  it  :  their  constant  maxim 
being,  to  bring  all  the  sectaries  into  so  desperate  a  state, 
that  they  should  be  at  mercy,  and  forced  to  desire  a  tolera- 
tion on  such  terms,  as  the  king  should  think  fit  to  grant  it 
on.  .  .  .  The  act  pass'd:  and  the  non-conformists  were 
put  to  great  straits.  They  had  no  mind  to  take  the  oath. 
And  they  scarce  knew  how  to  dispose  of  themselves  accord- 
ing to  the  terms  of  the  act.  Some  moderate  men  took 
pains  to  persuade  them  to  take  the  oath.  It  was  said  by 
"endeavour,"  was  only  meant  an  unlawful  endeavour;  and 
that  it  was  so  declared  in  the  debates  of  both  houses.  Some 
judges  did  on  the  bench  expound  it  in  that  sense.  Yet  few 
of  them  took  it.  Many  more  refused  it,  who  were  put  to 
hard  shifts  to  live,  being  so  far  separated  from  the  places 
from  which  they  drew  their  chief  subsistance.  Yet  as  all 
this  severity  in  a  time  of  war,  and  of  such  a  publick 
calamity,  drew  very  hard  censures  on  the  promoters  of  it, 
so  it  raised  the  compassions  of  their  party  so  much,  that  I 
have  been  told  they  were  supplied  more  plentifully  at  that 
time  than  ever.  .  .  . 

Gilbert   Burnet,   History  of  his   Own   Times  (London,    1809), 
I»  3H-3I7- 


93.    The  Great  Fire   (1666) 

[September]  2d  (Lord's  day.).  Some  of  our  mayds  sitting 
up  late  last  night  to  get  things  ready  against  our  feast 
to-day,  Jane  called  us  up  about  three  in  the  morning,  to 
tell  us  of  a  great  fire  they  saw  in  the  City.  So  I  rose  and 
slipped  on  my  night-gowne,  and  went  to  her  window;  and 


The   Great   Fire 


271 


thought  it  to  be  on  the  back-side  of  Marke-lane  at  the 
farthest;  but,  being  unused  to  such  fires  as  followed,  I 
thought  it  far  enough  off;  and  so  went  to  bed  again,  and  to 
sleep.  About  seven  rose  again  to  dress  myself,  and  there 
looked  out  at  the  window,  and  saw  the  fire  not  so  much  as 
it  was  and  further  off.  So  to  my  closett  to  set  things  to 
rights  after  yesterday's  cleaning.  By  and  by  Jane  comes 
and  tells  me  that  she  hears  that  above  300  houses  have  been 
burned  down  to-night  by  the  fire  we  saw,  and  that  it  is  now 
burning  down  all  Fish-street,  by  London  Bridge.  So  I 
made  myself  ready  presently,  and  walked  to  the  Tower, 
and  there  got  up  upon  one  of  the  high  places,  Sir  J.  Robin- 
son's little  son  going  up  with  me;  and  there  I  did  see  the 
houses  at  that  end  of  the  bridge  all  on  fire,  and  an  infinite 
great  fire  on  this  and  the  other  side  the  end  of  the  bridge; 
which,  among  other  people,  did  trouble  me  for  poor  little 
Michell  and  our  Sarah  on  the  bridge.  So  down,  with  my 
heart  full  of  trouble,  to  the  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  who 
tells  me  that  it  begun  this  morning  in  the  King's  baker's 
house  in  Pudding-lane,  and  that  it  hath  burned  St. 
Magnus'  Church  and  most  part  of  Fish-street  already.  So 
I  down  to  the  water-side,  and  there  got  a  boat  and  through 
bridge,  and  there  saw  a  lamentable  fire.  Poor  Michell' s 
house,  as  far  as  the  Old  Swan,  already  burned  that  way,  and 
the  fire  running  further,  that  in  a  very  little  time  it  got 
as  far  as  the  Steele-yard,  while  I  was  there.  Everybody 
endeavouring  to  remove  their  goods,  and  flinging  into  the 
river  or  bringing  them  into  lighters  that  lay  off;  poor 
people  staying  in  their  houses  as  long  as  till  the  very  fire 
touched  them,  and  then  running  into  boats,  or  clambering 
from  one  pair  of  stairs  by  the  waterside  to  another.  And, 
among  other  things,  the  poor  pigeons,  I  perceive,  were  loth 
to  leave  their  houses,  but  hovered  about  the  windows  and 
balconys,  till  they  were,  some  of  them  burned,  their  wings, 
and  fell  down.  Having  staid,  and  in  an  hour's  time  seen  the 


out  them ,  but 
within  the 
liberties)  ;   of 
the  six  and 
twenty  wards 
it  utterly  de- 
stroyed fif- 
teen, and  left 
eight  others 
shattered 
and  half 
burnt ;  it 
consumed 
eighty-nine 
churches, 
four  of  the 
city  gates, 
Guildhall, 
many  public 
structures, 
hospitals, 
schools, 
libraries,  a 
great  number 
of  stately 
edifices, 
13,200  dwell- 
ing-houses, 
and  460 
streets." 
From  the 
inscription 
on  a  monu- 
ment erected 
in  1671  near 
Pudding 
Lane,  to 
commemo- 
rate ihe  fire. 
—  On  the  fire, 
see  J.  Evelyn, 
Diary. 


"  It  is  not, 
indeed,  im- 
aginable how 
extraordi- 
nary the  vigi- 
lance and 
activity  of  the 
King  and 
Duke  was, 
even  labour- 
ing in  per- 
son." Evelyn. 


Sir  Thomas 
Bludworth. 


• 
272     The   Stuart   Restoration 

fire  rage  every  way;  and  nobody,  to  my  sight,  endeavouring 
to  quench  it,  but  to  remove  their  goods,  and  leave  all  to  the 
fire;  and  having  seen  it  get  as  far  as  the  Steele-yard,  and  the 
wind  mighty  high  and  driving  it  into  the  City;  and  every- 
thing after  so  long  a  drought,  proving  combustible,  even  the 
very  stones  of  churches;  ...  I  to  White  Hall  with  a  gentle- 
man with  me  (who  desired  to  go  off  from  the  Tower,  to  see 
the  fire,  in  my  boat);  to  White  Hall,  and  there  up  to  the 
King's  closett  in  the  Chappell,  where  people  come  about  me, 
and  I  did  give  them  an  account  dismayed  them  all,  and 
word  was  carried  in  to  the  King.  So  I  was  called  for,  and 
did  tell  the  King  and  Duke  of  Yorke  what  I  saw,  and  that 
unless  his  Majesty  did  command  houses  to  be  pulled  down, 
nothing  could  stop  the  fire.  They  seemed  much  troubled, 
and  the  King  commanded  me  to  go  to  my  Lord  Mayor  from 
him,  and  command  him  to  spare  no  houses,  but  to  pull 
down  before  the  fire  every  way.  The  Duke  of  York  bid  me 
tell  him,  that  if  he  would  have  any  more  soldiers  he  shall; 
and  so  did  my  Lord  Arlington  afterwards,  as  a  great  secret. 
Here  meeting  with  Captain  Cocke,  I  in  his  coach,  which 
he  lent  me,  and  Creed  with  me  to  Paul's,  and  there  walked 
along  Watling-street,  as  well  as  I  could,  every  creature 
coming  away  loaden  with  goods  to  save,  and  here  and  there, 
sicke  people  carried  away  in  beds.  Extraordinary  good 
goods  carried  in  carts  and  on  backs.  At  last  met  my  Lord 
Mayor  in  Canning-street,  like  a  man  spent,  with  a  hand- 
kercher  about  his  neck.  To  the  King's  message,  he  cried, 
like  a  fainting  woman,  "Lord!  what  can  I  do?  I  am 
spent:  people  will  not  obey  me.  I  have  been  pulling  down 
houses,  but  the  fire  overtakes  us  faster  than  we  can  do  it." 
That  he  needed  no  more  soldiers;  and  that,  for  himself,  he 
must  go  and  refresh  himself,  having  been  up  all  night.  So 
he  left  me,  and  I  him,  and  walked  home,  seeing  people  all 
almost  distracted,  and  no  manner  of  means  used  to  quench 
the  fire.  The  houses,  too,  so  very  thick  thereabouts,  and 


The   Great  Fire  273 


full  of  matter  for  burning,  as  pitch  and  tarr,  in  Thames- 
street  ;  and  warehouses  of  oyle,  and  wines,  and  brandy, 
and  other  things.  ...  By  this  time  it  was  about  twelve 
o'clock;  and  so  home,  and  there  find  my  guests,  which  was 
Mr.  Wood  and  his  wife  Barbary  Shelden,  and  also  Mr. 
Moone :  she  mighty  fine,  and  her  husband,  for  aught  I  see, 
a  likely  man.  But  Mr.  Moone' s  design  and  mine,  which 
was  to  look  over  my  closett,  and  please  him  with  the  sight 
thereof,  which  he  hath  long  desired,  was  wholly  disap- 
pointed; for  we  were  in  great  trouble  and  disturbance  at 
this  fire,  not  knowing  what  to  think  of  it.  However,  we 
had  an  extraordinary  good  dinner,  and  as  merry  as  at  this 
time  we  could  be.  While  at  dinner  Mrs.  Batelier  come 
to  enquire  after  Mr.  Woolfe  and  Stanes  (who,  it  seems,  are 
related  to  them),  whose  houses  in  Fish-street  are  all  burned, 
and  they  in  a  sad  condition.  She  would  not  stay  in  the 
fright.  Soon  as  dined,  I  and  Moone  away,  and  walked 
through  the  City,  the  streets  full  of  nothing  but  people  and 
horses  and  carts  loaden  with  goods,  ready  to  run  over  one 
another,  and  removing  goods  from  one  burned  house  to 
another.  They  now  removing  out  of  Canning-streete  (which 
received  goods  in  the  morning)  into  Lumbard-streete,  and 
further,  and,  among  others  I  now  saw  my  little  goldsmith, 
Stokes  receiving  some  friend's  goods,  whose  house  itself 
was  burned  the  day  after.  We  parted  at  Paul's;  he  home, 
and  I  to  Paul's  Wharf,  where  I  had  appointed  a  boat  to 
attend  me,  and  took  in  Mr.  Carcasse  and  his  brother, 
whom  I  met  in  the  streete,  and  carried  them  below  and 
above  bridge  to  and  again  to  see  the  fire,  which  was 
now  got  further,  both  below  and  above,  and  no  likelihood 
of  stopping  it.  Met  with  the  King  and  Duke  of  York  in 
their  barge,  and  with  them  to  Queenhithe,  and  there  called 
Sir  Richard  Browne  to  them.  Their  order  was  only  to  pull 
down  houses  apace,  and  so  below  bridge  at  the  water-side; 
but  little  was  or  could  be  done,  the  fire  coming  upon  them 
T 


274    The  Stuart   Restoration 


A  musical 
instrument, 
similar  to  a 
spinet.     It  is 
supposed  to 
have  gained 
its  name 
from  the  fact 
that  young 
women 
played  it. 


so  fast.  Good  hopes  there  was  of  stopping  it  at  the  Three 
Cranes  above,  and  at  Buttolph's  Wharf  below  bridge,  if 
care  be  used;  but  the  wind  carries  it  into  the  City,  so  as 
we  know  not  by  the  water-side  what  it  do  there.  River 
full  of  lighters  and  boats  taking  in  goods,  and  good  goods 
swimming  in  the  water,  and  only  I  observed  that  hardly 
one  lighter  or  boat  in  three  that  had  the  goods  of  a  house 
in,  but  there  was  a  pair  of  Virginalls  in  it. 

Samuel  Pepys,  Diary  (edited  by  H.  B.  Wheatley,  London,  1895), 
5,  417-421. 


By  JOHN 
EVELYN 
(1620-1706), 
a  gentleman 
of  literary 
and  scientific 
tastes,  and  a 
friend  of 
Pepys.   See 
No.  90.     He 
was  royalist 
in  his  opin- 
ions, and 
enjoyed  the 
favour  of  the 
court.     In 
1671  he  was 
appointed  a 
member  of 
the  council 
for  foreign 
plantations. 
As  a  staunch 
churchman 
he  was  op- 
posed to  the 
religious 
policy  of 
James  II. 
His  Diary, 
covering  the 
years  from 
1641  to  1706, 


94.    The  Dutch  in  the  Thames   (1667) 

June  8.  To  London,  alarm'd  by  the  Dutch,  who  were 
fallen  on  our  fleete  at  Chatham,  by  a  most  audacious  enter- 
prise entering  the  very  river  with  part  of  their  fleete,  doing 
us  not  only  disgrace,  but  incredible  mischiefe  in  burning, 
severall  of  our  best  men  of  warr  lying  at  anker  and  moor'd 
there,  and  all  this  thro'  our  unaccountable  negligence  in 
not  setting  out  our  fleete  in  due  time.  This  alarms  caus'd 
me,  fearing  ye  enemie  might  venture  up  ye  Thames  even  to 
London,  (which  they  might  have  don  with  ease,  and  fir'd 
all  ye  vessells  in  ye  river  to,)  to  send  away  my  best  goods, 
plate,  &c.  from  my  house  to  another  place.  The  alarme 
was  so  greate  that  it  put  both  Country  and  Citty  into  paniq, 
feare  and  consternation,  such  as  I  hope  I  shall  never  see 
more;  every  body  was  flying,  none  knew  why  or  whither. 
Now  there  were  land  forces  dispatch'd  with  the  Duke  of 
Albemarle,  Lord  Middleton,  Prince  Rupert,  and  the  Duke, 
to  hinder  ye  Dutch  coming  to  Chatham,  fortifying  Upnor 
Castle,  and  laying  chaines  and  booms;  but  y6  resolute 
enemy  brake  through  all,  and  set  fire  on  our  ships,  and 


The   Dutch   in  the  Thames    275 


retreated  in  spight,  stopping  up  the  Thames,  the  rest  of 
their  fleete  lying  before  the  mouth  of  it. 

June  14.  I  went  to  see  the  work  at  Woolwich,  a  battery 
to  prevent  them  coming  up  to  London,  which  Pr.  Rupert 
commanded,  and  sunk  some  ships  in  the  river. 

June  17.  This  night  about  2  o'clock  some  chipps  and 
combustible  matter  prepar'd  for  some  fire-ships  taking 
flame  in  Deptford  yard,  made  such  ablaze,  and  caus'd  such 
an  uproar  in  ye  Tower,  it  being  given  out  that  the  Dutch 
fleete  was  come  up  and  had  landed  their  men  and  fir'd  the 
Tower,  as  had  like  to  have  don  more  mischief e  before 
people  would  be  persuaded  to  the  contrary  and  believe  the 
accident.  Every  body  went  to  their  arms.  These  were 
sad  and  troublesome  times ! 

June  24.  The  Dutch  fleet  still  continuing  to  stop  up  the 
river,  so  as  nothing  could  stir  out  or  come  in,  I  was  before 
ye  Council,  and  commanded  by  his  Maty  to  go  with  some 
others  and  search  about  the  environs  of  the  citty,  now 
exceedingly  distress'd  for  want  of  fuell,  whether  there 
could  be  any  peate  or  turfe  found  fit  for  use.  The  next 
day  I  went  and  discover 'd  enough,  and  made  my  report 
that  there  might  be  found  a  greate  deale;  but  nothing 
further  was  don  in  it. 

June  28.  I  went  to  Chatham,  and  thence  to  view  not 
onely  what  mischiefe  the  Dutch  had  don,  but  how  tri- 
umphantly their  whole  fleete  lay  within  the  very  mouth  of 
Thames,  all  from  ye  North  fore-land,  Margate,  even  to  ye 
buoy  of  the  Nore  —  a  dreadfule  spectacle  as  ever  English- 
men saw,  and  a  dishonour  never  be  wip'd  off!  Those  who 
advis'd  his  Maty  to  prepare  no  fleete  this  spring  deserv'd 
—  I  know  what  —  but  — 


throws  much 
light  on  the 
period. 

The  Duke, 
i.e.  the  Duke 
of  York,  who, 
both  as  Lord 
Admiral  and 
as  King,  dis- 
played keen 
interest  in 
naval  affairs. 
He  was  ex- 
cluded from 
office  by  the 
Test  Act  of 
1673. 


This  affair 
was  one  of 
the  most  dis- 
graceful con- 
sequences of 
the  corrup- 
tion and  mis- 
management 
in  public 
affairs  in  the 
reign  of 
Charles  II. 


John  Evelyn,  Diary  and  Correspondence  (edited  by  W.  Bray, 
London,  1827),  II,  287-289. 


276     The  Stuart   Restoration 


By  the  so- 
called  CAVA- 
LIER PAR- 
LIAMENT 
(1661-1679). 
As  a  result 
of  his  alli- 
ance with 
Louis  XIV 
of  France, 
Charles  II, 
in  1672, 
issued  a 
Declaration 
of  Indul- 
gence sus- 
pending the 
penal  stat- 
utes against 
Noncon- 
formists and 
Catholics, 
and  declared 
war  against 
Holland. 
In  the  follow- 
ing February 
Parliament 
met  after  an 
intermission 
of  two  years, 
and  at  once 
proceeded  to 
resolve  that 
penal  stat- 
utes in  mat- 
ters ecclesi- 
astical could 
not  be  sus- 
pended save 
by  a  vote  of 
both  Houses. 
It  also  drew 
up  the  follow- 
ing address 
to  the  king. 
Charles  gave 
way  on  every 
point,  but 
Parliament, 
hoping  to 
make  secure 
what  had 
been  gained, 
passed  the 


95.    Parliament  and    the   Catholics   (1673) 

1673.  March  7.  Both  Houses  agreed  to  the  following 
Address  to  his  majesty:  —  Most  gracious  sovereign;  we 
your  majesty's  most  loyal  subjects,  the  lords  spiritual  and 
temporal,  and  commons,  in  this  present  parliament  assem- 
bled, being  very  sensible  of  the  great  dangers  and  mischiefs 
that  may  arise  within  this  your  majesty's  realm  by  the 
increase  of  Popish  Recusants  amongst  us;  and  considering 
the  great  resort  of  Priests  and  Jesuits  into  this  kingdom 
who  daily  endeavour  to  seduce  your  majesty's  subjects  from 
their  religion  and  allegiance;  and  how  desirous  your  loyal 
subjects  are  that  no  Popish  Recusants  be  admitted  into 
employments  of  trust  and  profit  and  especially  into  military 
commands  over  the  forces  now  in  your  majesty's  service, 
and  having  a  tender  regard  to  the  preservation  of  your 
majesty's  person,  and  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  this 
kingdom,  do  in  all  humility  desire : 

1.  That  your   majesty  would  be  pleased  to   issue  out 
your  royal  Proclamation  to  command  all  Priests  and  Jesuits 
(other  than  such  as,  not  being  natural  born  subjects  to  your 
majesty,  are  obliged  to  attend  upon  your  royal  consort  the 
queen)  to  depart  within  30  days  out  of  this  your  majesty's 
kingdom;  and  that  if  any  Priest  or  Jesuit  shall  happen  to 
be  taken  in  England  after  the  expiration  of  the  said  time, 
that  the  laws  be  put  in  due  execution  against  them ;  and  that 
your  majesty  would  please,   in  the  said  Proclamation,   to 
command  all  judges,  justices  of  the  peace,  mayors,  bailiffs, 
and    other    officers    to   put  the   said   laws   in  execution 
accordingly. 

2.  That  your  majesty  would  likewise  be  pleased  that  the 
lord  chancellor  of  England  shall,  on  or  before  the   25th  of 
March  inst.,  issue  out  commissions  of  Dedimus  Potestatem 
to  the  Judge  Advocate  and  Commissaries  of  the  Musters, 
and  such  other  persons  as  he  shall  think  fit   (not  being 


The   Exclusion   Bill         277 

officers   commanding   soldiers)    to   tender    the   Oaths    of  Test  Act. 
Allegiance  and  Supremacy  to  all  officers  and  soldiers  now   ^28. 
in  your  majesty's  service  and  pay,  and  that  such  as  refuse 
the  said  oaths  may  be  immediately  disbanded,   and  not 
allowed  or  continued  in  any  pay  or  pension;  and  that  the 
chancellor  shall  require  due  returns  to  be  made  thereof 
within  some  convenient  time  after  the  issuing  out  of  the 
said  commissions. 

3.  That  the  said  Commissaries  of  the  Musters  be  com- 
manded and  enjoined  by  your  majesty's  warrant,  upon 
penalty  of  losing  their  places,  not  to'  permit  any  officer  to 
be  mustered  in  the  service  and  pay  of  your  majesty  till  he 
shall  have  taken  the  Oaths  of  Allegiance  and  Supremacy, 
and  received  the  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  according 
to  the  laws  and  usage  of  the  Church  of  England ;  and  that 
every  soldier  serving  at  land  shall  take  the  said  Oaths  before 
his  first  muster  and  receive  the  Sacrament  in  such  manner 
before  his  second  muster,  —  And  this  we  present  in  all 
dutifulness  to  your  majesty's  princely  wisdom  and  con- 
sideration, as  the  best  means  for  the  satisfying  and  com- 
posing the  minds  of  your  loyal  subjects;  humbly  desiring 
your  majesty  graciously  to  accept  of  this  our  petition,  as 
proceeding  from  hearts  and  affections  entirely  devoted  to 
your  majesty's  service,  and  to  give  it  your  royal  approbation. 

Address  of  Both  Houses  against  the  Growth  of  Popery.    Cobbett, 
Parliamentary  History  (London,  1808),  IV,  559. 


(l68o) 


96.    The  Whigs  and  the  Exclusion  Bill     By  JOHN 

D'RYDEN 
(1631-1700), 
dramatist 
n-,i       T  i       j   .  j  •  and  satirist. 

The  Jews,  a  headstrong,  moody,  murmuring  race  in  the  poiiti- 

As  ever  tried  the  extent  and  stretch  of  grace;  cai  contests 

0  of  the  reigns 

God's  pamper'd  people,  whom,  debauch'd  with  ease          ofCharies  II 


278     The   Stuart   Restoration 


and  James  II 
Dryden's 
sympathies 
were  with  the 
Court  party, 
and  his  pen 
was  at  its 
service. 
This  extract 
is  taken  from 
Dryden's 
most  famous 
satire,  which 
appeared  at 
a  critical  mo- 
ment in  the 
struggle 
between 
Charles  II 
and  the 
Whigs. 

The  Jews  = 
the  English. 

Adam-wits  = 
wits,  who, 
like  Adam, 
chafed  under 
slight  restric- 
tion. 

Saul  = 
Oliver 
Cromwell. 

Ishbosheth 
=  Richard 
Cromwell. 

Hebron  = 
Scotland, 
perhaps 
refers  to  the 
fact  that 
Charles  was 
already 
crowned 
King  of  Scot- 
land at  the 
time  of  the 
Restoration. 


No  king  could  govern  nor  no  God  could  please; 

(Gods  they  had  tried  of  every  shape  and  size 

That  godsmiths  could  produce  or  priests  devise);  50 

These  Adam-wits,  too  fortunately  free, 

Began  to  dream  they  wanted  liberty; 

And  when  no  rule,  no  precedent  was  found 

Of  men  by  laws  less  circumscribed  and  bound, 

They  led  their  wild  desires  to  woods  and  caves 

And  thought  that  all  but  savages  were  slaves. 

They  who,  when  Saul  was  dead,  without  a  blow 

Made  foolish  Ishbosheth  the  crown  forego; 

Who  banish'd  David  did  from  Hebron  bring, 

And  with  a  general  shout  proclaim'd  him  King;  60 

Those  very  Jews  who  at  their  very  best 

Their  humour  more  than  loyalty  exprest, 

Now  wonder 'd  why  so  long  they  had  obey'd 

An  idol  monarch  which  their  hands  had  made; 

Thought  they  might  ruin  him  they  could  create 

Or  melt  him  to  that  golden  calf  —  a  State. 

But  these  were  random  bolts;  no  form'd  design 

Nor  interest  made  the  factious  crowd  to  join: 

The  sober  part  of  Israel,  free  from  stain, 

Well  knew  the  value  of  a  peaceful  reign;  70 

And  looking  backward  with  a  wise  affright 

Saw  seams  of  wounds  dishonest  to  the  sight, 

In  contemplation  of  whose  ugly  scars 

They  cursed  the  memory  of  civil  wars. 

The  moderate  sort  of  men,  thus  qualified, 

Inclined  the  balance  to  the  better  side; 

And  David's  mildness  managed  it  so  well, 

The  bad  found  no  occasion  to  rebel. 

But  when  to  sin  our  biass'd  nature  leans, 

The  careful  Devil  is  still  at  hand  with  means  80 

And  providently  pimps  for  ill  desires: 

The  good  old  cause,  revived,  a  plot  requires, 


The  Exclusion   Bill         279 


Plots,  true  or  false,  are  necessary  things, 
To  raise  up  commonwealths  and  ruin  kings. 

The  inhabitants  of  old  Jerusalem 
Were  Jebusites;  the  town  so  call'd  from  them, 
And  theirs  the  native  right  — 
But  when  the  chosen  people  grew  more  strong, 
The  rightful  cause  at  length  became  the  wrong; 
And  every  loss  the  men  of  Jebus  bore, 
They  still  were  thought  God's  enemies  the  more. 
Thus  worn  and  weaken'd,  well  or  ill  content, 
Submit  they  must  to  David's  government: 
Impoverish'd  and  deprived  of  all  command, 
Their  taxes  doubled  as  they  lost  their  land; 
And,  what  was  harder  yet  to  flesh  and  blood, 
Their  gods  disgraced,  and  burnt  like  common  wood. 
This  set  the  heathen  priesthood  in  a  flame, 
For  priests  of  all  religions  are  the  same. 
Of  whatsoe'er  descent  their  godhead  be,  i 

Stock,  stone,  or  other  homely  pedigree, 
In  his  defence  his  servants  are  as  bold, 
As  if  he  had  been  born  of  beaten  gold. 
The  Jewish  Rabbins,  though  their  enemies, 
In  this  conclude  them  honest  men  and  wise: 
For  'twas  their  duty,  all  the  learned  think, 
To  espouse  his  cause  by  whom  they  eat  and  drink. 
From  hence  began  that  Plot,  the  nation's  curse, 
Bad  in  itself,  but  represented  worse, 
Raised  in  extremes,  and  in  extremes  decried,  : 

With  oaths  affirm'd,  with  dying  vows  denied, 
Not  weigh'd  or  winnow'd  by  the  multitude, 
But  swallow'd  in  the  mass,  unchew'd  and  crude. 
Some  truth  there  was,  but  dash'd  and  brew'd  with  lies 
To  please  the  fools  and  puzzle  all  the  wise : 
Succeeding  times  did  equal  folly  call 


Jebusites  = 

Roman 

Catholics. 


90 


An  allusion 
to  the  de- 
struction of 
images  and 
relics  at  the 
Reformation. 


The  Popish 
Plot. 


280    The   Stuart  Restoration 


Shaftesbury 
and  his  con- 
federates. 


Achitophel 
=  Shaftes- 
bury. 


Believing  nothing  or  believing  all. 

The  Egyptian  rites  the  Jebusites  embraced, 

Where  gods  were  recommended  by  their  taste; 

Such  savoury  deities  must  needs  be  good  J2o 

As  served  at  once  for  worship  and  for  food, 

By  force  they  could  not  introduce  these  gods, 

For  ten  to  one  in  former  days  was  odds : 

So  fraud  was  used,  the  sacrificer's  trade; 

Fools  are  more  hard  to  conquer  than  persuade. 

Their  busy  teachers  mingled  with  the  Jews 

And  raked  for  converts  even  the  court  and  stews : 

Which  Hebrew  priests  the  more  unkindly  took, 

Because  the  fleece  accompanies  the  flock. 

Some  thought  they  God's  anointed  meant  to  slay         130 

By  guns,  invented  since  full  many  a  day : 

Our  author  swears  it  not;  but  who  can  know 

How  far  the  Devil  and  Jebusites  may  go? 

This  plot,  which  fail'd  for  want  of  common  sense, 

Had  yet  a  deep  and  dangerous  consequence; 

For  as,  when  raging  fevers  boil  the  blood, 

The  standing  lake  soon  floats  into  a  flood, 

And  every  hostile  humour  which  before 

Slept  quiet  in  its  channels  bubbles  o'er; 

So  several  factions  from  this  first  ferment  140 

Work  up  to  foam  and  threat  the  government. 

Some  by  their  friends,  more  by  themselves  thought  wise, 

Opposed  the  power  to  which  they  could  not  rise. 

Some  had  in  courts  been  great  and,  thrown  from  thence, 

Like  fiends  were  harden'd  in  impenitence. 

Some  by  their  Monarch's  fatal  mercy  grown 

From  pardon'd  rebels  kinsmen  to  the  throne 

Were  raised  in  power  and  public  office  high; 

Strong  bands,  if  bands  ungrateful  men  could  tie. 

Of  these  the  false  Achitophel  was  first,  150 

A  name  to  all  succeeding  ages  curst: 


The   Exclusion  Bill        281 


For  close  designs  and  crooked  counsels  fit, 
Sagacious,  bold,  and  turbulent  of  wit, 
Restless,  unfix'd  in  principles  and  place, 
In  power  unpleased,  impatient  of  disgrace; 
A  fiery  soul,  which  working  out  its  way, 
Fretted  the  pigmy  body  to  decay 
And  o'er-inform'd  the  tenement  of  clay. 
A  daring  pilot  in  extremity, 

Pleased  with  the  danger,  when  the  waves  went  high, 
He  sought  the  storms;  but,  for  a  calm  unfit, 
Would  steer  too  nigh  the  sands  to  boast  his  wit. 
******* 

In  friendship  false,  implacable  in  hate, 

Resolved  to  ruin  or  to  rule  the  state; 

To  compass  this  the  triple  bond  he  broke, 

The  pillars  of  the  public  safety  shook, 

And  fitted  Israel  for  a  foreign  yoke; 

Then,  seized  with  fear,  yet  still  affecting  fame, 

Usurp'd  a  patriot's  all-atoning  name. 

So  easy  still  it  proves  in  factious  times 

With  public  zeal  to  cancel  private  crimes. 

How  safe  is  treason  and  how  sacred  ill, 

Where  none  can  sin  against  the  people's  will, 

Where  crowds  can  wink  and  no  offence  be  known, 

Since  in  another's  guilt  they  find  their  own! 

Yet  fame  deserved  no  enemy  can  grudge; 

The  statesman  we  abhor,  but  praise  the  judge. 

In  Israel's  courts  ne'er  sat  an  Abbethdin 

With  more  discerning  eyes  or  hands  more  clean, 

Unbribed,  unsought,  the  wretched  to  redress, 

Swift  of  despatch  and  easy  of  access. 

Oh !  had  he  been  content  to  serve  the  crown 

With  virtues  only  proper  to  the  gown, 

Or  had  the  rankness  of  the  soil  been  freed 

From  cockle  that  oppress'd  the  noble  seed, 


1 60 


180 


The  Triple 
Alliance. 

"  A  foreign 
yoke " = 
reference  to 
the  Treaty  of 
Dover. 
Probably  not 
a  just  charge. 


Abbethdin  = 
"  president  of 
the  Jewish 
igo    Judicature." 
Christie. 


Shaftesbury 
was  Lord 
Chancellor, 
1672-1673. 


282     The   Stuart   Restoration 

David  for  him  his  tuneful  harp  had  strung 

And  Heaven  had  wanted  one  immortal  song. 

But  wild  ambition  loves  to  slide,  not  stand, 

And  Fortune's  ice  prefers  to  Virtue's  land. 

Achitophel,  grown  weary  to  possess  200 

A  lawful  fame  and  lazy  happiness, 

Disdain'd  the  golden  fruit  to  gather  free 

And  lent  the  crowd  his  arm  to  shake  the  tree. 

Now,  manifest  of  crimes  contrived  long  since, 

He  stood  at  bold  defiance  with  his  Prince, 

Held  up  the  buckler  of  the  people's  cause 

Against  the  crown,  and  skulk'd  behind  the  laws. 

The  wished  occasion  of  the  Plot  he  takes; 

Some  circumstances  finds,  but  more  he  makes ; 

By  buzzing  emissaries  fills  the  ears  210 

Of  listening  crowds  with  jealousies  and  fears 

Of  arbitrary  counsels  brought  to  light, 

And  proves  the  King  himself  a  Jebusite. 

Weak  arguments !  which  yet  he  knew  full  well 

Were  strong  with  people  easy  to  rebel. 

For  govern'd  by  the  moon,  the  giddy  Jews 

Tread  the  same  track  when  she  the  prime  renews : 

And  once  in  twenty  years  their  scribes  record, 

By  natural  instinct  they  change  their  lord. 

Achitophel  still  wants  a  chief,  and  none  220 

Absalom  =          Was  found  so  fit  as  warlike  Absalom. 

iMonmouth.         Not  that  he  wished  his  greatness  to  create, 
For  politicians  neither  love  nor  hate : 
But,  for  he  knew  his  title  not  allow'd 
Would  keep  him  still  depending  on  the  crowd, 
That  kingly  power,  thus  ebbing  out,  might  be 
Drawn  to  the  dregs  of  a  democracy. 

John  Dryden,  Absalom  and  Achitophel.     Poetical  Works  (edited 
by  G.  Gilfillan,  Edinburgh,  1855),  I,  96-102. 


The   Popish    Panic         283 


97.    A  Record  of  the  Popish  Panic  (1681) 

"This  Pillar  was  set  vp  in  Perpetvall  Remembrance  of 
that  most  dreadful  burning  of  this  Protestant  city,  begun 
and  carryed  on  by  ye  treachery  and  malice  of  ye  Popish 
factio,  in  ye  beginning  of  Septem.  in  ye  year  of  our  Lord 
1666,  in  order  to  ye  carrying  on  their  horrid  Plott  for  ex- 
tirpating the  Protestant  Religion  and  old  English  Liberty, 
and  the  introducing  Popery  and  Slavery." 


In  1671  a 
monument  in 
commemora- 
tion of  the 
great  fire  in 
London  in 
1666  was 
erected  near 
Pudding 
Lane,  where 
the  fire 
began.    In 
1681  the 
accompany- 
ing inscrip- 
tion was 
added.    "  It 
was  obliter- 
ated in  the 
reign  of 
James  II, 
recut  deeper 
than  before 
in  the  reign 
of  William 
III,  and 
finally  erased 
in  1831." 
H.  Wheatley, 
London,  Past 
and  Present. 


CHAPTER   XV  — THE    REVOLUTION 


In  April, 
1688,  James 
II  issued  a 
second  Dec- 
laration of 
Indulgence, 
following  it 
with  the  com- 
mand that  it 
should  be 
read  in  the 
course  of 
divine  ser- 
vice on  two 
successive 
Sundays  in 
every  parish 
in  the  king- 
dom.    The 
clergy  were 
in  sore  straits 
between  the 
law  of  Parlia- 
ment on  the 
one  hand, 
and  their 
cherished 
doctrine  of 
non-resist- 
ance on  the 
other.     Fi- 
nally, on 
May  18,  two 
days  before 
the  first  Sun- 
day named 
in  the  royal 
decree,  some 
of  the  lead- 
ing clergy 
met  with  the 
Primate  to 
take  counsel. 
The  result  of 
the  confer- 
ence was  this 
petition 


98.    Petition  of  the  Seven  Bishops  (168,8) 

To  the  King's  most  Excellent  Majesty. 

The  Humble  Petition  of  William  Arch-Bishop  of  Canter- 
bury, and  divers  of  the  Suffragan  Bishops  of  that  Province, 
(now  present  with  him)  in  behalf  of  themselves,  and 
others  of  their  absent  Brethren,  and  of  the  Clergy  of 
their  respective  Diocesses. 

Humbly  sheweth, 

That  the  great  averseness  they  find  in  themselves  to  the 
distributing  and  publishing  in  all  their  Churches  your 
Majesty's  late  Declaration  for  Liberty  of  Conscience,  pro- 
ceeds neither  from  any  want  of  Duty  and  Obedience  to  your 
Majesty,  (our  Holy  Mother  the  Church  of  England,  being 
both  in  her  Principles  and  in  her  constant  Practice  unques- 
tionably Loyal;  and  having,  to  her  great  Honour,  been 
more  than  once  publickly  acknowledg'd  to  be  so  by  your 
Gracious  Majesty;)  Nor  yet  from  any  want  of  due  tender- 
ness to  Dissenters,  in  relation  to  whom  they  are  willing  to 
come  to  such  a  Temper  as  shall  be  thought  fit,  when  that 
Matter  shall  be  considered  and  settled  in  Parliament  and 
Convocation.  But  among  many  other  Considerations, 
from  this  especially,  because  that  Declaration  is  founded 
upon  such  a  Dispensing  Power  as  has  been  often  declared 
Illegal  in  Parliament,  and  particularly  in  the  Years  1662, 
and  1672,  and  in  the  beginning  of  your  Majesty's  Reign; 
and  is  a  Matter  of  so  great  Moment  and  Consequence  to  the 
whole  Nation,  both  in  Church  and  State,  that  your  Peti- 

284 


Trial   of   the   Seven    Bishops    285 

tioners  cannot  in  Prudence,  Honour,  or  Conscience,  so  far  which  was 
make  themselves  Parties  to  it,  as  the  distribution  of  it  all 


over  the  Nation,  and  the  solemn  publication  of  it  once  and   evening,  <md 

„    j,     TT  *•-«•»••  r  .  •     r-v    •          by  midnight 

again,  even  in  God  s  House,  and  in  the  Time  of  his  Divine   was  in  print 
Service,    must    amount    to    in    common    and    reasonable   a"d  !^J*ed 

about  the 

Construction.  streets.  —On 

the  trial  of 

Your   Petitioners   therefore   most    humbly   and    earnestly  See  No.  99,' 

beseech  your  Majesty,  that  you  will  be  graciously  pleased,  ?nd  j^fu~ 

not  to  insist  upon  their  distributing  and  reading  your  of  England. 
Majesty's  said  Declaration. 

And  Your  Petitioners,  as  in  Duty  bound,  shall  ever  pray. 

WILL.  CANT.  THO.  BATHON.  &  WELLEN. 

WILL.  ASAPH.  THO.  PETERBURGEN. 

FR.  ELY.  JONATH.  BRISTOL. 
Jo.  CICESTR. 

The  Humble  Petition  of  Seven  Bishops  to  his  Majesty.  A 
Collection  of  Papers  relating  to  the  Present  Juncture  of  Affairs 
in  England  (London,  1688),  No.  i. 


oo.    The  Trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops        By  JOHN 

EVELYN. 
See  No.  94. 


(l688) 


1 8  April.  The  King  injoyning  the  ministers  to  read 
his  Declaration  for  giving  liberty  of  conscience  (as  it  was 
styl'd)  in  all  the  churches  of  England,  this  evening,  6 
Bishops,  Bath  and  Wells,  Peterborough,  Ely,  Chichester, 
St.  Asaph,  and  Bristol,  in  the  name  of  ail  the  rest  of  the 
Bishops,  came  to  his  Ma*7  to  petition  him,  that  he 
would  not  impose  the  reading  of  it  to  the  several  congrega- 
tions within  their  dioceses;  not  that  they  were  averse  to 


286 


The   Revolution 


The  king 
called  the 
petition  a 
"  standard  of 
rebellion," 
and  the 
bishops, 
"  trumpe- 
ters of 
sedition." 

At  West- 
minster the 
congregation 
withdrew 
when  the 
Bishop  of 
Rochester 
began  to 
read. 

In  four  only 
of  the  Lon- 
don churches 
was  the 
Declaration 
read. 


the  publishing  it  for  want  of  due  tendernesse  towards  Dis- 
senters, in  relation  to  whom  they  should  be  willing  to  come 
to  such  a  temper  as  should  be  thought  fit,  when  that  matter 
might  be  consider'd  and  settl'd  in  Parliament  and  Convo- 
cation; but  that,  the  Declaration  being  founded  on  such  a 
dispensing  power  as  might  at  pleasure  set  aside  all  laws 
ecclesiastical  and  civil,  it  appear'd  to  them  illegal,  as  it 
had  done  to  the  Parliament  in  1661  and  1672,  and  that  it 
was  a  point  of  such  consequence,  that  they  could  not  so  far 
make  themselves  parties  to  it,  as  the  reading  of  it  in  church 
in  time  of  divine  service  amounted  to. 

The  King  was  so  far  incens'd  at  this  addresse,  that  he 
with  threatening  expressions  commanded  them  to  obey  him 
in  reading  it  at  their  perils,  and  so  dismiss'd  them. 

20.  I  went  to  White-hall  Chapell,  where,  after  the 
morning  Lessons,  the  Declaration  was  read  by  one  of  ye 
Choir  who  us'd  to  read  the  chapters.  I  heare  it  was  in 
the  Abby  Church,  Westminster,  but  almost  universally 
forborne  throughout  all  London :  the  consequences  of  which 
a  little  time  will  shew. 

25.  All  the  discourse  now  was  about  the  Bishops 
refusing  to  read  ye  injunction  for  ye  abolition  of  the 
Test,  &c.  It  seemes  the  injunction  came  so  crudely  from 
the  Secretary's  office,  that  it  was  neither  seal'd  nor  sign'd 
in  forme,  nor  had  any  lawyer  ben  consulted,  so  as  the 
Bishops,  who  took  all  imaginable  advice,  put  the  Court  to 
greate  difficulties  how  to  proceede  against  them.  Create 
were  the  consults,  and  a  proclamation  expected  all  this  day; 
but  nothing  was  don.  The  action  of  the  Bishops  was  uni- 
versaly  applauded,  and  reconcil'd  many  adverse  parties. 
Papists  only  excepted,  who  were  now  exceedingly  perplex'd, 
and  violent  courses  were  every  moment  expected.  Report 
was,  that  the  Protestant  secular  Lords  and  Nobility  would 
abett  the  Clergy.  .  .  . 

8  June.     This  day  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with 


Trial   of   the   Seven    Bishops    287 

the  Bishops  of  Ely,  Chichester,  St.  Asaph,  Bristol,  Peter-  By  the  ad- 
borough,  and  Bath  and  Wells,  were  sent  from  the  Privy  fr'eys°they~ 
Council  prisoners  to  the  Tower,  for  refusing  to  give  baile  were  prose- 

,     .  cuted  for 

for  their  appearance,  on  their  not  reading  the  declaration  seditious 

for  liberty  of  conscience;  they  refus'd  to  give  baile,  as  it  llbel- 

would  have  prejudiced  their  peerage.     The  concern  of  the  pe^sSprivi. 

people  for  them  was  wonderful!,  infinite  crouds  on  their  legenotto 

knees  begging  their  blessing,  and  praying  for  them,  as  they  to  giveTbaii 

pass'd  out  of  the  barge  along  the  Tower-wharfe.  in  a  case  of 

10.     A    young    Prince    borne,    which   will   cause    dis-  . 

*  James, 

putes.  .  .  .  known  later 

13.  I  went  to  the  Tower  to  see  the  Bishops,  visited   p^^nder 
the  Abp.  and  Bps.  of  Ely,  St.  Asaph,  and  Bath  and  Wells,    died  1765. 

14.  Din'd  with  my  Lord  Chancellor. 

15.  Being   the   first   day  of  Term,  the    Bishops  were   Term  =  term 
brought   to   Westminster   on   Habeas    Corpus,    when   the  . 
indictment  was  read,  and  they  were  called  on  to  plead; 

their  Counsel  objected  that  the  warrant  was  illegal;  but, 
after  long  debate,  it  was  over-ruled,  and  they  pleaded. 

The  Court  then  offered  to  take  bail  for  their  appearance; 
but  this  they  refused,  and  at  last  were  dismissed  on  their 
own  recognizances  to  appear  that  day  fortnight;  the  Abp. 
in  ^200,  the  Bishops  ^100  each.  .  .  . 

29.  They  appeared;  the  trial  lasted  from  9  in  the 
morning  to  past  6  in  the  evening,  when  the  Jury  retired 
to  consider  of  their  verdict,  and  the  Court  adjourned  to 
9  the  next  morning.  The  Jury  were  locked  up  till  that 
time,  ii  of  them  being  for  an  acquittal;  but  one 
(Arnold  a  brewer)  would  not  consent.  At  length  he  agreed 
with  the  others.  The  Cheif  Justice  Wright,  behaved  with 
great  moderation  and  civility  to  the  Bishops.  Alibone,  a 
Papist,  was  strongly  against  them;  but  Holloway  and 
Powell,  being  of  opinion  in  their  favour,  they  were 
acquitted.  When  this  was  heard,  there  was  great  rejoicing; 
and  there  was  a  lane  of  people  from  the  King's,  Bench  to 


288 


The   Revolution 


Sir  Edward 
Hales,  a 
Roman 
Catholic, 
holding  office 
by  royal  dis- 
pensation. 


the  waterside,  on  their  knees,  as  the  Bishops  pass'd  and 
repass'd,  to  beg  their  blessing.  Bonfires  were  made  that 
night,  and  bells  rung,  which  was  taken  very  ill  at  Court, 
and  an  appearance  of  neere  60  Earls  and  Lords,  &c.  on 
the  bench,  did  not  a  little  comfort  them;  but  indeede  they 
were  all  along  full  of  comfort  and  cheerfull. 

Note,  they  denied  to  pay  the  Lieut'  of  the  Tower 
(Hales,  who  us'd  them  very  surlily)  any  fees,  alleaging  that 
none  were  due. 

The  night  was  solemniz'd  with  bonfires,  and  other  fire- 
works, &c. 

2  July.  The  two  Judges,  Holloway  and  Powell,  were 
displaced. 

John   Evelyn,  Diary  and  Correspondence  (London,  1827),  III, 
241-246. 


By  JOHN, 
BARON 
CHURCHILL, 
and  later 
successively 
EARL  and 
DUKE  OF 
MARLBOR- 
OUGH  (1650- 
1722). 
Churchill 
was  one 
of  the  great- 
est of  English 
generals,  his 
success  in 
war  was  un- 
broken, but 
he  seemed 
incapable  of 
loyalty.    As 
a  boy  he  en- 
tered the 
service  of  the 
Duke  of 
York,  later 
James  II, 


ioo.   A  Farewell  Letter  to  the  King  (1688) 

Sir, 

Since  Men  are  seldom  suspected  of  Sincerity,  when  they 
act  contrary  to  their  Interests ;  and  though  my  dutiful 
Behaviour  to  your  Majesty  in  the  worst  of  Times,  (for  which 
I  acknowledge  my  poor  Services  much  over-paid)  may  not 
be  sufficient  to  incline  You  to  a  charitable  Interpretation  of 
my  Actions ;  yet  I  hope,  the  great  Advantage  I  enjoy  under 
Your  Majesty,  which  I  can  never  expect  in  any  other  change 
of  Government,  may  reasonably  convince  Your  Majesty,  and 
the  World,  that  I  am  acted  by  a  higher  Principle,  when  I  of- 
fer that  violence  to  my  Inclination  and  Interest,  as  to  desert 
Your  Majesty  at  a  time  when  your  Affairs  seem  to  challenge 
the  strictest  obedience  from  all  Your  Subjects,  much  more 
from  one  who  lies  under  the  greatest  personal  Obligations 
imaginable  to  Your  Majesty.  This  Sir,  could  proceed  from 


A   Declaration   of    Rebellion    289 

nothing  but  the  inviolable  Dictates  of  my  CONSCIENCE,   and  enjoyed 
and  necessary  concern  for  my  RELIGION  (which  no  good 


Man  can  oppose)  and  with  which  I  am  instructed  nothing  confidence, 

.      -  .  .  ...    °    but  he  was 

ought  to  come  in  Competition;    Heaven  knows  with  what  one  of  the 

partiality  my  dutiful  Opinion  of  Your  Majesty  hath  hitherto  ^a^,^' 

represented  those   unhappy    Designs,   which   inconsiderate  Prince  of 

and  self-interested  Men  have  framed  against  Your  Majesties  For'lns'share 

true  Interest  and  the  Protestant  Religion.     But  as  I  can  "?  bringing 

about  the 

no  longer  join  with  such  to  give  a  pretence  by  Conquest  to   Revolution 
bring  them  to  effect,  so  will  I  always  with  the  hazard  of  my  ^d'of  Marl- 
Life  and  Fortune  (so  much  Your  Majesty's  due)  endeavour  borough. 
to  preserve  Your  Royal  Person  and  Lawful  Rights,  with  all 
the  tender  Concern  and  dutiful  Respect  that  becomes, 

SIR, 

Your  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  most  obliged 
Subject  and  Servant, 

John  Churchill. 

A  Collection  of  Papers  Relating  to  the  Present  Juncture  of 
Affairs  in  England  (London,  1688),  No.  12. 


101.    A   Declaration  of  Rebellion   (1688)  wmiamof 

'  Orange 
landed  at 

We   the   Nobility,   Gentry,   and   Commonalty  of   these  Torbay,  in 

Northern  Counties  assembled  together  at  Nottingham,  for  the^th'of" 

the  defence  of  the  Laws,  Religion,  and  Properties,  accord-  November, 

ing  to  those  free-born  Liberties  and  Priviledges,  descended  country  rai- 

to  us  from  our  Ancestors,  as  the  undoubted  Birth-right  of  j^S—^*0 

the  Subjects  of  this  Kingdom  of  England,  (not  doubting  Nottingham 

but  the  Infringers  and  Invaders  of  our  Rights  will  repre-  headquarters 

sent  us  to  the  rest  of  the  Nation  in  the  most  malicious  dress  of  the  north- 
ern rebellion 

they  can  put  upon  us)  do  here  unanimously  think  it  our  against 

Duty  to  declare  to  the  rest  of  our  Protestant  Fellow-Subjects  Q^5^^ 

the  Grounds  of  our  present  Undertaking.  November 


290  The    Revolution 

22,  the  foi-  We  are  by  innumerable  Grievances  made  sensible,  that 

laration  was     tne  vei7  Fundamentals  of    our  Religion,    Liberties,   and 
published.—    Properties  are  about  to  be  rooted  out  by  our  late  Jesuitical 

Compare  T»  •        /~<  -i  11^ 

with  the          Privy-Council,  as  hath  been  of  late  too  apparent,      i.  By 


the  King's  dispensing  with  all  the  Establish'd  Laws  at 
Leaflets,  his  pleasure.  2.  By  displacing  all  Officers  out  of  all  Offices 
of  Trust  and  Advantage,  and  placing  others  in  their  room 
that  are  known  Papists,  deservedly  made  incapable  by  the 
Establish'd  Laws  of  our  Land.  3.  By  destroying  the  Char- 
ters of  most  Corporations  in  the  Land.  4.  By  discouraging 
all  persons  that  are  not  Papists,  preferring  such  as  turn  to 
Popery.  5.  By  displacing  all  honest  and  conscientious 
Judges,  unless  they  would,  contrary  to  their  Consciences, 
declare  that  to  be  Law  which  was  meerly  arbitrary.  6.  By 
branding  all  Men  with  the  name  of  Rebels  that  but  offered 
to  justify  the  Laws  in  a  legal  Course  against  the  arbitrary 
proceedings  of  the  King,  or  any  of  his  corrupt  Ministers. 
7.  By  burthening  the  Nation  with  an  Army,  to  maintain 
the  violation  of  the  Rights  of  the  Subjects.  8.  By  dis- 
countenancing the  Establish'd  Reformed  Religion.  9.  By 
forbiding  the  Subjects  the  benefit  of  Petitioning,  and  con- 
struing them  Libellers;  so  rendring  the  Laws  a  Nose  of 
Wax,  to  serve  their  arbitrary  Ends.  And  many  more  such 
like,  too  long  here  to  enumerate. 

We  being  thus  made  sadly  sensible  of  the  Arbitrary  and 
Tyrannical  Government  that  is  by  the  Influence  of  Jesuitical 
Counsels  coming  upon  us,  do  unanimously  declare,  That 
not  being  willing  to  deliver  our  Posterity  over  to  such  a 
condition  of  Popery  and  Slavery,  as  the  aforesaid  Oppres- 
sions inevitably  threaten;  we  will,  to  the  utmost  of  our 
Power,  oppose  the  same,  by  joining  with  the  Prince  of 
Orange  (whom  we  hope  God  Almighty  hath  sent  to  rescue 
us  from  the  Oppressions  aforesaid)  will  use  our  utmost 
Endeavours  for  the  recovery  of  our  almost  ruin'd  Laws, 
Liberties,  and  Religion;  and  herein  we  hope  all  good 


A   Declaration   of    Rebellion    291 

Protestant  Subjects  will  with  their  Lives  and  Fortunes  be 
assistant  to  us,  and  not  be  bugbear' d  with  the  opprobrious 
Terms  of  Rebels,  by  which  they  would  fright  us,  to  become 
perfect  Slaves  to  their  tyrannical  Insolencies  and  Usurpa- 
tions; for  we  assure  ourselves,  that  no  rational  and  unbyassed 
Person  will  judg  it  Rebellion  to  defend  our  Laws  and 
Religion,  which  all  our  Princes  have  sworn  at  their  Coro- 
nations: Which  Oath,  how  well  it  hath  been  observed  of 
late,  we  desire  a  Free  Parliament  may  have  the  considera- 
tion of. 

We  own  it  Rebellion  to  resist  a  King  that  governs  by 
Law,  but  he  was  always  accounted  a  Tyrant  that  made  his 
Will  the  Law;  and  to  resist  such  an  one,  we  justly  esteem 
no  Rebellion,  but  a  necessary  Defence;  and  in  this  Con- 
sideration we  doubt  not  of  all  honest  Mens  Assistance  and 
humbly  hope  for,  and  implore  the  great  God's  Protection, 
that  turneth  the  hearts  of  his  People  as  pleaseth  him  best; 
it  having  been  observed,  That  People  can  never  be  of  one 
mind  without  his  Inspiration,  which  hath  in  all  Ages  con- 
firmed that  Observation,  Vox  Populi  est  Vox  Dei. 

The  present  restoring  of  Charters,  and  reversing  the 
oppressing  and  unjust  Judgment  given  on  Magdalen  Col- 
ledge  Fellows,  is  plain,  are  but  to  still  the  people,  like 
Plums  to  Children,  by  deceiving  them  for  a  while;  but  if 
they  shall  by  this  Stratagem  be  fooled,  till  this  present 
storm  that  threatens  the  Papists,  be  past,  assoon  as  they 
shall  be  resetled,  the  former  Oppression  will  be  put  on  with 
greater  vigour :  but  we  hope  in  vain  is  the  Net  spread  in 
the  sight  of  the  Birds;  For  (i.)  The  Papists  old  Rule  is, 
That  Faith  is  not  to  be  kept  with  Hereticks,  as  they  term 
Protestants,  tho'  the  Popish  Religion  is  the  greatest  Heresy. 
And  (2.)  Queen  Mary's  so  ill  observing  her  promises  to 
the  Suffolk-men  that  help'd  her  to  her  throne.  And  above 
all,  (3)  The  Popes  dispensing  with  the  breach  of  Oaths, 
Treaties,  or  Promises  at  his  pleasure,  when  it  makes  for  the 


292 


The   Revolution 


service  of  Holy  Church,  as  they  term  it.  These,  we  say, 
are  such  convincing  Reasons  to  hinder  us  from  giving 
Credit  to  the  aforesaid  Mock-Shews  of  Redress,  that  we 
think  our  selves  bound  in  Conscience  to  rest  on  no  Security 
that  shall  not  be  approved  by  a  freely  elected  Parliament, 
to  whom  under  God,  we  refer  our  Cause. 

A  Declaration  of  the  Nobility,  Gentry,  and  Commonalty  at  the 
Rendezvous  at  Nottingham,  Nov.  22,  1688,  A  Second  Collection 
of  Papers  relating  to  the  Present  Juncture  of  Affairs  in  Eng- 
land (London.  1688),  No.  5. 


ANONY- 
MOUS.   At 
the  time  of 
the  Revolu- 
tion the 
Highland 
clans  were 
generally 
supporters  of 
the  Stuart 
cause,  but 
gradually 
they  were 
forced  to 
make  terms 
with  the  gov- 
ernment. 
December 
31,  1691,  was 
set  as  the 
last  day  on 
which  their 
oaths  to  Will- 
iam would 
be  accepted. 
Mac  Ian 
Glencoe, 
head  of  a 
small  clan, 
took  pride  in 
coming  at 
the  last  mo- 
ment, and 
unfortunately 
presented 


1 02.    The  Massacre  of  Glencoe  (1692) 

Edinburgh,  April.  2Oth.  1692. 
Sir, 

The  Account  you  desir'd  of  that  strange  and  surprizing 
Massacre  of  Glenco  take  as  follows  :  — 

Mac-jan  Mac-donald,  Laird  of  Glenco,  a  Branch  of  the 
Mackdonalds,  one  of  the  greatest  Clans  (or  Tribes)  in  the 
North  of  Scotland,  came  with  the  most  considerable  Men 
of  his  Clan  to  Coll.  Hill,  Governour  of  Fort  William  at 
Inverlochy,  some  few  days  before  the  Expiring  of  the  time 
for  receiving  the  Indemnity  appointed  by  Proclamation, 
which  as  I  take  it,  was  the  First  of  January  last,  entreating 
he  would  administer  unto  him  the  Oaths  which  the  foresaid 
Proclamation  requir'd  to  be  taken  ;  that  so  submitting  him- 
self to  the  Government,  he  might  have  its  Protection.  The 
Colonel  receiv'd  him  with  all  Expressions  of  Kindness ; 
nevertheless  shifted  the  administring  the  Oaths  to  him, 
alledging  that  by  the  Proclamation  it  did  not  belong  to  him, 
but  to  the  Sheriffs,  Bailyffs  of  Regalities,  and  Magistrates  of 
Burghs,  to  administer  them.  Mac-jan  Complaining  that  by 
this  Disappointment  he  might  be  wrong'd,  the  Time  being 


Massacre  of  Glencoe       293 


now  near  the  Expiring,  and  the  Weather  so  extreme,  and  the 
ways  so  very  bad,  that  it  was  not  possible  for  him  so  soon 
to  reach  any  Sheriff,  &c.  got  from  Coll.  Hill,  under  his 
Hand,  his  Protection ;  and  withal  he  was  assur'd,  that  no 
Orders  from  the  Government  against  him  should  be  put  in 
Execution,  until  he  were  first  advertis'd,  and  had  time 
allow'd  him  to  apply  himself  to  King  or  Council  for  his 
SaTety.  But  the  better  to  make  all  sure,  (tho'  this  might 
have  seem'd  Security  enough  for  that  time)  with  all  dispatch 
imaginable  he  posted  to  Itinerary,  the  Chief  Town  of  Argyle- 
shire,  there  he  found  Sir  Collin  Campbel  of  Arakinlis, 
Sheriff  of  that  Shire,  and  crav'd  of  him  the  Benefit  of  the 
Indemnity,  according  to  the  Proclamation,  he  being  willing 
to  perform  all  the  Conditions  requir'd.  Sir  Collin  at  first 
scrupled  to  admit  him  to  the  Oaths,  the  Time  which  the 
Proclamation  did  appoint  being  elapsed  by  one  day,  alledg- 
ing  it  would  be  of  no  use  to  him  then  to  take  them  :  But 
Mac-jan  represented  that  it  was  not  his  Fault,  he  having 
come  in  time  enough  to  Colonel  Hill,  not  doubting  but  he 
could  have  administred  the  Oaths  to  him,  and  that  upon 
his  refusal  he  had  made  such  hast  to  Inverary,  that  he  might 
have  come  in  time  enough,  had  not  the  extremity  of  the 
Weather  hinder'd  him  ;  and  even  as  it  was,  he  was  but  one 
day  after  the  Time  appointed ;  and  that  would  be  very  un- 
becoming the  Government  to  take  Advantage  of  a  Man's 
coming  late  by  one  Day,  especially  when  he  had  done  his 
utmost  to  have  come  in  time.  Upon  this,  and  his  threat- 
ning  to  protest  against  the  Sheriff  for  the  Severity  of  this 
Usage,  he  administred  to  him  and  his  Attendants  the 
Oaths,  Mac-jan  depending  upon  the  Indemnity  granted  to 
those  who  should  take  them ;  and  having  so  done,  he  went 
home,  and  lived  quietly  and  peaceably  under  the  Govern- 
ment, till  the  day  of  his  Death. 

In  January  last,  a  Party  of  the  Earl  of  Argile's  Regiment 
came  to  that  Country  :  the  Design  of  their  coming  was  then 


himself  to 
one  who  had 
no  authority 
to  receive  his 
oath.    Hence 
he  was  at  the 
mercy  of  the 
government. 
The  King's 
agents  in 
Scotland 
thought  this 
a  good  op- 
portunity to 
display  their 
power,  and 
obtained 
William's 
permission 
to  destroy 
the  Macdon- 
alds  as  brig- 
ands and 
murderers. 
The  plan 
was  carried 
out  ruth- 
lessly, and 
but  few  of 
the  clan 
escaped.     It 
had  the 
effect,  how- 
ever, of 
rousing  the 
Lowlands  in 
behalf  of  the 
Highlanders, 
and  William 
was  forced  to 
dismiss  his 
agents. 
The  account 
from  which 
this  extract 
is  taken  was 
written,  ap- 
parently, in 
answer  to  a 
doubt 

whether  such 
a  massacre 
actually  took 
place.  — 
For  condi- 
tions in  the 


294  The    Revolution 

Highlands,  suspected  to  be  to  take  course  with  those  who  should  stand 
and^ecky2'  out>  an(*  not  sut>^it,  and  take  the  Oaths.  The  Garison  of 
History  of  Inverlochy  being  throng' d,  and  Glenco  being  commodious 
th/efghteenth  for  quartering,  as  being  near  that  Garison,  those  Soldiers 
century.  were  sent  thither  to  Quarter  ;  .  .  .  ere  they  entred  Glenco,  that 

Laird,  or  his  Sons,  came  out  to  meet  them,  and  asked  them 
if  they  came  as  Friends  or  as  Enemies?  The  Officers 
answer'd  as  Friends;  and  gave  their  Paroll  of  Honour,  that 
they  would  do  neither  him  nor  his  Concerns  any  harm ; 
upon  which  he  welcom'd  them,  promising  them  the  best 
Entertainment  the  Place  could  afford.  This  he  really  per-, 
form'd,  as  all  the  Soldiers  confess.  He  and  they  lived  to- 
gether in  mutual  Kindness  and  Friendship  fifteen  days  or 
thereabouts ;  so  far  was  he  from  fearing  any  Hurt  from 
them.  And  the  very  last  Day  of  his  Life  he  spent  in  keep- 
ing Company  with  the  Commander  of  that  Party,  Capt. 
Campbell  of  Glenlyon,  playing  at  Cards  with  him  till  6  or  7 
at  Night,  and  at  their  parting  mutual  Protestations  of  Kind- 
ness were  renew'd.  Some  time  that  very  day,  but  whether 
before  or  after  their  parting,  I  know  not,  Capt.  Campbell 
had  these  Orders  sent  him  from  Major  Duncanson,  a  Copy 
whereof  I  here  send  you. 

"  Ballacholis,  Feb.  12.  1692. 
"Sir, 

"  You  are  hereby  ordered  to  fall  upon  the  Rebels  the 
Mac-Donalds  of  Glenco,  and  put  all  to  the  Sword  under 
70.     You  are  to  have  especial  Care,  that  the  Old  Fox  and 
his  Sons  do  upon  no  account  escape  your  Hands ;  You  are 
to  secure  all  the  Avenues,  that  no  Man  escape  :  This  you 
are  to  put  in  Execution  at  five  a  Clock  in  the  Morning  pre- 
cisely, and  by  that  time  or  very  shortly  after  it,  I'll  strive  to 
be  at  you  with  a  stronger  Party ;  If  I  do  not  come  to  you 
9^der  °.Uhe    at  fiye>  y°u  are  not  to  tarry  for  me,  but  to  fall  on.     This  is 
forn!iac.  iL  by  the  King's  SPECIAL  COMMAND,  for  the  Good  and 


Massacre  of  Glencoe       295 

Safety  of  the  Country,  that  these  Miscreants  may  be  cut  off,   of  Glencoe, 
Root  and  Branch.     See  that  this  be  put  in  Execution  with-   Tribe, If  they 
out  Feud  or  Favour,  else  you  may  expect  to  be  Treated  as   can  be  wel1 

distinguished 

not  true  to  the  King  or  Government,  nor  a  Man  fit  to  carry  from  the  rest 
Commission  in  the  King's  Service.  Expecting  you  will  not  j^deVs^ft1" 
fail  in  the  fulfilling  hereof,  as  you  love  your  self.  I  subscribe  will  be  proper 

...  u&    ,  fortheVindi- 

these  with  my  Hand,  cati0n  of 

"ROBERT   DUNCANSON.          Publick  Jus- 
tice to  extir- 

"  For  Their  Majesties  Service,  to  Capt.  Robert  Campbell  pate  that 
of  GUnfyon."  Seves." 

W.  R. 

.  .  .  The  Soldiers  being  disposed  five  or  three  in  a 
House,  according  to  the  Number  of  the  Family  they  were 
to  Assassinate,  had  their  Orders  given  them  secretly.  They 
had  been  all  receiv'd  as  Friends  by  those  poor  people,  who 
intended  no  Evil  themselves,  and  little  suspected  that  their 
Guests  were  design'd  to  be  their  Murtherers.  At  5  a  Clock 
in  the  Morning  they  began  their  bloody  Work,  Surpris'd 
and  Butcher'd  38  Persons,  who  had  kindly  receiv'd  them 
under  their  Roofs.  Mac-Jan  himself  was  Murther'd,  and  is 
much  bemoan'd  ;  He  was  a  stately  well-favour'd  Man,  and 
of  good  Courage  and  Sense  :  As  also  the  Laird  Archintrikin, 
a  Gentleman  of  more  than  ordinary  Judgment  and  Under- 
standing, who  had  submitted  to  the  Government,  and  had 
Coll.  Hill's  Protection  in  his  Pocket,  which  he  had  got 
three  Months  before.  I  cannot  without  Horror  represent 
how  that  a  Boy  about  Eight  Years  of  Age  was  murthered ; 
he  seeing  what  was  done  to  others  in  the  House  with  him, 
in  a  terrible  Fright  run  out  of  the  House,  and  espying  Capt. 
Campbell,  grasp'd  him  about  the  Legs,  crying  for  Mercy,  and 
offering  to  be  his  Servant  all  his  Life.  I  am  informed  Capt. 
Campbell  inclined  to  spare  him;  but  one  Drummond,  an 
Officer,  barbarously  run  his  Dagger  through  him,  whereof 
he  died  immediately,  The  rehearsal  of  several  Particulars 
and  Circumstances  of  this  Tragical  Story,  makes  it  appear 


296 


The    Revolution 


most  doleful ;  as  that  Mac-jan  was  killed  as  he  was  drawing 
on  his  Breeches,  standing  before  his  Bed,  giving  Orders  to 
his  Servants  for  the  good  Entertainment  of  those  who  rnur- 
thered  him ;  While  he  was  speaking  the  Words,  he  was  shot 
through  the  Head,  and  fell  dead  in  his  Ladies  Arms,  who 
through  the  Grief  of  this  and  other  bad  Usages  she  met 
with,  died  the  next  day.  It  is  not  to  be  omitted,  that  most 
of  those  poor  People  were  killed  when  they  were  asleep, 
and  none  was  allowed  to  pray  to  God  for  Mercy.  Providence 
ordered  it  so,  that  that  Night  was  most  boisterous  ;  so  as 
a  Party  of  400  Men,  who  should  have  come  to  the  other 
End  of  the  Glen,  and  begun  the  like  work  there  at  the 
same  Hour,  (intending  that  the  poor  Inhabitants  should  be 
Two  of  Mac-  enclosed,  and  none  of  them  escape)  could  not  march  at 
escaped!15  length,  until  it  was  9  a  Clock,  and  this  afforded  to  many 
an  Opportunity  of  escaping,  and  none  were  killed  but  those 
in  whose  Houses  Campbell  and  Glenlyon's  Men  were  Quar- 
tered, otherwise  all  the  Male  under  70  Years  of  Age,  to  the 
number  of  200,  had  been  cut  off,  for  that  was  the  Order ; 
and  it  might  have  been  easily  executed,  especially  consider- 
ing that  the  Inhabitants  had  ho  Arms  at  that  time  ;  for  upon 
the  first  hearing  that  the  Soldiers  were  coming  to  the  Glen, 
they  had  conveyed  them  all  out  of  the  way :  For  though 
they  relyed  on  the  promises  which  were  made  them  for 
their  Safety ;  yet  they  thought  it  not  improbable  that  they 
might  be  disarmed.  I  know  not  whether  to  impute  it  to 
difficulty  of  distinguishing  the  difference  of  a  few  Years,  or 
to  the  fury  of  the  Souldiers,  who  being  once  glutted  with 
Blood,  stand  at  nothing,  that  even  some  above  Seventy 
Years  of  Age  were  destroyed.  They  set  all  the  Houses  on 
Fire,  drove  off  all  the  Cattle  to  the  Garison  of  Inverlochy, 
viz.  900  Cows,  200  Horses,  and  a  great  many  Sheep  and 
Goats,  and  there  they  were  divided  amongst  the  Officers. 
And  how  dismal  may  you  imagine  the  Case  of  the  poor 
Women  and  Children  was  then  !  It  was  lamentable,  past 


Massacre   of  Glencoe       297 

expression  ;  their  Husbands  and  Fathers,  and  near  Rela- 
tions were  forced  to  flee  for  their  Lives ;  they  themselves 
almost  stript,  and  nothing  left  them,  and  their  Houses 
being  burnt,  and  not  one  House  nearer  than  six  Miles ; 
and  to  get  thither  they  were  to  pass  over  Mountains,  and 
Wreaths  of  Snow,  in  a  vehement  Storm,  vvherin-  the  great- 
est part  of  them  perished  through  Hunger  and  Cold.  .  .  . 

There  is  enough  of  this  mournful  Subject :  If  what  I  have 
said  satisfy  you  not,  you  may  have  what  farther  Proof,  and 
in  what  manner  you  please  to  ask  it. 
Sir, 

Your  Humble  Servant,  &c. 

A  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  Scotland  to  his  friend  at  London, 
who  desired  a  Particular  Account  of  the  Business  at  Glenco 
(Clarendon  Historical  Society,  1885,-  103-110). 


ANONY- 
MOUS.   "  It 

will  be  ob- 
served in 
this  'bill- 
that  bribery 
is  not  put 
down  as  one 
of  the  promi- 
nent features 
of  an  elec- 
tion at  this 
period;  vio- 
lence was,  as 
yet,  found  to 
be  more 
effective  than 
corruption." 
Wright. 


CHAPTER   XVI  — POLITICAL  CON- 
DITIONS  AFTER    1688 

103.    A  Burlesque  Bill  of  Costs  for  a  Tory 

Election  (1715) 

£  s.  D. 

Imprimis,  for  bespeaking  and  collecting  a  mob  20  o  o 

Item,  for  many  suits  of  knots  for  their  heads  .  30  o  o 

For  scores  of  huzza-men 40  o  o 

For  roarers  of  the  word  "Church"  ....  40  o  o 

For  a  set  of  "  No  Roundhead  "  roarers  ...  40  o  o 
For  several  gallons  of  Tory  punch  on  church 

tomb-stones  .  .  • 30  o  o 

For  a  majority  of  clubs  and  brandy- bottles  .  20  o  o 

For  bell-ringers,  fiddlers,  and  porters  ...  10  o  o 

For  a  set  of  coffee-house  praters 40  o  o 

For  extraordinary  expense  for  cloths  and  lac'd 

hats  on  show  days,  to  dazzle  the  mob  .  .  50  o  o 

For  Dissenters'  damners 40  o  o 

For  demolishing  two  houses 200  o  o 

For  committing  two  riots 200  o  o 

For  secret  encouragement  to  the  rioters.  .  .  40  o  o 

For  a  dozen  of  perjury  men 100  o  o 

For  packing  and  carriage  paid  to  Gloucester  .  50  o  o 

For  breaking  windows 20  o  o 

For  a  gang  of  alderman-abusers 40  o  o 

For  a  set  of  notorious  lyars 50  o  o 

For  pot-ale 100  o  o 

For  law,  and  charges  in  'the  King's  Bench  .  .  300  o  o 


1460 


The  Flying  Post  (London).  January  27,  1715  (cited  by  Thomas 
Wright,  Caricature  History  of  the  Georges,  London,  1867,  17). 
298 


The   Wilkes   Case 


299 


104. 


A    Debate    on    the    "Wilkes"    Case 

(1764) 


Sunday  evening  Feb.  ipth. 

Happening  to  hear  of  a  gentleman  who  sets  out  for  Paris 
in  two  or  three  days,  I  stopped  my  letter,  both  out  of 
prudence  (pray  admire  me  !)  and  from  thinking  that  it  was 
as  well  to  send  you  at  once  the  complete  history  of  our 
Great  Week.  By  the  time  you  have  read  the  preceding 
pages,  you  may,  perhaps,  expect  to  find  a  change  in  the 
ministry  in  what  I  am  going  to  say.  You  must  have  a 
little  patience ;  our  parliamentary  war,  like  the  last  war  in 
Germany,  produces  very  considerable  battles  that  are  not 
decisive.  Marshal  Pitt  has  given  another  great  blow  to  the 
subsidiary  army,  but  they  remained  masters  of  the  field,  and 
both  sides  sing  Te  Deiim.  I  am  not  talking  figuratively, 
when  I  assure  you  that  bells,  bonfires,  and  an  illumination 
from  the  Monument,  were  prepared  in  the  City,  in  case  we 
had  had  the  majority.  Lord  Temple  was  so  indiscreet  and 
indecent  as  to  have  fagots  ready  for  two  bonfires,  but  was 
persuaded  to  lay  aside  the  design,  even  before  it  was  abortive. 

It  is  impossible  to  give  you  the  detail  of  so  long  a  debate 
as  Friday's.  You  will  regret  it  the  less  when  I  tell  you  it 
was  a  very  dull  one.  I  never  knew  a  day  of  expectation 
answer.  The  impromptus  and  the  unexpected  are  ever  the 
most  shining.  We  love  to  hear  ourselves  talk,  and  yet  we 
must  be  formed  of  adamant  to  be  able  to  talk  day  and 
night  on  the  same  question  for  a  week  together,  if  you  had 
seen  how  ill  we  looked,  you  would  not  have  wondered  we 
did  not  speak  well.  A  company  of  colliers  emerging  from 
damps  and  darkness  could  not  have  appeared  more  ghastly 
and  dirty  than  we  did  on  Wednesday  morning ;  and  we  had 
not  recovered  much  bloom  on  Friday.  We  spent  two  or 
three  hours  on  corrections  of,  and  additions  to,  the  question 


By  HORACE 
WALPOLE, 
EARL  OF 
ORFORD 
(1717-1797), 
son  of  Sir 
Robert  Wai- 
pole.     He 
filled  various 
public 
offices,  and 
for  some 
years  he  sat 
in  the  House 
of  Commons, 
but  he  was 
more  distin- 
guished in 
literature 
than  in  poli- 
tics.    He 
was  a  keen 
observer  and 
in  close  in- 
tercourse 
with  the 
leading  men 
of  his  time, 
and  his 
Letters  and 
Memoirs, 
which  cover 
a  large  part 
of  the  reigns 
of  George  II 
and  George 
III,  throw  a 
strong  light 
on  the  events 
of  the  day. 
This  extract 
is  from  a 
letter  to  the 
Earl  of  Hert- 
ford, British 
Ambassador 
at  Paris,  and 
describes  a 
debate  on  the 
question  of 
general  war- 
rants. —  On 
the  Wilkes 
case,  see 


300        Political   Conditions 


Lecky,  His- 
tory of  Eng- 
land in  the 
Eighteenth 
Century. 


I.e.  against 

general 

warrants. 

Former 
Speaker  of 
the  House. 


See  Colby, 
Selections 
from  the 
Sources. 


Hon.  H.  S. 
Copway, 
later  dis- 
missed from 
all  his  offices, 
civil  and 
military,  for 
opposing  the 
ministry  on 
the  question 
of  general 
warrants. 


of  pronouncing  the  warrant  illegal,  till  the  ministry  had  con- 
tracted it  to  fit  scarce  anything  but  the  individual  case  of 
Wilkes,  Pitt  not  opposing  the  amendments  because  Charles 
Yorke  gave  into  them ;  for  it  is  wonderful  what  deference 
is  paid  by  both  sides  to  that  house.  The  debate  then  began 
by  Norton's  moving  to  adjourn  the  consideration  of  the 
question  for  four  months,  and  holding  out  a  promise  of 
a  bill,  which  neither  they  mean,  nor,  for  my  part,  should  I 
like  :  I  would  not  give  prerogative  so  much  as  a  definition. 
You  are  a  peer,  and  therefore,  perhaps,  will  hear  it  with 
patience  —  but  think  how  our  ears  must  have  tingled,  when 
he  told  us,  that  should  we  pass  the  resolution,  and  he  were 
judge,  he  would  mind  it  no  more  than  the  resolution  of  a 
drunken  porter  !  —  Had  old  Onslow  been  in  the  chair,  I 
believe  he  would  have  knocked  him  down  with  the  mace. 
He  did  hear  of  it  during  the  debate,  though  not  severely 
enough  ;  but  the  town  rings  with  it.  Charles  Yorke  replied, 
and  was  much  admired.  Me  he  did  not  please;  I  require  a 
little  more  than  palliatives  and  sophistries.  He  excused  the 
part  he  has  taken  by  pleading  that  he  had  never  seen  the 
warrant  till  after  Wilkes  was  taken  up  —  yet  he  then  pro- 
nounced the  '  No.  45  '  a  libel,  and  advised  the  commitment 
of  Wilkes  to  the  Tower.  If  you  advised  me  to  knock  a  man 
down,  would  you  excuse  yourself  by  saying  you  had  never 
seen  the  stick  with  which  I  gave  the  blow?  Other  speeches 
we  had  without  end,  but  none  good,  except  from  Lord 
George  Sackville,  a  short  one  from  Elliot,  and  one  from 
Charles  Townshend,  so  fine  that  it  amazed,  even  from  him. 
Your  brother  had  spoken  with  excellent  sense  against  the 
corrections,  and  began  well  again  in  the  debate,  but  with  so 
much  rapidity  that  he  confounded  himself  first,  and  then 
was  seized  with  such  a  hoarseness  that  he  could  not  proceed. 
Pitt  and  George  Grenville  ran  a  match  of  silence,  striving 
which  should  reply  to  the  other.  At  last,  Pitt,  who  had 
three  times  in  the  debate  retired  with  pain,  rose  about  three 


The   Wilkes   Case          301 


in  the  morning,  but  so  languid,  so  exhausted,  that,  in  his 
life,  he  never  made  less  figure.  Grenville  answered  him; 
and  at  five  in  the  morning  we  divided.  The  Noes  were  so 
loud,  as  it  admits  a  deeper  sound  than  Aye,  that  the 
Speaker,  .  .  .  gave  it  for  us.  They  went  forth ;  and  when 
I  heard  our  side  counted  to  the  amount  of  218,  I  did  con- 
clude we  were  victorious ;  but  they  returned  232.  It  is 
true  we  were  beaten  by  fourteen,  but  we  were  increased  by 
twenty-one  ;  and  no  ministry  could  stand  on  so  slight  an 
advantage,  if  we  could  continue  above  two  hundred. 

We  may,  and  probably  shall,  fall  off:  this  was  our  strong- 
est question  —  but  our  troops  will  stand  fast ;  their  hopes 
and  views  depend  upon  it,  and  their  spirits  are  raised.  But 
for  the  other  side  it  will  not  be  the  same.  The  lookers-out 
will  be  strayers  away,  and  their  very  subsidies  will  undo 
them.  They  bought  two  single  votes  that  day  with  two 
peerages  ;  Sir  R.  Bampfylde  and  Sir  Charles  Tynte  —  and 
so  are  going  to  light  up  the  flame  of  two  more  county  elec- 
tions —  and  that  in  the  west,  where  surely  nothing  was 
wanting  but  a  tinder-box  ! 

You  would  have  almost  laughed  to  see  the  spectres  pro- 
duced by  both  sides  ;  one  would  have  thought  that  they  had 
sent  a  search-warrant  for  Members  of  Parliament  into  every 
hospital.  Votes  were  brought  down  in  flannels  and  blankets, 
till  the  floor  of  the  House  looked  like  the  pool  of  Bethesda. 
'Tis  wonderful  that  half  of  us  are  not  dead — I  should  not  say 
us  ;  Herculean  /  have  not  suffered  the  least,  except  that 
from  being  a  Hercules  of  ten  grains,  I  don't  believe  I  now 
weigh  above  eight.  I  felt  from  nothing  so  much  as  the 
noise,  which  made  me  as  drunk  as  an  owl  —  you  may 
imagine  the  clamours  of  two  parties  so  nearly  matched,  and 
so  impatient  to  come  to  a  decision. 

The  Duchess  of  Richmond  has  got  a  fever  with  the  attend- 
ance of  Tuesday  —  but  on  Friday  we  were  forced  to  be 
unpolite.  The  Amazons  came  down  in  such  squadrons, 


George  Gren- 
ville, Chan- 
cellor ol  the 
Exchequer, 
and  author 
of  the  Stamp 
Act. 


Contradicted 
later. 


David 
Hume,  the 
historian. 


302        Political   Conditions 

that  we  were  forced  to  be  denied.  However,  eight  or  nine 
of  the  patriotesses  dined  in  one  of  the  Speaker's  rooms,  and 
stayed  there  till  twelve  —  nay,  worse,  while  their  dear  country 
was  at  stake,  I  am  afraid  they  were  playing  at  Loo  !  .  .  . 

The  chief  business  now,  I  suppose,  will  lie  in  souterreins 
and  intrigues.  Lord  Bute's  panic  will,  probably,  direct  him 
to  make  application  to  us.  Sandwich  will  be  manufacturing 
lies,  and  Rigby  negotiations.  Some  change  or  other,  whether 
partial  or  extensive,  must  arrive.  The  best  that  can  happen 
for  the  Ministers,  is  to  be  able  to  ward  off  the  blow  till  the 
recess,  and  they  have  time  to  treat  at  leisure ;  but  in  just 
the  present  state  it  is  impossible  things  should  remain.  The 
Opposition  is  too  strong,  and  their  leaders  too  able  to  make 
no  impression. 

Adieu  !  pray  tell  Mr.  Hume  that  I  am  ashamed  to  be 
thus  writing  the  history  of  England,  when  he  is  with  you  ! 

Horace  Walpole,  Letters  (edited  by  P.  Cunningham,  London, 
1857),  IV,  189-192. 


By  PHILIP 
STANHOPE, 
EARL  OF 
CHESTER- 
FIELD (1694- 
1773).  "poli- 
tician, wit, 
and  letter- 
writer."     In 
the  reigns  of 
the  first  two 
Georges  he 
was  active  in 
politics. 
Although  a 
Whig,  he 
was  a  life- 
long oppo- 
nent of  Wal- 
pole, and 
usually  he 
supported 


105.    Purchasing  a  Seat  in  the  Unre- 
formed  Parliament 

Bath,  December  19,  1767. 
My  Dear  Friend, 

...  In  one  of  our  conversations  here, 
this  time  twelvemonth,  I  desired  him  to  secure  you  a  seat  in 
the  new  Parliament ;  he  assured  me  he  would ;  and,  I  am 
convinced,  very  sincerely ;  he  said  even  that  he  would  make 
it  his  own  affair ;  and  desired  I  would  give  myself  no  more 
trouble  about  it.  Since  that,  I  have  heard  no  more  of  it ; 
which  made  me  look  out  for  some  venal  borough  :  and  I 
spoke  to  a  borough-jobber,  and  offered  five-and- twenty  hun- 
dred pounds  for  a  secure  seat  in  Parliament ;  but  he  laughed 


Purchasing   a   Seat         303 


at  my  offer,  and  said,  that  there  was  no  such  thing  as  a  bor- 
ough to  be  had  now ;  for  that  the  rich  East  and  West  Ind- 
ians had  secured  them  all,  at  the  rate  of  three  thousand 
pounds  at  least;  but  many  at  four  thousand;  and  two  or 
three,  that  he  knew,  at  five  thousand.  This,  I  confess,  has 
vexed  me  a  good  deal ;  and  made  me  the  more  impatient 
to  know  whether  Lord  Chatham  had  done  anything  in  it ; 
which  I  shall  know  when  I  go  to  town,  as  I  propose  to  do 
in  about  a  fortnight ;  and,  as  soon  as  I  know  it,  you  shall. 
To  tell  you  truly  what  I  think  —  I  doubt,  from  all  these  ner- 
vous disorders,  that  Lord  Chatham  is  hors  de  combat,  as  a 
Minister ;  but  do  not  even  hint  this  to  anybody.  God  bless 
you  ! 

(Signed)  Chesterfield. 

Earl  of  Chesterfield,  Letters  (London,  1845),  IV,  463,  464. 

[June  2yth.  1807.]  I  shall  procure  myself  a  seat  in  the  new 
Parliament,  unless  I  find  that  it  will  cost  so  large  a  sum,  as, 
in  the  state  of  my  family,  it  would  be  very  imprudent  for  me 
to  devote  to  such  an  object,  which  I  find  is  very  likely  to  be 
the  case.  Tierney,  who  manages  this  business  for  the  friends 
of  the  late  administration,  assures  me  that  he  can  hear  of  no 
seats  to  be  disposed  of.  After  a  Parliament  which  has  lived 
little  more  than  four  months,  one  would  naturally  suppose, 
that  those  seats  which  are  regularly  sold  by  the  proprietors 
of  them  would  be  very  cheap  ;  they  are,  however,  in  fact, 
sold  now  at  a  higher  price  than  was  ever  given  for  them 
before.  Tierney  tells  me  that  he  has  offered  io,ooo/.  for 
the  two  seats  of  Westbury,  the  property  of  the  late  Lord 
Abingdon,  and  which  are  to  be  made  the  most  of  by  trus- 
tees for  creditors,  and  has  met  with  a  refusal.  6ooo/.  and 
55oo/.  have  been  given  for  seats  with  no  stipulation  as  to 
time,  or  against  the  event  of  a  speedy  dissolution  by  the 
King's  death,  or  by  any  change  of  administration.  The 
truth  is,  that  the  new  Ministers  have  bought  up  all  the 


Pitt.    His 
views  were 
liberal,  and 
he  opposed 
strongly  co- 
ercion of  the 
colonies. 
His  later 
years  were 
devoted  to 
literature 
and  to  the 
training  of 
his  son 
Philip,  to 
whom  this 
letter  was 
written.  — 
On  political 
conditions, 
see  May, 
Constitu- 
tional History 
of  England. 
"  Him,"  i.e. 
the  Earl  of 
Chatham. 

This  extract 
is  from  the 
diary  of  SIR 
SAMUEL 
ROM  ILLY 
(1757-1818). 
statesman 
and  re- 
former. 
Romiily  was 
a  leader  in 
the  legal 
profession 
and  solicitor 
general  to 
the  adminis- 
tration of  All 
the  Talents 
in  1806, 
but  he  is  best 
remembered 
as  the  re- 
former of  the 
Criminal 
Code. 
When  he 
took  the 
work  in 


304        Political   Conditions 

seats  that  were  to  be  disposed  of,  and  at  any  prices. 
Amongst  others,  Sir  C.  H. ,  the  great  dealer  in  bor- 
oughs, has  sold  all  he  had  to  Ministers.  With  what  money 
all  this  is  done  I  know  not,  but  it  is  suppose  1  that  the  King, 
who  has  greatly  at  heart  to  preserve  this  new  administration, 
the  favourite  objects  of  his  choice,  has  advanced  a  very  large 
sum  out  of  his  privy  purse. 

This  buying  of  seats  is  detestable  ;  and  yet  it  is  almost  the 
only  way  in  which  one  in  my  situation,  who  is  resolved  to  be 
an  independent  man,  can  get  into  Parliament.  To  come  in 
by  a  popular  election,  in  the  present  state  of  the  representa- 
tion, is  quite  impossible  ;  to  be  placed  there  by  some  great 
lord,  and  to  vote  as  he  shall  direct,  is  to  be  in  a  state  of 
complete  dependence ;  and  nothing  hardly  remains  but  to 
owe  a  seat  to  the  sacrifice  of  a  part  of  one's  fortune.  It  is 
true  that  many  men  who  buy  seats,  do  it  as  a  matter  of  pecu- 
niary speculation,  as  a  profitable  way  of  employing  their 
money :  they  carry  on  a  political  trade ;  they  buy  their 
seats,  and  sell  their  votes.  For  myself,  I  can  truly  say  that, 
by  giving  money  for  a  seat,  I  shall  make  a  sacrifice  of  my 
private  property,  merely  that  I  may  be  enabled  to  serve  the 
public.  I  know  what  danger  there  is  of  men's  disguising 
from  themselves  the  real  motives  of  their  actions  ;  but  it 
really  does  appear  to  me  that  it  is  from  this  motive  alone 
that  I  act. 

May  9th.  After  almost  despairing  of  being  able  to  get 
any  seat  in  Parliament,  my  friend  Piggott  has  at  last  pro- 
cured me  one ;  and  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  has  consented  to 
bring  me  in  for  Horsham.  It  is  however  but  a  precarious 
seat.  I  shall  be  returned,  as  I  shall  have  a  majority  of  votes, 
which  the  late  committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  decided 
to  be  good  ones ;  but  there  will  be  a  petition  against  the 
return,  by  the  candidates  who  will  stand  on  Lady  Irwin's 
interest,  and  it  is  extremely  doubtful  what  will  be  the  event 
of  the  petition.  .  .  . 


Position   of  a    Representative    305 

1 2th.  The  terms  upon  which  I  have  my  seat  at  Horsham 
will  be  best  explained  by  a  letter  I  wrote  to  Piggott  to-day 
after  the  election  was  over,  and  which  I  am  glad  to  keep  a 
copy  of.  It  is  (at  least  so  much  of  it  as  relates  to  this  sub- 
ject) in  these  words  :  "  Though  there  is  no  danger  that  I 
should  have  misunderstood  you,  yet  it  may  be  as  well  to  say, 
while  it  is  fresh  in  both  our  recollections,  what  I  understand 
to  be  the  extent  of  my  engagement.  If  I  keep  the  seat, 
either  by  the  decision  of  a  committee  upon  a  petition,  or 
by  a  compromise  (the  Duke  and  Lady  Irwin  returning  one 
member  each,  in  which  case  it  is  understood  that  I  am  to 
be  the  member  who  continues),  I  am  to  pay  2Ooo/.  ;  if, 
upon  a  petition,  I  lose  the  seat,  I  am  not  to  be  at  any 
expence." 

Sir  Samuel  Romilly,  Memoirs  (London,  1840),  II,  200-202. 


1 06.    The  Position  of  a  Representative 
(1774) 

.  .  .  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  conclude,  without  saying  a  word  on 
a  topick  touched  upon  by  my  worthy  colleague.  I  wish  that 
topick  had  been  passed  by  at  a  time  when  I  have  so  little 
leisure  to  discuss  it.  But  since  he  has  thought  proper  to 
throw  it  out,  I  owe  you  a  clear  explanation  of  my  poor 
sentiments  on  that  subject. 

He  tells  you,  that  "  the  topick  of  instructions  has  occa- 
sioned much  altercation  and  uneasiness  in  this  city ;  "  and 
he  expresses  himself  (if  I  understand  him  rightly)  in  favour 
of  the  coercive  authority  of  such  instructions. 

Certainly,  gentlemen,  it  ought  to  be  the  happiness  and 
glory  of  a  representative,  to  live  in  the  strictest  union,  the 
closest  correspondence,  and  the  most  unreserved  communi- 
x 


By  EDMUND 
BURKE 
(1729-1797), 
statesman 
and  philoso- 
pher.    In 
1766  he  en- 
tered Parlia- 
ment just  in 
time  to  take 
part  in  the 
American 
debates. 
Henceforth 
he  advocated 
the  cause  of 
the  colonists 
with  voice 
and  pen. 
He  was 
active  also  in 
urging 
economic 
reform, 
the  protec- 
tion of  the 


306        Political    Conditions 


personal  lib- 
erty of  the 
subject,  the 
interests  of 
Ireland,  the 
land  of  his 
birth.   Above 
all,  he 
showed  his 
splendid  elo- 
quence in 
the  impeach- 
ment trial  of 
Warren 
Hastings  for 
misgovern- 
ment  in 
India. 

Nevertheless, 
he  resisted 
steadily  all- 
plans  of  par- 
liamentary 
reform,  de- 
claring, "  I 
have  a  con- 
stitution to 
maintain  as 
well  as  a  con- 
stitution to 
reform."  The 
outbreak  of 
the  French 
Revolution 
revealed  • 
Burke's 
essential 
conserva- 
tism.    In 
speech  and 
pamphlet  he 
sounded  the 
alarm  that 
the  Constitu- 
tion was  in 
danger.     See 
No.  123. — 
For  Burke, 
see  Burke, 
Works; 
}.  Morley, 
Edmund 
Burke. 


cation  with  his  constituents.  Their  wishes  ought  to  have 
great  weight  with  him ;  their  opinion,  high  respect ;  their 
business,  unremitted  attention.  It  is  his  duty  to  sacrifice 
his  repose,  his  pleasures,  his  satisfactions,  to  theirs ;  and 
above  all,  ever,  and  in  all  cases,  to  prefer  their  interest  to 
his  own.  But  his  unbiassed  opinion,  his  mature  judgment, 
his  enlightened  conscience,  he  ought  not  to  sacrifice  to  you, 
to  any  man,  or  to  any  set  of  men  living.  These  he  does 
not  derive  from  your  pleasure  ;  no,  nor  from  the  law  and 
the  constitution.  They  are  a  trust  from  Providence,  for  the 
abuse  of  which  he  is  deeply  answerable.  Your  representa- 
tive owes  you,  not  his  industry  only,  but  his  judgment ; 
and  he  betrays,  instead  of  serving  you,  if  he  sacrifices  it  to 
your  opinion. 

My  worthy  colleague  says,  his  will  ought  to  be  subservient 
to  yours.  If  that  be  all,  the  thing  is  innocent.  If  govern- 
ment were  a  matter  of  will  upon  any  side,  yours,  without 
question,  ought  to  be  superior.  But  government  and  legis- 
lation are  matters  of  reason  and  judgment,  and  not  of 
inclination ;  and  what  sort  of  reason  is  that,  in  which  the 
determination  precedes  the  discussion  ;  in  which  one  set 
of  men  deliberate,  and  another  decide  ;  and  where  those 
who  form  the  conclusion  are  perhaps  three  hundred  miles 
distant  from  those  who  hear  the  arguments? 

To  deliver  an  opinion,  is  the  right  of  all  men  ;  that  of 
constituents  is  a  weighty  and  respectable  opinion,  which  a 
representative  ought  always  to  rejoice  to  hear ;  and  which 
he  ought  always  most  seriously  to  consider.  But  authorita- 
tive instructions;  mandates  issued,  which  the  member  is 
bound  blindly  and  implicitly  to  obey,  to  vote,  and  to  argue 
for,  though  contrary  to  the  clearest  conviction  of  his  judg- 
ment and  conscience ;  these  are  things  utterly  unknown 
to  the  laws  of  this  land,  and  which  arise  from  a  fundamental 
mistake  of  the  whole  order  and  tenour  of  our  constitution. 

Parliament  is  not  a  congress  of  ambassadors  from  differ- 


Position  of  a  Representative    307 

ent  and  hostile  interests ;  which  interests  each  must  main- 
tain, as  an  agent  and  advocate,  against  other  agents  and 
advocates  ;  but  parliament  is  a  deliberative  assembly  of  one 
nation,  with  one  interest,  that  of  the  whole ;  where,  not 
local  purposes,  not  local  prejudices,  ought  to  guide,  but  the 
general  good,  resulting  from  the  general  reason  of  the  whole. 
You  chuse  a  member  indeed  ;  but  when  you  have  chosen 
him,  he  is  not  a  member  of  Bristol,  but  he  is  a  member  of 
parliament.  If  the  local  constituent  should  have  an  inter- 
est, or  should  form  an  hasty  opinion,  evidently  opposite  to 
the  real  good  of  the  rest  of  the  community,  the  member  for 
that  place  ought  to  be  as  far,  as  any  other,  from  any  en- 
deavour to  give  it  effect.  I  beg  pardon  for  saying  so  much 
on  this  subject.  I  have  been  unwillingly  drawn  into  it; 
but  I  shall  ever  use  a  respectful  frankness  of  communication 
with  you.  Your  faithful  friend,  your  devoted  servant,  I 
shall  be  to  the  end  of  my  life  :  a  flatterer  you  do  not  wish  Burke  con- 

.  .  _      .  .    .      .      tmued  to  rep- 

for.     On   this   point   of  instructions,   however,  I    think   it   resent  Bristol 
scarcely  possible  we  ever  can  have  any  sort  of  difference.   J 
Perhaps  I   may  give  you  too  much,  rather  than  too  little 
trouble. 

From  the  first  hour  I  was  encouraged  to  court  your 
favour,  to  this  happy  day  of  obtaining  it,  I  have  never 
promised  you  anything  but  humble  and  persevering  en- 
deavours to  do  my  duty.  The  weight  of  that  duty,  I  con- 
fess, makes  me  tremble ;  and  whoever  well  considers  what 
it  is,  of  all  things  in  the  world,  will  fly  from  what  has  the 
least  likeness  to  a  positive  and  precipitate  engagement. 
To  be  a  good  member  of  parliament  is,  let  me  tell  you,  no 
easy  task ;  especially  at  this  time,  when  there  is  so  strong 
a  disposition  to  run  into  the  perilous  extremes  of  servile 
compliance  or  wild  popularity.  To  unite  circumspection 
with  vigour,  is  absolutely  necessary ;  but  it  is  extremely 
difficult.  We  are  now  members  for  a  rich  commercial 
city;  this  city,  however,  is  but  a  part  of  a  rich  commercial 


308        Political   Conditions 

nation,  the  interests  of  which  are  various,  multiform,  and 
intricate.  We  are  members  for  that  great  nation,  which 
however  is  itself  but  part  of  a  great  empire,  extended  by 
our  virtue  and  our  fortune  to  the  farthest  limits  of  the  east 
and  of  the  west.  All  these  wide-spread  interests  must  be 
considered ;  must  be  compared ;  must  be  reconciled,  if 
possible.  We  are  members  for  a  free  country ;  and  surely 
we  all  know,  that  the  machine  of  a  free  constitution  is  no 
simple  thing  ;  but  as  intricate  and  as  delicate  as  it  is  valuable. 
We  are  members  in  a  great  and  ancient  monarchy ;  and  we 
must  preserve  religiously  the  true  legal  rights  of  the  sov- 
ereign, which  form  the  key-stone  that  binds  together  the 
noble  and  well-constructed  arch  of  our  empire  and  our 
constitution.  A  constitution  made  up  of  balanced  powers 
must  ever  be  a  critical  thing.  As  such  I  mean  to  touch 
that  part  of  it  which  comes  within  my  reach.  I  know  my 
inability,  and  I  wish  for  support  from  every  quarter.  .  .  . 

Edmund  Burke,  Speech  to  the  Electors  of  Bristol,  November  3, 
1774.     Works  (London,  1815),  3,  18-22. 


The  debate 
here  de- 
scribed was 
the  high- 
water  mark 
in  the  ad- 
vance of 
reform  in  the 
eighteenth 
century. 
Increasing 
taxation  and 
disaster  in 
America 
strengthened 
the  demand 
for  reform, 
meetings  and 
petitions 


107.    Dunning's  Motion  on   the  Power  of 
the  Crown   (1780) 

On  the  6th  of  April,  the  house  of  commons  resolved  itself 
into  a  committee,  in  order  to  take  the  petitions  of  the  peo- 
ple into  consideration  ;  and  on  this  occasion  a  very  impor- 
tant debate  took  place  concerning  the  influence  of  the  crown. 
The  titles  of  the  petitions  were  previously  read,  and  they 
amounted  to  forty  in  number. 

The  debate  was  opened  by  Mr.  Dunning,  who  observed, 
that  there  were  two  great  objects  which  the  petitions  recom- 
mended to  the  care  and  attention  of  parliament :  these  were, 


Dunning's   Motion         309 


a  reduction  of  the  dangerous,  alarming,  and  increasing  influ- 
ence of  the  crown,  and  an  economical  expenditure  of  the 
public  money.  Little  had  yet  been  done  in  compliance  with 
the  requisitions  of  the  people.  .  .  . 

As  so  little,  therefore,  had  hitherto  been  done  towards 
complying  with  the  petitions  of  the  people,  he  thought  it 
absolutely  necessary  that  parliament  should  come  to  a  clear 
and  explicit  conclusion  on  the  subject ;  and  that  in  the 
present  session  it  should  be  plainly  demonstrated  to  the 
people  that  their  petitions  would  either  be  granted  or  re- 
jected. He  hoped,  that  he  should  be  able  to  effectuate 
this,  and  with  this  view  he  had  framed  such  propositions, 
as  would  produce,  either  directly,  or  by  clear  implication, 
that  information.  .  .  . 

His  first  motion  was,  that  it  should  be  resolved  by  that 
house,  "  That  the  influence  of  the  crown  had  increased,  was 
increasing,  and  ought  to  be  diminished."  This,  he  said,  he 
considered  as  an  unquestionable  fact,  as  a  fact  of  which  no 
man  in  that  house  could  entertain  a  doubt.  He  did  not 
mean  by  the  influence  of  the  crown,  that  influence  which 
arose  from  its  virtues,  or  the  just  rights  of  its  prerogative, 
but  that  which  arose  from  corruption,  and  other  undue 
practices.  He  might  probably  be  called  upon  for  proof  of 
the  increase  of  the  influence  of  the  crown.  He  had  no  wit- 
nesses, because  where  every  man  could  be  a  witness,  it  was 
difficult  to  pitch  upon  any  particular  man.  Every  man  that 
he  met  on  the  streets  would  tell  him,  that  the  members  of 
the  House  of  Commons  knew  better  than  any  other  men, 
that  the  influence  of  the  crown  was  increased,  and  increas- 
ing daily  to  a  most  ruinous  length.  Many  men  in  that  house 
could  point  to  their  next  neighbour,  and  say  that  he  was 
corrupted,  and  was  actually  to  be  paid  in  hard  and  sordid 
guineas,  or  perhaps  in  softer,  but  no  less  sordid  paper,  for 
his  conduct  that  day.  Nothing  but  an  influence  of  the  most 
corrupt  and  alarming  nature  could  ever  induce  gentlemen  in 


showed  the 

popular 

feeling. 

John  Dun- 
ning, later 
Lord  Ash- 
burton,  who 
introduced 
the  famous 
resolution 
upon  the 
power  of  the 
crown,  was 
already  well 
known  for  the 
part  that  he 
had  taken  in 
the  contests 
over  Wilkes 
and  colonial 
taxation. 


310        Political    Conditions 


Lord  North. 


Lotteries 
were  a 
favourite 
source  of 
public  rev- 
enue, and 
large 
numbers 
of  the  tickets 
were  usually 
disposed  of 
to  members 
of  Parlia- 
ment to  be 
sold  at  high 
premiums. 
Lord  Rock- 
ingham 
declared 
that  70 
elections 
were  decided 
by  the  votes 
of  revenue 
officers. 

In  1782  con- 
tractors were 
excluded 
from  Parlia- 
ment. 


that  house  to  give  votes  which  they  reprobated  out  of  the 
house.  He  had  himself  been  often  present,  when  members 
of  that  house  had  condemned,  in  the  most  violent,  indignant, 
and  contumelious  terms,  the  measures  which  they  had  sup- 
ported in  it.  It  was  notorious,  that  many  of  that  majority 
who  had,  for  some  years,  supported  all  the  measures  of  the 
minister  in  that  house,  were  as  loud  in  ridiculing  and  cen- 
suring his  measures  without  doors,  as  any  of  the  gentlemen 
in  the  opposition.  This  was  a  well  known  fact :  and  if  the 
task  were  not  an  invidious  one,  he  could  directly  name  at 
least  fifty  members,  who  had  done  so  in  his  presence.  The 
reason  was  manifest ;  without  doors  they  spoke  their  real 
sentiments ;  in  that  house  they  were  bribed  to  vote  against 
them. 

Besides  the  ordinary  means  of  corruption  used  in  that 
house,  he  mentioned  the  partial  distribution  of  military  pro- 
motions, lottery  tickets,  and  the  subscriptions  to  the  loan. 
He  also  observed,  that  an  increased  army  and  navy,  increased 
customs  and  taxes,  and  consequently  an  extended  collection, 
necessarily  threw  into  the  hands  of  the  executive  power  a 
new  and  unusual  degree  of  influence.  He  found  another 
great  source  of  influence  in  the  patronage  of  the  East  India 
Company.  Directors  were  made  contractors,  and  contrac- 
tors directors,  to  serve  the  purposes  of  the  minister.  In 
short,  the  pernicious  tendency  of  the  influence  of  the  crown 
was  every  where  manifest  throughout  the  kingdom,  nor 
could  any  thing  be  more  ridiculous  than  to  doubt  the  reality 
of  its  existence. 

Lord  Nugent  opposed  the  motion  as  involving  in  it  an 
abstract  question,  and  because  it  was  not  connected  with  any 
one  measure  whatever :  it  pointed  to  no  remedy,  nor  was  it 
apparently  designed  to  avert  any  evil.  As  to  the  proposition 
itself,  he  was  convinced  that  it  was  not  well  founded.  He 
had  more  than  once  given  it  as  his  sincere  opinion,  that  the 
influence  of  the  crown  was  not  increased,  neither  compara- 


Dunning' s    Motion         311 

lively  increased,  nor  improperly  increased.  Though  he  had 
long  been  a  member  of  parliament,  he  could  affirm,  that  he 
never  recollected  a  period  in  which  influence  was  less  felt, 
than  since  the  noble  Lord  who  presided  in  the  treasury  came 
into  his  present  situation.  He  said,  that  the  influence  of 
the  crown  was  always  greatest  in  moments  of  success  ;  and 
it  was  never  so  great  as  in  the  glorious  reign  of  George  II. 
and  under  the  administration  of  that  great  minister  the  Earl 
of  Chatham,  who  never  corrupted.  But  even  admitting  that 
the  influence  of  the  crown  had  increased  for  some  years 
past,  was  the  present  a  proper  time  to  diminish  it  ?  Ought 
the  influence  of  the  crown  to  be  lessened  at  a  time  when 
America  was  lost,  he  feared,  irretrievably  lost  ?  If  there  were 
any  members  of  that  house  who  felt  themselves  to  be  corrupt 
tools  and  slaves  of  government,  he  hoped  they  would  atone 
for  their  faults  by  acknowledging  that  they  had  been  guilty, 
and  promising  amendment.  For  his  own  part,  he  had  sup- 
ported the  minister  because  he  thought  him  to  be  in  the 
right.  He  had  supported  him  as  warmly  as  his  nearest  friend. 
He  owned,  however,  that  we  had  been  in  the  wrong.  He 
was  convinced,  that  we  had  been  in  the  wrong  with  respect  to 
America.  Events  had  altered  his  opinion,  but  he  had  sup- 
ported the  minister  in  his  measures  respecting  the  colonies, 
from  a  persuasion,  that  we  had  both  justice,  and  a  probabil- 
ity of  success,  on  our  side.  He  was  now  so  far  altered,  that 
he  wished  we  could  get  out  of  the  American  war  by  any 
handsome  means.  .  .  . 

Mr.  Thomas  Pitt  replied,  and  mentioned  the  circumstance 
of  the  minister  being  in  possession  of  his  present  office,  as 
an  undubitable  proof  of  the  enormous  influence  of  the 
crown.  He  asked,  whether  that  noble  lord  had  not  lost 
America?  Whether  he  had  not  spent  millions  of  the  public 
money,  and  wasted  rivers  of  British  blood,  in  that  iniquitous 
contest?  And  though  the  whole  country  execrated  the 
American  war,  the  same  minister,  by  whom  the  colonies 


312        Political    Conditions 

had  been  lost,  still  held  his  place.  To  what  was  this  ascrib- 
able?  Solely  to  the  increased  influence  of  the  crown.  The 
whole  business  of  the  minister,  for  a  series  of  years,  had 
been  to  make  excuses,  and  to  devise  expedients;  to  find 
supplies  from  year  to  year,  without  inventing  any  method  in 
finance,  any  scheme  of  supply  comprehensive  or  permanent, 
or  adopting  any  measure  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation.  The 
minister  had  sunk  and  degraded  the  honour  of  Great  Britain, 
and  disgraced  the  name  of  Englishman.  He  had  formerly 
been  proud  of  the  name  of  Englishman ;  for  there  was  a 
time,  and  he  hoped  he  did  not  speak  it  through  vanity, 
when  his  country  was  brought  to  the  highest  pitch  of  glory 
under  a  Whig  minister,  a  relation  of  his,  he  meant  the  Earl 
Chatham  of  Chatham.  But  it  was  now  the  reverse.  Everything  we 
uncle15  once  valued  had  been  lost  in  the  American  war.  As  to  the 

minister,  his  name  was  a  subject  of  contempt  and  ridicule 
in  every  court  of  Europe.  The  present  motion  was  highly 
seasonable  and  proper,  because  the  influence  of  the  crown 
was  so  enormously  increased,  that  the  people  of  England  at 
large  at  length  saw  it,  and  were  alarmed.  They  had  ex- 
pressed their  sense  of  it  in  their  petitions,  and  solicited  that 
it  might  be  diminished.  To  comply  with  that  request  was 
the  duty  of  the  house,  and  if  something  effectual  was  not 
done  upon  the  present  occasion,  the  most  dreadful  conse- 
quences might  be  the  result. 

Lord  North  warmly  denied,  that  America  had  been  lost 
through  him,  or  that  he  could  justly  be  accused  as  the  author 
of  the  public  distress.  He  wished  his  conduct  to  be  inves- 
tigated ;  for  he  was  ready  to  answer  any  charge  that  might 
be  brought  against  it.  With  regard  to  the  American  war,  and 
the  various  measures  pursued  relative  to  it,  they  were  not  his 
measures  as  a  Minister,  they  were  all  grounded  on  acts  of 
the  legislature  :  some  of  the  bills  had  been  proposed  by  him, 
and  some  by  others,  to  which  he  had  given  his  consent,  in 
common  with  the  majority  of  the  representatives  of  the  peo- 


Dunning's   Motion         313 


pie.  In  proposing  and  assenting  to  those  bills,  he  had  acted 
as  a  member  of  parliament,  and  as  such  only  was  responsi- 
ble. In  the  course  of  his  speech  the  minister  threw  out  some 
strong  expressions  against  the  gentlemen  in  opposition, 
charging  them  with  pursuing  measures  which  were  calculated 
to  overturn  the  constitution.  He  was  called  to  order,  and  a 
considerable  degree  of  clamour  took  place  in  the  house. 
After  this  had  subsided,  several  other  gentlemen,  on  both 
sides,  spoke  in  the  debate  .  .  .  and  at  twelve  o'clock  the 
committee  divided.  The  numbers  were,  for  Mr.  Dunning's 
motion  233,  against  it  215;  so  that  the  minister  was  again 
left  in  a  minority. 

The  New  Annual  Register,  1780,  148-153. 

Queen's  House,  April  yth,  1780. 
50  min.  pt.  7.  A.  M. 

The  whole  tenour  of  Lord  North's  conduct,  from  the  hour 
that  he  accepted  the  post  he  now  fills,  is  a  surety  to  me  that 
he  will  not  expect  an  immediate  answer  on  so  material  an 
event  as  the  one  he  alludes  to  in  his  letter  that  I  have  just 
found  on  my  table.  I  cannot  help  just  adding  that  the  reso- 
lution come  to  in  the  Committee  last  night,  and  already 
reported  to  the  House  can  by  no  means  be  looked  on  as 
personal  to  him  ;  I  wish  I  did  not  feel  at  whom  they  are 
personally  levelled. 

George  III,  Letters  to  Lord  North  (edited  by  W.  Donne,  Lon- 
don, 1867),  II,  313. 


With  the 
exception  of 
nine,  all  the 
county  mem- 
bers, the 
most  inde- 
pendent part 
of  the  House, 
were  in  the 
majority. 


314        Political    Conditions 


By  SYDNEY 
SMITH 
(1771-1845), 
clergyman, 
wit,  and 
political 
writer.     He 
belonged  to 
the  group  of 
young  men 
which  kept 
alive  the 
tradition  of 
liberty  in 
England  and 
Scotland 
during  the 
period  of  re- 
pression that 
opened  the 
nineteenth 
century. 
With 

Jeffrey  and 
Brougham  he 
founded  the 
Edinburgh 
Review  in 
1803.    The 
accompany- 
ing extract  is 
from  the 
Ply  m  ley 
Letters  in 
defence  of 
Catholic 
Emancipa- 
tion, pub- 
lished anony- 
mously. 
These 
Letters  were 
Smith's  best 
piece  of 
work,  and 
they  went 
through  six- 
teen editions 
within  the 
first  year. 

At  this  time 
Catholics 
were  ex- 
cluded from 


108.    Catholic  Emancipation   (1808) 

...  I  have  been  in  every  corner  of  Ireland,  and  have 
studied  its  present  strength  and  condition  with  no  common 
labour.  Be  assured  Ireland  does  not  contain  at  this  moment 
less  than  five  millions  of  people.  There  were  returned  in 
the  year  1791  to  the  hearth  tax  701,000  houses,  and  there 
is  no  kind  of  question  that  there  were  about  50,000  houses 
omitted  in  that  return.  Taking,  however,  only  the  number 
returned  for  the  tax,  and  allowing  the  average  of  six  to  a 
house  (a  very  small  average  for  a  potato-fed  people),  this 
brings  the  population  to  4,200,000  people  in  the  year  1791  : 
and  it  can  be  shown  from  the  clearest  evidence  (and  Mr. 
Newenham  in  his  book  shows  it),  that  Ireland  for  the  last 
fifty  years  has  increased  in  its  population  at  the  rate  of  50,000 
or  60,000  per  annum  ;  which  leaves  the  present  population 
of  Ireland  at  about  five  millions,  after  every  possible  deduc- 
tion for  existing  circumstances,  just  and  necessary  wars,  mon- 
strous and  unnatural  rebellions,  and  other  sources  of  human 
destruction.  Of  this  population,  two  out  of  ten  are  Protes- 
tants ;  and  the  half  of  the  Protestant  population  are  Dis- 
senters, and  as  inimical  to  the  Church  as  the  Catholics 
themselves.  In  this  state  of  things  thumbscrews  and  whip- 
ping—  admirable  engines  of  policy  as  they  must  be  considered 
to  be — will  not  ultimately  prevail.  The  Catholics  will  hang 
over  you ;  they  will  watch  for  the  moment,  and  compel  you 
hereafter  to  give  them  ten  times  as  much,  against  your  will, 
as  they  would  now  be  contented  with,  if  it  were  voluntarily 
surrendered.  Remember  what  happened  in  the  American 
war,  when  Ireland  compelled  you  to  give  her  everything  she 
asked,  and  to  renounce,  in  the  most  explicit  manner,  your 
claim  of  sovereignty  over  her.  God  Almighty  grant  the 
folly  of  these  present  men  may  not  bring  on  such  another 
crisis  of  public  affairs  ! 


Catholic   Emancipation     315 

What  are  your  dangers  which  threaten  the  Establishment  ?  office  and 
—  Reduce  this  declamation  to  a  point,  and  let  us  understand  ^eni.  ^  '*' 
what  you  mean.  The  most  ample  allowance  does  not  calcu-  See  No.  128. 
late  that  there  would  be  more  than  twenty  members  who 
were  Roman  Catholics  in  one  house,  and  ten  in  the  other, 
if  the  Catholic  emancipation  were  carried  into  effect.  Do 
you  mean  that  these  thirty  members  would  bring  in  a  bill 
to  take  away  the  tithes  from  the  Protestant,  and  to  pay  them 
to  the  Catholic  clergy?  Do  you  mean  that  a  Catholic  gen- 
eral would  march  his  army  into  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
purge  it  of  Mr.  Perceval  and  Dr.  Duigenan  ?  or,  that  the  the- 
ological writers  would  become  all  of  a  sudden  more  acute 
and  more  learned,  if  the  present  civil  incapacities  were  re- 
moved ?  Do  you  fear  for  your  tithes,  or  your  doctrines,  or 
your  person,  or  the  English  Constitution?  Every  fear,  taken 
separately,  is  so  glaringly  absurd,  that  no  man  has  the  folly 
or  the  boldness  to  state  it.  Every  one  conceals  his  igno- 
rance, or  his  baseness,  in  a  stupid  general  panic,  which,  when 
called  on,  he  is  utterly  incapable  of  explaining.  Whatever 
you  think  of  the  Catholics,  there  they  are  —  you  cannot  get 
rid  of  them  ;  your  alternative  is  to  give  them  a  lawful  place 
for  stating  their  grievances,  or  an  unlawful  one  :  if  you  do 
not  admit  them  to  the  House  of  Commons,  they  will  hold 
their  parliament  in  Potatoe-place,  Dublin,  and  be  ten  times 
as  violent  and  inflammatory  as  they  would  be  in  West- 
minster. Nothing  would  give  me  such  an  idea  of  security 
as  to  see  twenty  or  thirty  Catholic  gentlemen  in  Parliament, 
looked  upon  by  all  the  Catholics  as  the  fair  and  proper 
organ  of  their  party.  I  should  have  thought  it  the  height  of 
good  fortune  that  such  a  wish  existed  on  their  part,  and  the 
very  essence  of  madness  and  ignorance  to  reject  it.  Can 
you  murder  the  Catholics  ?  —  Can  you  neglect  them  ?  They 
are  too  numerous  for  both  these  expedients.  What  remains  Mr.  Perceval, 
to  be  done  is  obvious  to  every  human  being  —  but  to  that  Chancellor 
man  who,  instead  of  being  a  Methodist  preacher,  is,  for  the  Exchequer. 


316        Political    Conditions 

curse  of  us  and  our  children,  and  for  the  ruin  of  Troy  and 
the  misery  of  good  old  Priam  and  his  sons,  become  a  legis- 
lator and  a  politician. 

A  distinction,  I  perceive,  is  taken  by  one  of  the  most 
feeble  noblemen  in  Great  Britain,  between  persecution  and 
the  deprivation  of  political  power ;  whereas,  there  is  no 
more  distinction  between  these  two  things  than  there  is 
between  him  who  makes  the  distinction  and  a  booby.  If  I 
strip  off  the  relic-covered  jacket  of  a  Catholic,  and  give 
him  twenty  stripes  ...  I  persecute  ;  if  I  say,  Everybody 
in  the  town  where  you  live  shall  be  a  candidate  for  lucrative 
and  honourable  offices,  but  you,  who  are  a  Catholic  .  .  . 
I  do  not  persecute  !  What  barbarous  nonsense  is  this  !  as 
if  degradation  was  not  as  great  an  evil  as  bodily  pain  or  as 
severe  poverty  :  as  if  I  could  not  be  as  great  a  tyrant  by 
saying,  You  shall  not  enjoy  —  as  by  saying,  You  shall  suffer. 
The  English,  I  believe,  are  as  truly  religious  as  any  nation  in 
Europe  :  I  know  no  greater  blessing  ;  but  it  carries  with  it 
this  evil  in  its  train — that  any  villain  who  will  bawl  out,  "The 
Church  is  in  danger  !  "  may  get  a  place  and  a  good  pension  ; 
and  that  any  administration  who  will  do  the  same  thing  may 
bring  a  set  of  men  into  power  who,  at  a  moment  of  station- 
ary and  passive  piety,  would  be  hooted  by  the  very  boys  in 
the  streets.  But  it  is  not  all  religion ;  it  is,  in  great  part, 
the  narrow  and  exclusive  spirit  which  delights  to  keep  the 
common  blessings  of  sun  and  air  and  freedom  from  other 
human  beings,  "  Your  religion  has  always  been  degraded ; 
you  are  in  the  dust,  and  I  will  take  care  you  never  rise 
again.  I  should  enjoy  less  the  possession  of  an  earthly 
good  by  every  additional  person  to  whom  it  was  extended." 
"  Plymley "  ^ou  mav  not  ^e  aware  °f  ^  yourself,  most  reverend  Abra- 
addresses  his  ham,  but  you  deny  their  freedom  to  the  Catholics  upon  the 
"  My^brother  same  principle  that  Sarah  your  wife  refuses  to  give  the  receipt 
Abraham,"  a  for  a  nam  or  a  gooseberry  dumpling  :  she  values  her  receipts, 

country 

parson.  not  because  they  secure  to  her  a  certain  flavour,  but  because 


Catholic   Emancipation     317 

they  remind  her  that  her  neighbours  want  it:  —  a  feeling 
laughable  in  a  priestess,  shameful  in  a  priest ;  venial  when 
it  withholds  the  blessings  of  a  ham,  tyrannical  and  execrable 
when  it  narrows  the  boon  of  religious  freedom. 

You  spend  a  great  deal  of  ink  about  the  character  of  the 
present  prime  minister.  Grant  you  all  that  you  write  — 
I  say,  I  fear  he  will  ruin  Ireland,  and  pursue  a  line  of  policy 
destructive  to  the  true  interest  of  his  country :  and  then 
you  tell  me,  he  is  faithful  to  Mrs.  Perceval,  and  kind  to  the 
Master  Percevals  !  These  are,  undoubtedly,  the  first  quali- 
fications to  be  looked  to  in  a  time  of  the  most  serious  public 
danger ;  but  somehow  or  another  (if  public  and  private 
virtues  must  always  be  incompatible),  I  should  prefer  that 
he  destroyed  the  domestic  happiness  of  Wood  or  Cockell, 
owed  for  the  veal  of  the  preceding  year,  whipped  his  boys, 
and  saved  his  country. 

The  late  administration  did  not  do  right ;  they  did  not  The  ministry 
build  their  measures  upon  the  solid  basis  of  facts.     They  Talents"  C 
should  have  caused  several  Catholics  to  have  been  dissected   under  Gren- 

..          ,       ,     ,  ,.     .  ,  ...  villeandFox. 

after  death  by  surgeons  of  either  religion ;  and  the  report  1806-1807. 
to  have  been  published  with  accompanying  plates.  If  the 
viscera,  and  other  organs  of  life,  had  been  found  to  be  the 
same  as  in  Protestant  bodies ;  if  the  provisions  of  nerves, 
arteries,  cerebrum,  and  cerebellum,  had  been  the  same  as 
we  are  provided  with,  or  as  the  Dissenters  are  now  known 
to  possess  ;  then,  indeed  they  might  have  met  Mr.  Perceval 
upon  a  proud  eminence,  and  convinced  the  country  at  large 
of  the  strong  probability  that  the  Catholics  are  really  human 
creatures,  endowed  with  the  feelings  of  men,  and  entitled 
to  all  their  rights.  But  instead  of  this  wise  and  prudent 
measure,  Lord  Howick,  with  his  usual  precipitation,  brings  Later  Earl 
forward  a  bill  in  their  favour,  without  offering  the  slightest  Grey- 
proof  to  the  country  that  they  were  anything  more  than 
horses  and  oxen.  ...  I  could  write  you  twenty  letters 
upon  this  subject;  but  I  am  tired,  and  so  I  suppose  are 


3  1 8        Political   Conditions 

you.  Our  friendship  is  now  of  forty  years'  standing ;  you 
know  me  to  be  a  truly  religious  man;  but  I  shudder  to  see 
religion  treated  like  a  cockade,  or  a  pint  of  beer,  and  made 
the  instrument  of  a  party.  I  love  the  King,  but  I  love  the 
people  as  well  as  the  King ;  and  if  I  am  sorry  to  see  his  old 
age  molested,  I  am  much  more  sorry  to  see  four  millions  of 
Catholics  baffled  in  their  just  expectations.  .  .  . 

Sydney  Smith,  Peter  Plyniley^s  Letters,  II  (Works  of  the  Rev. 
Sydney  Smith,  London,  1859,  I,  140-142). 


By  FRANCIS 
JEFFREY 

(1773-185°). 
a  Scotch- 
man, mem- 
ber of  the 
group  of 
young 

Whigs  which 
included 
Sydney 
Smith  and 
Brougham, 
one  of  the 
founders  and 
editor  of  the 
Edinburgh 
Review,  and 
Lord  Advo- 
cate in  the 
Ministry  that 
carried 
through  the 
Reform  Bill 
of  1832. 
This  extract 
is  from  a 
speech  made 
during  the 
debates  on 
that  measure. 


109. 


Scotland  in  the  Unreformed   Parlia- 
ment  (1831) 


.  .  .  The  system  of  Scotland  is  not  a  representation  of  the 
Crown,  nor  of  the  Peers,  nor  of  the  great  landed  proprie- 
tors ;  but,  excluding  all  these,  it  is  only  the  representation 
of  a  most  insignificant  oligarchy,  not  very  high  in  rank  or 
station,  and  of  which  the  majority  is  not  even  connected 
with  the  great  landed  interests.  The  whole  constituency  of 
thirty  counties,  the  whole  number  of  the  voters,  according  to 
the  list  of  freeholders,  does  not  exceed  3,000,  from  which  are 
to  be  deducted  between  500  and  600  who  have  votes  and 
freeholds  in  two  or  three  counties,  making  the  whole  number 
of  voters  not  exceeding  2,400  or  2,500  —  a  constituency  for 
the  whole  of  Scotland  below  the  average  of  the  smallest 
counties  in  England.  The  constituency  of  the  boroughs  is 
quite  as  bad.  It  consists  of  the  majority  of  the  Town 
Councils,  who  elect  each  other,  and  the  numerical  amount 
of  the  whole  is  only  1,440  for  the  sixty-six  boroughs  of  Scot- 
land. The  whole  constituency,  then,  of  Scotland,  both  for 
the  counties  and  boroughs,  is  less  than  5,000,  and  probably 
does  not  exceed  4,500.  The  qualification  for  the  right  of 


Unreformed    Parliament      319 

voting  is  derived  from  what  are  called  Superiorities  —  a 
species  of  right  without  any  real  property,  which  are  dis- 
posed of  in  the  market,  and  give  a  man  no  more  power  over 
the  land  than  that  they  reserve  to  him  some  nominal  right, 
such  as  a  pepper-corn  rent.  All  the  2,500  freeholders,  who 
make  up  the  whole  constituency  of  the  counties,  and  are  pos- 
sessed of  the  right  of  voting,  are  not  actual  landed  proprie- 
tors. I  do  not  know  the  actual  number  of  freeholders  who 
are  at  the  same  time  landed  proprietors,  but  I  believe  that 
those  who  merely  own  superiorities  are  more  than  half  of 
the  whole ;  so  that,  therefore,  the  half  of  these  2,500  free- 
holders are  not  actually  the  possessors  of  property  in 
Scotland.  .  .  . 

In  the  county  of  Argyle,  in  1821,  there  were  47,000  in- 
habitants, while  the  number  of  freeholders  was  115;  but 
eighty-four  of  these  were  not  proprietors,  leaving  therefore, 
only  thirty-one  actual  landholders  to  return  the  county  Mem- 
bers of  97,000  inhabitants.  The  next  place  I  would  refer  to 
is  not  of  much  importance  —  it  is  the  county  of  Bute,  which 
has  a  population  of  only  14,000,  and  of  which  the  number  of 
freeholders  is  twenty-one ;  but,  according  to  the  Return,  it  A  return  of 
appears  that  no  fewer  than  twenty  of  these  retain  no  prop-  the  free-  , 

/       ,     ,  holders  of 

erty  whatever  m  Bute,  and  that  the  whole  14,000  inhabitants  Scotland, 
are  represented  by  one  single  voter  living  in  the  county. 
My  right  hon.  friend  opposite  knows  something  more  of 
the  county  of  Bute  than  I  do,  and  perhaps  he  knows  other 
instances  similar  to  that  which  I  will  mention  to  the  House. 
At  an  election  at  Bute,  not.  beyond  the  memory  of  man,  only 
one  person  attended  the  Meeting,  except  the  Sheriff  and  the 
Returning  Officer.  He,  of  course,  took  the  Chair,  constituted 
the  Meeting,  called  over  the  roll  of  freeholders,  answered  to 
his  own  name,  took  the  vote  as  to  the  Preses,  and  elected 
himself.  He  then  moved  and  seconded  his  own  nomination, 
put  the  question  to  the  vote,  and  was  unanimously  returned. 
Similar  events,  have,  I  believe,  taken  place  since.  .  .  . 


320        Political    Conditions 

I  have  already  stated  what  the  proportion  of  the  constitu- 
ency in  the  boroughs  is,  and  for  the  sixty-six  boroughs,  the 
whole  number  of  electors  is  only  1,440,  and  they  consist  of 
the  members  of  the  Town  Council,  who  mutually  and  recip- 
rocally elect  each  other.  They  are  renewed  indeed  every 
year,  but  they  choose  one  another.  In  Glasgow,  a  city  con- 
taining 200,000  people,  distinguished  for  their  wealth  and 
intelligence,  the  whole  constituency  consists  of  only  thirty- 
three  individuals ;  and  should  a  contest  arise,  seventeen  per- 
sons would  decide  for  the  whole  city.  .  .  . 

Hansard, Parliamentary  Debates  (London,  1832),  Third  Series, 
VII,  528-530. 


CHAPTER     XVII  —  IN     HANOVERIAN 
TIMES 

no.    The   Cloth-market    at    Leeds   (1725)  gyEtD0AENIEL 

(1661  ?- 

*ROM  Aberforth  we  turned  West,  and  went  to  Leeds,   \ 


F1 


which  is  a  large,  wealthy,  and  populous  Town,  standing  novelist. 


on  the  North  Side  of  the  River  Aire,  with  great  Suburbs  on   longed  to  the 
the  South  Side,  and  both  joined  by  a  stately,  strong,  Stone 


Bridge,  so  large,  and  so  wide,  that  formerly  the  Cloth-market  first  recog- 
was  kept  upon  it  ;  and  therefore  the  Refreshment  given  the   force  ia  * 


Clothiers  by  the  Inn-keepers  (being  a  Pot  of  Ale,  a  Noggin 

of  Pottage,  and  a  Trencher  of  boil'd  or  roast  Beef,  for  Two-  weekly  paper 

pence)  is  called  the  Brigg-shot  to  this  Day.  2£h5,Si 

The  Increase  of  the  Manufactures,  and  of  the  Trade,  soon  Review,  he 

,  /-i  in-  exerted  much 

made  the  Market  too  great  to  be  confined  to  the  Bngg;  so  influence. 


that  it  is  now  kept  in  the  High-street,  beginning  from  the 

Bridge,  and  running  up  North  almost  to  the  Market-house,   the  Whigs, 

where  the  ordinary  Market  for  Provisions  begins  ;  which  also 


is  the  greatest  of  its  kind  in  all  the  North  of  England.     You  pendent.  He 

may  judge  of  the  Plenty  of  it,  when  500  Load  of  Apples  tive  part  in 

have  been  numbered  by  the  Mayor's  Officers  in  a  Day.  discussions5 

But  the  Cloth-market  is  chiefly  to  be  admired,  as  a  Prodigy  that  followed 

of  its  Kind,  and  perhaps  not  to  be  equalled  in  the  World,  tio^n,  and  he 

The  Market  for  Serges  at  Exeter  is  indeed  a  wonderful  was  impris- 

•    •  oned  anc* 

1  hing,  and  the  Money  returned  very  great  ;  but  it  is  there  pilloried  on 

only  once  a  Week,  whereas  here  it  is  every  Tuesday  and      e°un 


Saturday.  against  the 

Early  in  the  Morning,  Tressels  are  placed  in  two  Rows  in   his  numer- 


the  Street,  sometimes  two  Rows   on   a   Side,  cross  which 
Boards  are  laid,  which  make  a  kind  of  temporary  Counter   known  is 
on  either  Side,  from  one  End  of  the  Street  to  the  other.          strange  Sur- 
Y  321 


322 


In    Hanoverian   Times 


prising  Ad- 
ventures of 
Robinson- 
Crusoe  of 
York,  Mari- 
ner, which 
appeared  in 
1719,  but  he 
wrote  much 
on  financial 
questions, 
and  his  Tour 
through 
Great 
Britain, 
1724-1725,  is 
the  best 
general  ac- 
count of  the 
country  at 
that  time 
that  we  have. 

This  extract 
shows  the 
conditions  of 
trade  and, 
incidentally 
of  manufac- 
ture, before 
the  industrial 
revolution  of 
the  end  of 
the  century. 


The  Clothiers  come  early  in  the  Morning  with  their  Cloth  ; 
and,  as  few  bring  more  than  one  Piece,  the  Market-days 
being  so  frequent,  they  go  into  the  Inns  and  Public-houses 
with  it,  and  there  set  it  down. 

At  about  Six  o'Clock  in  the  Summer,  and  about  Seven  in 
the  Winter,  the  Clothiers  being  all  come  by  that  Time,  the 
Market  Bell  at  the  Old  Chapel  by  the  Bridge  rings ;  upon 
which  it  would  surprise  a  Stranger,  to  see  in  how  few  Min- 
utes, without  Hurry,  Noise,  or  the  least  Disorder,  the  whole 
Market  is  filled,  and  all  the  Boards  upon  the  Tressels  cov- 
ered with  Cloth,  as  close  to  one  another  as  the  Pieces  can 
lie  longways,  each  Proprietor  standing  behind  his  own  Piece, 
who  form  a  Mercantile  Regiment,  as  it  were,  drawn  up  in  a 
double  Line,  in  as  great  Order  as  a  Military  one. 

As  soon  as  the  Bell  has  ceased  ringing,  the  Factors  and 
Buyers  of  all  Sorts  enter  the  Market,  and  walk  up  and  down 
between  the  Rows,  as  their  Occasions  direct.  Some  of  them 
have  their  foreign  Letters  of  Orders.,  with  Patterns  sealed  on 
them,  in  their  Hands ;  the  Colours  of  which  they  match,  by 
holding  them  to  the  Cloths  they  think  they  agree  to.  When 
they  have  pitched  upon  their  Cloth,  they  lean  over  to  the 
Clothier,  and,  by  a  Whisper,  in  the  fewest  Words  imagina- 
ble, the  Price  is  stated ;  one  asks,  the  other  bids ;  and  they 
agree  or  disagree  in  a  Moment. 

The  Reason  of  this  prudent  Silence  is  owing  to  the  Cloth- 
iers standing  so  near  to  one  another ;  for  it  is  not  reasonable, 
that  one  Trader  should  know  another's  Traffick. 

If  a  Merchant  has  bidden  a  Clothier  a  Price,  and  he  will 
not  take  it,  he  may  go  after  him  to  his  House,  and  tell  him 
he  has  considered  of  it,  and  is  willing  to  let  him  have  it ;  but 
they  are  not  to  make  any  new  Agreement  for  it,  so  as  to 
remove  the  Market  from  the  Street  to  the  Merchant's  House. 

The  Buyers  generally  walk  up  and  down  twice  on  each 
Side  of  the  Rows,  and  in  little  more  than  an  Hour  all  the 
Business  is  done.  In  less  than  half  an  Hour  you  will  per- 


Cloth-Market  at   Leeds     323 

ceive  the  Cloth  begin  to  move  off,  the  Clothier  taking  it  up 
upon  his  Shoulder  to  carry  it  to  the  Merchant's  House.  At 
about  half  an  Hour  after  Eight  the  Market  Bell  rings  again, 
upon  which  the  Buyers  immediately  disappear,  the  Cloth  is 
all  sold  ;  or  if  any  remains,  it  is  carried  back  into  the  Inn. 
By  Nine  o'Clock  the  Boards  and  Tressels  are  removed,  and 
the  Street  left  at  Liberty  for  the  Market-people  of  other 
Professions,  the  Linendrapers,  Shoemakers,  Hard-waremen, 
and  the  like. 

Thus  you  see  10  or  2O,ooo/.  worth  of  Cloth,  and  some- 
times much  more,  bought  and  sold  in  little  more  than  an 
Hour,  the  Laws  of  the  Market  being  the  most  strictly 
observed  that  I  ever  saw  in  any  Market  in  England. 

If  it  be  asked,  How  all  these  Goods  at  this  Place,  at 
Wakefield,  and  at  Halifax,  are  vended  and  disposed  of?  I 
would  observe, 

First,  That  there  is  an  Home-consumption ;  to  supply 
which,  several  considerable  Traders  in  Leeds  go  with  Droves 
of  Pack-horses,  loaden  with  those  Goods,  to  all  the  Fairs 
and  Market-towns  almost  over  the  whole  Island,  not  to  sell 
by  Retail,  but  to  the  Shops  by  Wholesale ;  giving  large 
Credit.  'Tis  ordinary  for  one  of  these  Men  to  carry  a 
thousand  Pounds  worth  of  Cloth  with  him  at  a  time  ;  and, 
having  sold  that,  to  send  his  Horses  back  for  as  much  more ; 
and  this  very  often  in  a  Summer ;  for  they  travel  chiefly  at 
that  Season,  because  of  the  Badness  of  the  Roads. 

There  are  others,  who  have  Commissions  from  London  to 
buy,  or  who  give  Commissions  to  Factors  and  Warehouse- 
keepers  in  London  to  sell  for  them,  who  not  only  supply  all 
the  Shop-keepers  and  Wholesale  Men  in  London,  but  sell 
also  very  great  Quantities  to  the  Merchants,  as  well  for 
Exportation  to  the  English  Colonies  in  America,  which 
take  off  great  Quantities  of  the  coarse  Goods,  especially 
New  England,  New  York,  Virginia,  &c.  as  also  to  the 
Russia  Merchants,  who  send  exceeding  great  Quantities  to 


324      In    Hanoverian   Times 

Petersburg,  Riga,  Dantzick,  Narva,  Sweden,  and  Pome- 
rania  ;  tho'  of  late  the  Manufactures  of  this  kind  set  up  in 
Prussia,  and  other  Northern  Parts  of  Germany,  interfere  a 
little  with  them. 

The  third  Sorts  are  such  as  receive  Commissions  from 
abroad,  to  buy  Cloth  for  the  Merchants  chiefly  in  Hamburg, 
and  in  Holland,  &c.  These  are  not  only  many  in  Number, 
but  some  of  them  very  considerable  in  their  Dealings,  and 
correspond  with  the  farthest  Provinces  in  Germany. 

Daniel  Defoe,  Tour  through   Great  Britain  (London,    1753), 
III,  116-119. 


By  JONA- 
THAN SWIFT 
(1667-1745). 
clergyman 
and  satirist. 
He  took  an 
active  part  in 
politics,  sup- 
porting the 
Whigs  until 
alienated  by 
their  liberal 
church  pol- 
icy.   After 
1711  he  gave 
his  services 
to  the  Tory 
party,  and 
one  of  his 
most  famous 
pamphlets, 
The  Conduct 
of  the  Allies, 
was  in  sup- 
port of  the 
peace  negoti- 
ations of 

1713- 
Although 
born  and 
educated  in 
Dublin,  he 


ill.    A  View  of  Ireland  in  the  Eigh- 
teenth  Century. 

...  As  to  the  first  cause  of  a  nation's  riches,  being  the 
fertility  of  the  soil,  as  well  as  temperature  of  the  climate,  we 
have  no  reason  to  complain ;  for,  although  the  quantity  of 
unprofitable  land  in  this  kingdom,  reckoning  bog  and  rock 
and  barren  mountain,  be  double  in  proportion  to  what  it  is 
in  England ;  yet  the  native  productions,  which  both  king- 
doms deal  in,  are  very  near  on  an  equality  in  point  of  good- 
ness, and  might,  with  the  same  encouragement,  be  as  well 
manufactured.  I  except  mines  and  minerals ;  in  some  of 
which,  however,  we  are  only  defective  in  point  of  skill  and 
industry.  .  .  . 

The  conveniency  of  ports  and  havens,  which  nature  has 
bestowed  so  liberally  on  this  kingdom,  is  of  no  more  use  to 
us  than  a  beautiful  prospect  to  a  man  shut  up  in  a  dungeon. 

As  to  shipping  of  its  own,  Ireland  is  so  utterly  unprovided, 
that  of  all  the  excellent  timber  cut  down  within  these  fifty 
or  sixty  years,  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  the  nation  has 


A   View   of  Ireland         325 


received  the  benefit  of  one  valuable  house  to  dwell  in,  or 
one  ship  to  trade  with. 

Ireland  is  the  only  kingdom  I  ever  heard  or  read  of, 
either  in  ancient  or  modern  story,  which  was  denied  the 
liberty  of  exporting  their  native  commodities  and  manufac- 
tures wherever  they  pleased,  except  to  countries  at  war  with 
their  own  prince  or  state  :  yet  this  privilege,  by  the  superi- 
ority of  mere  power,  is  refused  us  in  the  most  momentous 
parts  of  commerce  ;  besides  an  act  of  navigation,  to  which 
we  never  consented,  pinned  down  upon  us,  and  rigorously 
executed  ;  and  a  thousand  other  unexampled  circumstances, 
as  grievous  as  they  are  invidious  to  mention.  To  go  on  to 
the  rest. 

It  is  too  well  known,  that  we  are  forced  to  obey  some 
laws  we  never  consented  to  ;  .  .  .  Thus  we  are  in  the  con- 
dition of  patients,  who  have  physic  sent  them  by  doctors 
at  a  distance,  strangers  to  their  constitution  and  the  nature 
of  their  disease ;  and  thus  we  are  forced  to  pay  five  hun- 
dred per  cent,  to  decide  our  properties  :  in  all  which  we 
have  likewise  the  honour  to  be  distinguished  from  the  whole 
race  of  mankind.  .  .  . 

We  are  so  far  from  having  a  king  to  reside  among  us, 
that  even  the  viceroy  is  generally  absent  four-fifths  of  his 
time  in  the  government. 

No  strangers  from  other  countries  make  this  a  part  of 
their  travels  ;  where  they  can  expect  to  see  nothing  but 
scenes  of  misery  and  desolation. 

Those  who  have  the  misfortune  to  be  born  here,  have  the 
least  title  to  any  considerable  employment ;  to  which  they 
are  seldom  preferred,  but  upon  a  political  consideration. 

One  third  part  of  the  rents  of  Ireland  is  spent  in  England  ; 
which,  with  the  profit  of  employments,  pensions,  appeals, 
journeys  of  pleasure  or  health,  education  at  the  inns  of 
court  and  both  universities,  remittances  at  pleasure,  the  pay 
of  all  superior  offices  in  the  army,  and  other  incidents,  will 


regarded  life 
in  Ireland  as 
exile,  and 
gave  little 
attention  to 
Irish  affairs 
until  1724, 
when  he 
wrote  the 
celebrated 
Drapier's 
Letters  at- 
tacking Wai- 
pole's  plan  of 
furnishing 
Ireland  with 
a  copper 
coinage.  — 
See  G.  Saints- 
bury,  Politi- 
cal Pam- 
phlets. 

During  the 
following 
years  he 
wrote  many 
pamphlets  in 
behalf  of 
Irish 

interests. — 
On  Ireland 
in  the  eigh- 
teenth cen- 
tury, see 
Lecky,  His- 
tory of  Eng- 
land in  the 
Eighteenth 
Century. 


326      In    Hanoverian   Times 


This  extract 
is  from  a 
Letter  from  a 
Gentleman  in 
Dublin  to 
S.  R.  W.  in 
London,  and 
was  written 
about  1727. 


amount  to  a  full  half  of  the  income  of  the  whole  kingdom, 
all  clear  profit  to  England. 

We  are  denied  the  liberty  of  coining  gold,  silver,  or  even 
copper.  In  the  Isle  of  Man  they  coin  their  own  silver; 
every  petty  prince,  vassal  to  the  Emperor,  can  coin  what 
money  he  pleases.  And  in  this,  as  in  most  of  the  articles 
already  mentioned,  we  are  an  exception  to  all  other  states 
or  monarchies  that  were  ever  known  in  the  world.  .  .  . 

Jonathan  Swift,  A  Short  View  oj  the  State  of  Ireland,  1727, 
Works  (edited  by  Walter  Scott,  Edinburgh,  1824),  VII,  115- 
117. 

The  first  and  greatest  shock  our  trade  received,  was  from 
an  act  passed  in  the  reign  of  King  William,  in  the  Parlia- 
ment of  England,  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  wool  manu- 
factured in  Ireland.  An  act  (as  the  event  plainly  shews) 
fuller  of  greediness  than  good  policy ;  an  act  as  beneficial 
to  France  and  Spain,  as  it  has  been  destructive  to  England 
and  Ireland.  At  the  passing  of  this  fatal  act,  the  condition 
of  our  trade  was  glorious  and  flourishing,  though  no  way 
interfering  with  the  English  ;  .  .  .  coarse  druggets,  bays  and 
shalloons,  worsted  damasks,  strong  draught  works,  slight 
half-works,  and  gaudy  stuffs,  were  the  only  product  of  our 
looms  :  these  were  partly  consumed  by  the  meanest  of  our 
people,  and  partly  sent  to  the  northern  nations,  from  which 
we  had  in  exchange,  timber,  iron,  hemp,  flax,  pitch,  tar,  and 
hard  dollars.  .  .  .  This  money  was  returned  into  England 
for  fine  cloths,  silks,  &c.  for  our  own  wear,  for  rents,  for 
coals,  for  hardware,  and  all  other  English  manufactures,  and, 
in  a  great  measure,  supplied  the  London  merchants  with 
foreign  silver  for  exportation. 

The  repeated  clamours  of  the  English  weavers  produced 
this  act,  so  destructive  to  themselves  and  us.  They  looked 
with  envious  eyes  upon  our  prosperity,  and  complained  of 
being  undersold  by  us  in  those  commodities,  which  they 


A  View   of  Ireland         327 

themselves  did  not  deal  in.     At  their  instances  the  act  was 
passed,  and  we  lost  our  profitable  northern  trade.  .  .  . 

The  only  manufactured  wares  we  are  allowed  to  ex- 
port, are  linen  cloth  and  linen  yarn,  which  are  marketable 
only  in  England ;  the  rest  of  our  commodities  are  wool, 
restrained  to  England,  and  raw  hides,  skins,  tallow,  beef, 
and  butter.  Now,  these  are  things  for  which  the  northern 
nations  have  no  occasion  ;  we  aje  therefore  obliged,  instead 
of  carrying  woollen  goods  to  their  markets,  and  bringing 
home  money,  to  purchase  their  commodities. 

In  France,  Spain,  and  Portugal,  our  wares  are  more  valu- 
able, though  it  must  be  owned,  our  fraudulent  trade  in  wool 
is  the  best  branch  of  our  commerce  ;  from  hence  we  get 
wines,  brandy,  and  fruit,  very  cheap,  and  in  great  perfec- 
tion ;  so  that  though  England  has  constrained  us  to  be 
poor,  they  have  given  us  leave  to  be  merry.  .  .  . 

To  England  we  are  allowed  to  send  nothing  but  linen 
cloth,  yarn,  raw  hides,  skins,  tallow,  and  wool.  From  thence 
we  have  coals,  for  which  we  always  pay  ready  money,  India 
goods,  English  woollen  and  silks,  tobacco,  hardware,  earth- 
enware, salt,  and  several  other  commodities.  Our  expor- 
tations  to  England  are  very  much  overbalanced  by  our 
importations ;  so  that  the  course  of  exchange  is  generally 
too  high,  and  people  choose  rather  to  make  their  remit- 
tances to  England  in  specie,  than  by  a  bill,  and  our  nation 
is  perpetually  drained  of  its  little  running  cash. 

Another  cause  of  the  decay  of  trade,  scarcity  of  money, 
and  swelling  of  exchange,  is  the  unnatural  affectation  of  our 
gentry  to  reside  in  and  about  London.  Their  rents  are  re- 
mitted to  them,  and  spent  there.  The  countryman  wants 
employment  from  them ;  the  country  shopkeeper  wants  Le.  lacks, 
their  custom.  For  this  reason  he  can't  pay  his  Dublin 
correspondent  readily,  nor  take  off  a  great  quantity  of  his 
wares.  Therefore,  the  Dublin  merchant  can't  employ  the 
artizan,  nor  keep  up  his  credit  in  foreign  markets.  .  .  . 


328      In    Hanoverian   Times 

Another  great  calamity,  is  the  exorbitant  raising  of  the 
rents  of  lands.  Upon  the  determination  of  all  leases  made 
before  the  year  1690,  a  gentleman  thinks  he  has  but  indif- 
ferently improved  his  estate  if  he  has  only  doubled  his  rent- 
roll.  Farms  are  screwed  up  to  a  rack-rent,  —  leases  granted 
but  for  a  small  term  of  years,  —  tenants  tied  down  to  hard 
conditions,  and  discouraged  from  cultivating  the  lands 
they  occupy  to  the  best  advantage,  by  the  certainty  they 
have  of  the  rent  being  raised,  on  the  expiration  of  their 
lease,  proportionably  to  the  improvements  they  shall  make. 
Thus  is  honest  industry  restrained;  the  farmer  is  a  slave  to 
his  landlord;  'tis  well  if  he  can  cover  his  family  with  a 
coarse  home-spun  frieze.  The  artizan  has  little  dealings  with 
him ;  yet  he  is  obliged  to  take  his  provisions  from  him  at 
an  extravagant  price,  otherwise  the  farmer  cannot  pay  his 
rent. 

The  proprietors  of  lands  keep  great  part  of  them  in  their 
own  hands  for  sheep-pasture ;  and  there  are  thousands  of 
poor  wretches  who  think  themselves  blessed,  if  they  can 
obtain  a  hut  worse  than  the  squire's  dog-kennel,  and  an 
acre  of  ground  for  a  potatoe-plantation,  on  condition  of 
being  as  very  slaves  as  any  in  America.  What  can  be  more 
deplorable,  than  to  behold  wretches  starving  in  the  midst  of 
plenty  ! 

We  are  apt  to  charge  the  Irish  with  laziness,  because  we 
seldom  find  them  employed  ;  but  then  we  don't  consider 
they  have  nothing  to  do.  Sir  William  Temple,  in  his  excellent 
remarks  on  the  United  Provinces,  inquires,  why  Holland, 
which  has  the  fewest  and  worst  ports  and  commodities  of 
any  nation  in  Europe,  should  abound  in  trade,  and  Ireland, 
which  has  the  most  and  best  of  both,  should  have  none? 
This  great  man  attributes  this  surprising  accident  to  the 
natural  aversion  man  has  for  labour ;  who  will  not  be  per- 
suaded to  toil  and  fatigue  himself  for  the  superfluities  of  life 
throughout  the  week,  when  he  may  provide  himself  with  all 


The    Highlanders  329 

necessary  subsistence  by  the  labour  of  a  day  or  two.  But, 
with  due  submission  to  Sir  William's  profound  judgment, 
the  want  of  trade  with  us  is  rather  owing  to  the  cruel  re- 
straints we  lie  under,  than  to  any  disqualification  whatsoever 
in  our  inhabitants. 

Jonathan  Swift,  The  Present  Miserable  State  of  Ireland,  Works, 
(edited  by  Walter  Scott,  Edinburgh,  1824),  VII,  194-199. 


112.    The  Highlanders   (circ.    1730) 

The  Highlanders  are  divided  into  Tribes,  or  Clans,  under 
Chiefs,  or  Chieftains,  as  they  are  called  in  the  Laws  of  Scot- 
land ;  and  each  Clan  again  divided  into  Branches  from  the 
main  Stock,  who  have  Chieftains  over  them.  These  are 
sub-divided  into  smaller  Branches  of  fifty  or  sixty  Men,  who 
deduce  their  Original  from  their  particular  Chieftains,  and 
rely  upon  them  as  their  more  immediate  Protectors  and 
Defenders.  But  for  better  Distinction  I  shall  use  the  Word 
Chief  for  the  Head  of  a  whole  Clan,  and  the  Principal  of  a 
Tribe  derived  from  him  I  shall  call  a  Chieftain. 

The  ordinary  Highlanders  esteem  it  the  most  sublime 
Degree  of  Virtue  to  love  their  Chief,  and  pay  him  a  blind 
Obedience,  although  it  be  in  Opposition  to  the  Government, 
the  Laws  of  the  Kingdom,  or  even  to  the  Law  of  God.  He 
is  their  Idol ;  and  as  they  profess  to  know  no  King  but  him 
(I  was  going  further),  so  will  they  say  they  ought  to  do 
whatever  he  commands  without  Inquiry. 

Next  to  this  Love  of  their  Chief  is  that  of  the  particular 
Branch  from  whence  they  sprang ;  and,  in  a  third  Degree, 
to  those  of  the  whole  Clan  or  Name,  whom  they  will  assist, 
right  or  wrong,  against  those  of  any  other  Tribe  with  which 
they  are  at  variance,  to  whom  their  Enmity,  like  that  of 
exasperated  Brothers,  is  most  outrageous. 


By  CAPTAIN 
BURT,  engin- 
eer officer  in 
Scotland 
under  Gen- 
eral Wade. 

In  the  early 
part  of  the 
eighteenth 
century 
a  serious 
attempt  was 
made  to  deal 
with  the  law- 
less and 
quasi-feudal 
conditions 
prevailing  in 
the  High- 
lands. 
Schools  for 
the  poor 
people  were 
established. 
The  42d  regi- 
ment, the  fa- 
mous Black 
Watch,  was 
enrolled  in 
1740  from 
native  com- 
panies. 
Above  all,  a 
better  system 
of  roads  was 
introduced 
under  Gen- 
eral Wade. 
Between 
1726-1737, 


330      In    Hanoverian   Times 


250  miles  of 
road  and  40 
bridges  were 
constructed. 
But  it  was 
not  until 
after  the  fail- 
ure of  the 
last  Stuart 
rising  in  1745 
that  the  clan 
system  re- 
ceived its 
death-blow. 
The  out- 
break was 
followed  by 
severe  meas- 
ures.    A  dis- 
arming act 
was  passed, 
the  wearing 
of  the  tartan 
was  forbid- 
den, private 
jurisdictions 
were  de- 
stroyed, and 
the  more 
restless  and 
lawless  were 
recruited  for 
the  foreign 
service. 


They  likewise  owe  good  Will  to  such  Clans  as  they  esteem 
to  be  their  particular  Well-wishers;  and  lastly,  they  have  an 
Adherence  one  to  another  as  Highlanders,  in  Opposition  to  the 
People  of  the  Low-Country,  whom  they  despise  as  inferior  to 
them  in  Courage,  and  believe  they  have  a  Right  to  plunder 
them  whenever  it  is  in  their  Power.  This  last  arises  from  a 
Tradition,  that  the  Lowlands,  in  old  Times  were  the  Posses- 
sion of  their  Ancestors.  .  .  . 

The  Chief  exercises  an  arbitrary  Authority  over  his 
Vassals,  determines  all  Differences  and  Disputes  that  happen 
among  them,  and  levies  Taxes  upon  extraordinary  Occasions, 
such  as  the  Marriage  of  a  Daughter,  building  a  House,  or 
some  Pretence  for  his  Support  and  the  Honour  of  the 
Name.  And  if  any  one  should  refuse  to  contribute  to  the 
best  of  his  Ability  he  is  sure  of  severe  Treatment,  and  if  he 
persisted  in  his  Obstinacy  he  would  be  cast  out  of  his  Tribe 
by  general  Consent :  but  Instances  of  this  Kind  have  very 
rarely  happened. 

This  Power  of  the  Chiefs  is  not  supported  by  Interest,  as 
they  are  Landlords,  but  as  lineally  descended  from  the  old 
Patriarchs,  or  Fathers  of  the  Families ;  for  they  hold  the 
same  Authority  when  they  have  lost  their  Estates,  as  may 
appear  from  several,  and  particularly  one  who  commands 
in  his  Clan,  though,  at  the  same  Time,  they  maintain  him, 
having  nothing  left  of  his  own. 

On  the  other  Hand,  the  Chief,  even  against  the  Laws, 
is  to  protect  his  Followers,  as  they  are  sometimes  called, 
be  they  never  so  criminal.  He  is  their  Leader  in  Clan 
Quarrels,  must  free  the  Necessitous  from  their  Arrears  of 
Rent,  and  maintain  such  who,  by  Accidents,  are  fallen  to 
total  Decay. 

If,  by  Increase  of  the  Tribe,  any  small  Farms  are  wanting 
for  the  Support  of  such  Addition,  he  splits  others  into  lesser 
Portions,  because  all  must  be  somehow  provided  for ;  and 
as  the  meanest  among  them  pretend  to  be  his  Relations 


The    Highlanders          331 


by  Consanguinity,  they  insist  upon  the  Privilege  of  taking 
him  by  the  Hand  wherever  they  meet  him.  .  .  . 

Some  of  the  Chiefs  have  not  only  personal  Dislikes  and 
Enmity  to  each  other,  but  there  are  also  hereditary  Feuds 
between  Clan  and  Clan,  which  have  been  handed  down 
from  one  Generation  to  another  for  several  Ages. 

These  Quarrels  descend  to  the  meanest  Vassal ;  and  thus, 
sometimes,  an  innocent  Person  suffers  for  Crimes  committed 
by  his  Tribe  at  a  vast  distance  of  Time  before  his  Being 
began.  .  .  . 

Often  the  Monuments  of  a  Clan  Battle,  or  some  particu- 
lar Murder,  are  the  Incitements  to  great  Mischiefs.  The 
first-mentioned  are  small  Heaps  of  Stones,  thrown  together 
on  the  Place  where  every  particular  Man  fell  in  Battle ;  the 
other  is  from  such  a  Heap  first  cast  upon  the  Spot  where 
the  Fact  was  committed,  and  afterwards  by  Degrees  in- 
creased to  a  high  Pyramid,  by  those  of  the  Clan  that  was 
wronged,  in  still  throwing  more  Stones  upon  it  as  they  pass 
by.  The  former  I  have  seen  overgrown  with  Moss,  upon 
wide  Moors,  which  showed  the  Number  of  Men  that 
were  killed  in  the  Action.  And  several  of  the  latter  I  have 
observed  in  my  Journeys,  that  could  not  be  less  than  four- 
teen or  fifteen  Feet  high,  with  a  Base  proportionable. 
Thus,  if  several  Men  of  Clans  at  Variance,  happen  to  meet 
in  View  of  one  of  these  Memorials,  'tis  odds  but  one  Party 
reproaches  the  other  with  all  the  aggravating  Circumstances 
that  Tradition  (which  is  mostly  a  Liar,  either  in  the  whole 
or  in  a  Part)  has  added  to  the  original  Truth ;  and  then  some 
great  Mischief  ensues.  But  if  a  single  Highlander  of  the 
Clan  that  offended,  should  be  met  by  two  or  three  more  of 
the  others,  he  is  sure  to  be  insulted,  and  receive  some  cruel 
Treatment  from  them. 

Thus  these  Heaps  of  Stones,  as  I  have  heard  an  old 
Highlander  complain,  continue  to  occasion  the  Revival  of 
Animosities  that  had  their  beginning  perhaps  Hundreds 


33  2       In    Hanoverian   Times 

of  Years  before  any  of  the  Parties  accused  were  Born  :  and 
therefore  I  think  they  ought,  by  Authority,  to  be  scattered, 
and  effectually  defaced.  .  .  . 

By  an  old  Scottish  Law,  the  Chief  was  made  accountable 
for  any  Depredations  or  other  Violences  committed  by  his 
Clan  upon  the  Borders  of  the  Lowlands ;  and  in  extraordi- 
nary Cases  he  was  obliged  to  give  up  his  Son,  or  some 
other  nearest  Relation,  as  a  Hostage,  for  the  peaceable 
Behaviour  of  his  Followers  in  that  Respect. 

By  this  Law  (for  I  never  saw  the  Act),  he  must  surely 
have  had  an  entire  Command  over  them,  at  least  tacitly, 
or  by  Inference,  understood.  For  how  unreasonable,  not 
to  say  unjust,  must  such  a  Restriction  have  been  to  him, 
if  by  Sanction  of  the  same  Law  he  had  not  had  a  coercive 
and  judicial  Authority  over  those,  in  whose  Choice  and 
Power  it  always  lay  to  bring  Punishment  upon  him  ?  And 
if  he  had  such  an  absolute  Command  over  them,  was  it 
not  to  make  of  every  Chief  a  petty  Prince  in  his  own  Terri- 
tory, and  his  Followers  a  People  distinct  and  separate  from 
all  others?  .  .  . 

It  is  a  received  Notion  (but  nothing  can  be  more  unjust) 
that  the  ordinary  Highlanders  are  an  indolent,  lazy  People  : 
I  know  the  Contrary  by  troublesome  Experience  ;  —  I  say 
troublesome,  because  in  a  certain  Affair  wherein  I  had 
Occasion  to  employ  great  Numbers  of  them,  and  gave  them 
good  Wages,  the  Solicitations  of  others  for  Employment 
were  very  earnest,  and  would  hardly  admit  of  a  Denial : 
they  are  as  willing  as  other  People  to  mend  their  Way 
of  Living ;  and,  when  they  have  gained  Strength  from  sub- 
stantial Food,  they  work  as  well  as  others  ;  but  why  should 

People  be  branded  with  the  Name  of  Idlers,  in  a  Coun- 
try where  there  is  generally  no  profitable  Business  for  them 
to  do? 

Hence  I  have  concluded,  that  if  any  Expedient  could  be 
found  for  their  Employment,  to  their  reasonable  Advantage, 


John   Wesley   in  Cornwall      333 

there  would  be  little  else  wanting  to  reform  the  Minds  of 
the  most  savage  amongst  them.  For  my  own  Part,  I  do 
assure  you,  that  I  never  had  the  least  Reason  to  complain 
of  the  Behaviour  towards  me  of  any  of  the  ordinary  High- 
landers, or  the  Irish ;  but  it  wants  a  great  deal  that  I  could 
truly  say  as  much  of  the  Englishmen  and  Lowland  Scots 
that  were  employed  in  the  same  Business. 

Captain  Burt,  Letters  from  the  North  of  Scotland  (Edinburgh, 
1876),  II,  105-125. 


113.    John  Wesley  in   Cornwall   (1743) 

Thursday,  [July]  4.  I  rode  to  Falmouth.  About  three  in 
the  afternoon  I  went  to  see  a  gentlewoman  who  had  long 
been  indisposed.  Almost  as  soon  as  I  was  set  down,  the 
house  was  beset  on  all  sides  by  an  innumerable  multitude 
of  people.  A  louder  or  more  confused  noise,  could  hardly 
be  at  the  taking  of  a  city  by  storm.  At  first,  Mrs.  B.  and 
her  daughter  tried  to  quiet  them.  But  it  was  labor  lost. 
They  might  as  well  have  attempted  to  still  the  raging  of  the 
sea.  They  were  soon  glad  to  shift  for  themselves,  and 
leave  K.  E.  and  me  to  do  as  well  as  we  could.  The  rabble 
roared  with  all  their  throats,  '  Bring  out  the  Canorum  ! 
Where  is  the  Canorum?'  (an  unmeaning  word  which  the 
Cornish  generally  use  instead  of  Methodist.)  No  answer 
being  given,  they  quickly  forced  open  the  outer  door,  and 
filled  the  passage.  Only  a  wainscoat  partition  was  between 
us  which  was  not  likely  to  stand  long.  I  immediately  took 
down  a  large  looking-glass  which  hung  against  it,  supposing 
the  whole  side  would  fall  in  at  once.  When  they  began 
their  work  with  abundance  of  bitter  imprecations,  poor 
Kitty  was  utterly  astonished,  and  cried  out,  '  O  Sir,  what 
must  we  do?'  I  said,  '  We  must  pray.'  Indeed,  at  that 


By  JOHN 
WESLEY 
(1703-1791), 
a  clergyman 
of  the 

Established 
Church 
and  leader  of 
the  Metho- 
dist move- 
ment, the 
great  event 
in  the  re- 
ligious his- 
tory of  the 
eighteenth 
century. 
The  opposi- 
tion Metho- 
dism aroused 
was  great. 
The  Anglican 
Church  re- 
fused to 
make  room 
for  it ;  the 
upper  classes 
sneered,  and 
the  lower 
classes  often 
attacked  the 
leaders  with 
violence. 


334      I*1    Hanoverian   Times 

time,  to  all  appearance,  our  lives  were  not  worth  an  hour's 
purchase.  She  asked,  '  But,  Sir,  is  it  not  better  for  you  to 
hide  yourself  ?  To  get  into  the  closet  ? '  I  answered,  '  No. 
It  is  better  for  me  to  stand  just  where  I  am.'  Among  those 
without,  were  the  crews  of  some  privateers,  which  were 
lately  come  into  the  harbor.  Some  of  these,  being  angry  at 
the  slowness  of  the  rest,  thrust  them  away,  and  coming  up 
altogether,  set  their  shoulders  to  the  inner  door,  and  cried 
out,  '  Avast,  lads,  avast ! '  away  went  all  the  hinges  at  once, 
and  the  door  fell  back  into  the  room.  I  stepped  forward 
at  once  into  the  midst  of  them  and  said,  '  Here  I  am. 
Which  of  you  has  any  thing  to  say  to  me  ?  To  which  of  you 
have  I  done  any  wrong?  To  you?  Or  you?  Or  you?' 
I  continued  speaking,  till  I  came,  bare-headed  as  I  was 
(for  I  purposely  left  my  hat,  that  they  might  all  see  my 
face)  into  the  middle  of  the  street,  and  then  raising  my 
voice,  said,  '  Neighbors,  countrymen  !  Do  you  desire  to 
hear  me  speak?'  They  cried  vehemently,  ' Yes,  yes,  he 
shall  speak,  he  shall,  nobody  shall  hinder  him.'  But  having 
nothing  to  stand  on,  and  no  advantage  of  the  ground,  I 
could  be  heard  by  few  only.  However  I  spoke  without 
intermission,  and  as  far  as  the  sound  reached,  the  people 
were  still ;  till  one  or  two  of  their  captains  turned  about  and 
swore, '  Not  a  man  should  touch  him.'  Mr.  Thomas,  a  clergy- 
man, then  came  up,  and  asked,  '  Are  you  not  ashamed  to 
use  a  stranger  thus?'  He  was  soon  seconded  by  two  or 
three  gentlemen  of  the  town,  and  one  of  the  Aldermen ; 
with  whom  I  walked  down  the  town  speaking  all  the  time, 
till  I  came  to  Mrs.  Maddern's  house.  The  gentlemen  pro- 
posed sending  for  my  horse  to  the  door,  and  desired  me  to 
step  in  and  rest  the  mean  time.  But  on  second  thoughts, 
they  judged  it  not  adviseable  to  let  me  go  out  among  the 
people  again.  So  they  chose  to  send  my  horse  before  me 
to  Penryn,  and  to  send  me  thither  by  water ;  the  sea  run- 
ning close  by  the  back  door  of  the  house  in  which  we  were. 


Winning   the    Degree       335 


I  never  saw  before,  no,  not  at  Walsal  itself,  the  hand  of 
GOD  so  plainly  shewn  as  here.  There  I  had  many  com- 
panions, who  were  willing  to  die  with  me  ;  here  not  a  friend, 
but  one  simple  girl  ;  who  likewise  was  hurried  away  from  me 
in  an  instant,  as  soon  as  ever  she  came  out  of  Mrs.  B.'s  door. 
There  I  received  some  blows,  lost  part  of  my  cloaths,  and 
was  covered  over  with  dirt.  Here,  although  the  hands  of 
perhaps  some  hundreds  of  people  were  lifted  up  to  strike 
or  throw,  yet  they  were  one  and  all  stopped  in  the  mid-way, 
so  that  not  a  man  touched  me  with  one  of  his  fingers. 
Neither  was  any  thing  thrown  from  first  to  last  ;  so  that  I 
had  not  even  a  speck  of  dirt  on  my  cloaths.  Who  can 
deny,  that  GOD  heareth  the  prayer?  Or  that  he  hath  all 
power  in  heaven  and  earth  ? 

I  took  boat  at  about  half  an  hour  past  five.  Many  of  the 
mob  waited  at  the  end  of  the  town,  who  seeing  me  escaped 
out  of  their  hands,  could  only  revenge  themselves  with  their 
tongues.  But  a  few  of  the  fiercest  ran  along  the  shore,  to 
receive  me  at  my  landing.  I  walked  up  the  steep,  narrow 
passage  from  the  sea,  at  the  top  of  which  the  foremost  man 
stood.  I  looked  him  in  the  face  and  said,  '  I  wish  you  a 
good  night.'  He  spake  not,  nor  moved  hand  or  foot  till  I 
was  on  horseback.  Then  he  said,  '  I  wish  you  was  in  hell;  ' 
and  turned  back  to  his  companions. 

Extracts  from  the  Journals  of  John    Wesley    (Boston,  1819), 
212-215. 


114. 


Winning    the    Degree     of    Bachelor 
of  Arts  (1780) 

The  youth  whose  heart  pants  for  the  honour  of  a  Bachelor 
of  Arts'  degree  must  wait  patiently  till  near  four  years  have 
revolved.  But  this  time  is  not  to  be  spent  idly.  No  ;  he  is 
obliged,  during  this  period,  once  to  oppose,  and  once  to  re- 


By  VICKSI- 
MUS  KNOX 
(1752-1821), 

Oxford  grad- 
uate and 
fellow  of  St. 
John's  Col- 
lege, head 
master  of 
Tun  bridge 
School,  and 


336      In    Hanoverian   Times 


writer  of 
some  note  on 
educational 
subjects. 
During  a 
residence  of 
eight  years 
at  Oxford, 
Knox  had 
abundant 
opportunity 
to  observe 
the  condi- 
tions that  pre- 
vailed, and 
his  state- 
ments are 
confirmed 
by  the  words 
of  such  men 
as  Gibbon, 
Samuel 
Johnson, 
Lord  Eldon. 

Before  the 
close  of  the 
century 
some  re- 
forms were 
brought 
about,  due 
in  part  to 
the  efforts  of 
Knox,  but 
as  late  as 
1820  the 
University 
of  Oxford 
dispensed 
with  a  whole 
term  of  aca- 
demic study 
in  honour  of 
the  corona- 
tion of 
George  IV. 


spond,  in  disputations  held  in  the  public  schools  —  a  formid- 
able sound,  and  a  dreadful  idea ;  but,  on  closer  attention, 
the  fear  will  vanish,  and  contempt  supply  its  place. 

This  opposing  and  responding  is  termed,  in  the  cant  of  the 
place,  doing  generals.  Two  boys,  or  men,  as  they  call  them- 
selves, agree  to  do  generals  together.  The  first  step  in  this 
mighty  work  is  to  procure  arguments.  These  are  always 
handed  down,  from  generation  to  generation,  on  long  slips 
of  paper,  and  consist  of  foolish  syllogisms  on  foolish  subjects, 
of  the  formation  or  the  signification  of  which  the  respondent 
and  opponent  seldom  know  more  than  an  infant  in  swaddling 
clothes.  The  next  step  is  to  go  for  a  liceat  to  one  of  the 
petty  officers,  called  the  Regent-Master  of  the  Schools,  who 
subscribes  his  name  to  the  questions,  and  receives  sixpence 
as  his  fee.  When  the  important  day  arrives,  the  two  doughty 
disputants  go  into  a  large  dusty  room  full  of  dirt  and  cob- 
webs, with  walls  and  wainscot  decorated  with  the  names  of 
former  disputants,  who,  to  divert  the  tedious  hours,  cut  out 
their  names  with  their  penknives,  or  wrote  verses  with  a  pencil. 
Here  they  sit  in  mean  desks,  opposite  to  each  other,  from  one 
o'clock  till  three.  Not  once  in  a  hundred  times  does  any 
officer  enter ;  and,  when  he  does,  he  hears  one  syllogism  or 
two,  and  then  makes  a  bow,  and  departs,  as  he  came  and 
remained,  in  solemn  silence.  The  disputants  then  return  to 
the  amusement  of  cutting  the  desks,  carving  their  names,  or 
reading  Sterne's  Sentimental  Journey,  or  some  other  edifying 
novel.  When  this  exercise  is  duly  performed  by  both  parties, 
they  have  a  right  to  the  title  and  insignia  of  Sophs ;  but  not 
before  they  have  been  formally  created  by  one  of  the  regent- 
masters,  before  whom  they  kneel,  while  he  lays  a  volume  of 
Aristotle's  works  on  their  heads,  and  puts  on  a  hood,  a  piece 
of  black  crape,  hanging  from  their  necks  down  to  their  heels  ; 
which  crape,  it  is  expressly  ordained  by  a  statute  in  this  case 
made  and  provided,  shall  be  plain,  and  unadorned  either 
with  wool  or  with  fur. 


Winning   the   Degree       337 

The  next  exercise  is  called  doing  juraments,  which  consists 
of  just  stepping  into  the  school,  and  proposing  one  syllogism, 
for  the  sake  of  complying  with  the  letter  of  the  statute ;  and 
this  noble  exercise  is  termed  doing  juraments,  which,  being 
interpreted,  signifies  the  evading  of  one's  oath. 

This  work  once  done,  a  great  progress  is  made  towards 
the  wished-for  honour  of  a  bachelor's  degree.  There  re- 
main only  one  or  two  trifling  forms,  and  another  disputation 
almost  exactly  similar  to  doing  generals,  but  called  answering 
tinder  bachelor,  previous  to  the  awful  examination. 

Every  candidate  is  obliged  to  be  examined  in  the  whole 
circle  of  the  sciences  by  three  masters  of  arts,  of  his  own 
choice.  The  examination  is  to  be  held  in  one  of  the  public 
schools,  and  to  continue  from  nine  o'clock  till  eleven.  The 
masters  take  a  most  solemn  oath,  that  they  will  examine 
properly  and  impartially.  Dreadful  as  all  this  appears,  there 
is  always  found  to  be  more  of  appearance  in  it  than  reality; 
for  the  greatest  dunce  usually  gets  his  testimonium  signed 
with  as  much  ease  and  credit  as  the  finest  genius.  The  man- 
ner of  proceeding  is  as  follows  :  The  poor  young  man  to  be 
examined  in  the  sciences  often  knows  no  more  of  them  than 
his  bedmaker,  and  the  masters  who  examine  are  sometimes 
equally  unacquainted  with  such  mysteries.  But  schemes,  as 
they  are  called,  or  little  books,  containing  forty  or  fifty  ques- 
tions in  each  science,  are  handed  down,  from  age  to  age, 
from  one  to  another.  The  candidate  to  be  examined  em- 
ploys three  or  four  days  in  learning  these  by  heart,  and  the 
examiners,  having  done  the  same  before  him  when  they  were 
examined,  know  what  questions  to  ask ;  and  so  all  goes  on 
smoothly.  When  the  candidate  has  displayed  his  universal 
knowledge  of  the  sciences,  he  is  to  display  his  skill  in  philol- 
ogy. One  of  the  masters,  therefore,  desires  him  to  construe 
a  passage  in  some  Greek  or  Latin  classic,  which  he  does  with 
no  interruption,  just  as  he  pleases,  and  as  well  as  he  can. 
The  statutes  next  require,  that  he  should  translate  familiar 
z 


338      In    Hanoverian   Times 

English  phrases  into  Latin.  And  now  is  the  time  when  the 
masters  shew  their  wit  and  jocularity.  Droll  questions  are 
put  on  any  subject,  and  the  puzzled  candidate  furnishes  di- 
version by  his  awkward  embarrassment.  I  have  known  the 
questions  on  this  occasion  to  consist  of  an  enquiry  into  the 
pedigree  of  a  race-horse.  .  .  .  This  familiarity,  however, 
only  takes  place  when  the  examiners  are  pot-companions 
of  the  candidate,  which  indeed  is  usually  the  case ;  for 
it  is  reckoned  good  management  to  get  acquainted  with 
two  or  three  jolly  young  masters  of  arts,  and  supply  them 
well  with  port,  previously  to  the  examination.  If  the  vice- 
chancellor  and  proctors  happen  to  enter  the  school,  a 
very  uncommon  event,  then  a  little  solemnity  is  put  on, 
very  much  to  the  confusion  of  the  masters  as  well  as  of 
the  boy,  who  is  sitting  in  the  little  box  opposite  to  them. 
As  neither  the  officer,  nor  any  one  else,  usually  enters  the 
room  (for  it  is  reckoned  very  iingented},  the  examiners  and 
the  candidates  often  converse  on  the  last  drinking-bout,  or 
on  horses,  or  read  the  newspaper,  or  a  novel,  or  divert  them- 
selves as  well  as  they  can  in  any  manner,  till  the  clock  strikes 
eleven,  when  all  parties  descend,  and  the  testimonium  is 
signed  by  the  masters.  With  this  testimonium  in  his  posses- 
sion, the  candidate  is  sure  of  success.  The  day  in  which 
the  honour  is  to  be  conferred  arrives ;  he  appears  in  the 
Convocation-house,  he  takes  an  abundance  of  oaths,  pays  a 
sum  of  money  in  fees,  and,  after  kneeling  down  before  the 
vice-chancellor,  and  whispering  a  lie,  rises  up  a  Bachelor  of 
Arts. 

Vicesimus  Knox,  Essays  Moral  and  Literary  (London,  1803),  II, 
105-108. 


CHAPTER   XVIII  — THE   STRIFE   FOR 
EMPIRE 

115.    The  Battle  of  Blenheim   (1704) 

"August  13,  1704.  —  I  have  not  time  to  say  more,  but  to 
beg  you  will  give  my  duty  to  the  queen,  and  let  her  know 
her  army  has  had  a  glorious  victory.  M.  Tallard  and 
two  other  generals  are  in  my  coach,  and  I  am  following  the 
rest.  The  bearer,  my  aide-de-camp,  Colonel  Parke,  will 
give  her  an  account  of  what  has  passed.  1  shall  do  it  in  a 
day  or  two,  by  another  more  at  large.  —  Marlborough." 

"Aug.  14.  —  Before  the  battle  was  quite  done  yester- 
day, I  writ  to  my  dearest  soul  to  let  her  know  that  I  was 
well,  and  that  God  had  blessed  her  majesty's  arms  with  as 
great  a  victory  as  has  ever  been  known  ;  for  prisoners  I 
have  the  Marshal  de  Tallard,  and  the  greatest  part  of  his 
general  officers,  above  8000  men,  and  near  1500  officers. 
In  short,  the  army  of  M.  de  Tallard,  which  was  that  which 
I  fought  with,  is  quite  ruined  ;  that  of  the  elector  of  Bavaria 
and  the  Marshal  de  Marsin,  which  Prince  Eugene  fought 
against,  I  am  afraid,  has  not  had  much  loss,  for  I  cannot 
find  that  he  has  many  prisoners.  As  soon  as  the  elector 
knew  that  Monsieur  de  Tallard  was  like  to  be  beaten,  he 
marched  off,  so  that  I  came  only  time  enough  to  see  him 
retire.  As  all  these  prisoners  are  taken  by  the  troops  I 
command,  it  is  in  my  power  to  send  as  many  of  them  to 
England  as  her  majesty  shall  think  for  her  honour  .and 
service.  My  own  opinion  in  this  matter  is,  that  the  Marshal 
de  Tallard,  and  the  general  officers,  should  be  sent  or  brought 
to  her  majesty  when  I  come  to  England ;  but  should  all  the 
officers  be  brought,  it  would  be  a  very  great  expense,  and  I 

339 


By  JOHN 
CHURCHILL, 
EARL  OF 
MARLBOR- 
OUGH. 
See  No.  100. 
Blenheim 
was  one  of 
the  great 
battles  of 
English  his- 
tory, and 
gained  for 
the  victor  the 
title  of  duke 
and  splendid 
rewards  in 
honours  and 
money.    The 
accompany- 
ing letters 
were  written 
by  Churchill 
to  his  wife. 
His  devotion 
to  her  was 
one  of  his 
most  attrac- 
tive traits. 
The  first  note 
was  written 
on  a  piece  of 
paper,  evi- 
dently torn 
from  a  mem- 
orandum 
book,  and 
having  on  the 
back  a  bill  of 
tavern  ex- 
penses.— 
On  Marl- 
borough,  see 
G.  Saints- 
bury,  Afarl- 
borough. 


340      The   Strife   for   Empire 

think  the  honour  is  in  having  the  marshal  and  such  other 
officers  as  her  majesty  pleases.  But  I  shall  do  in  this,  as  in 
all  things,  that  which  shall  be  most  agreeable  to  her.  I  am 
so  very  much  out  of  order  with  having  been  seventeen  hours 
on  horseback  yesterday,  and  not  having  been  able  to  sleep 
above  three  hours  last  night,  that  I  can  write  to  none  of  my 
friends.  However  I  am  so  pleased  with  this  action,  that  I 
can't  end  my  letter  without  being  so  vain  as  to  tell  my  dear- 
est soul,  that  within  the  memory  of  man  there  has  been  no 
victory  so  great  as  this  ;  and  as  I  am  sure  you  love  me 
entirely  well,  you  will  be  infinitely  pleased  with  what  has 
been  done,  upon  my  account  as  well  as  the  great  benefit  the 
public  will  have.  For  had  the  success  of  Prince  Eugene 
been  equal  to  his  merit,  we  should  in  that  day's  action  have 
made  an  end  of  the  war." 

"  Steinheim,  August  18.  —  I  have  been  so  very  much  out 
of  order  these  four  or  five  days,  that  I  have  been  obliged 
this  morning  to  be  let  blood,  which  I  hope  will  set  me  right ; 
for  I  should  be  very  much  troubled  not  to  be  able  to  follow 
the  blow  we  have  given,  which  appears  greater  every  day 
than  another,  for  we  have  now  above  11,000  prisoners.  I 
have  also  this  day  a  deputation  from  the  town  of  Augsburg, 
to  let  me  know  that  the  French  were  marched  out  of  it  yes- 
terday morning,  by  which  they  have  abandoned  the  country 
of  Bavaria,  so  that  the  orders  are  already  given  for  the  put- 
ting a  garrison  into  it.  If  we  can  be  so  lucky  as  to  force 
them  from  Ulm,  where  they  are  now  altogether,  we  shall  cer- 
tainly then  drive  them  to  the  other  side  of  the  Rhine.  After 
which  we  flatter  ourselves  that  the  world  will  think  we  have 
done  all  that  could  have  been  expected  from  us.  This  day 
the  whole  army  has  returned  their  thanks  to  Almighty  God 
for  the  late  success,  and  I  have  done  it  with  all  my  heart ; 
for  never  victory  was  so  complete,  notwithstanding  that  they 
were  stronger  than  we,  and  very  advantageously  posted. 
But  believe  me,  my  dear  soul,  there  was  an  absolute  neces- 


Walpole   and   the   Colonies     341 

sity  for  the  good  of  the  common  cause  to  make  this  venture, 
which  God  has  so  blessed.  I  am  told  the  elector  has  sent 
for  his  wife  and  children  to  come  to  Ulm.  If  it  be  true,  he 
will  not  then  quit  the  French  interest,  which  I  had  much  rather 
he  should  do,  if  it  might  be  upon  reasonable  terms ;  but  the 
Imperialists  are  for  his  entire  ruin.  My  dearest  life,  if  we  could 
have  another  such  a  day  as  Wednesday  last,  I  should  then 
hope  we  might  have  such  a  peace  as  that  I  might  enjoy  the 
remaining  part  of  my  life  with  you.  The  elector  has  this 
minute  sent  a  gentleman  to  me,  I  think  only  to  amuse  us ; 
we  shall  see  the  truth  in  a  day  or  two,  for  we  march  to- 
morrow. The  blood  they  have  taken  from  me  has  done  me 
a  great  deal  of  good,  which  is  very  necessary,  for  I  have  not 
time  to  be  sick." 

W.    Coxe,   Memoirs  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough   (London, 
1847),  I,  206,  213,  214. 


1 1 6.    Walpole  and  the   Colonies   (1721) 

My  Lords  and  Gentlemen ; 

...  In  this  situation  of  affairs  we  should  be  extremely 
wanting  to  ourselves,  if  we  neglected  to  improve  the  favour- 
able opportunity,  which  this  general  tranquillity  gives  us, 
of  extending  our  commerce,  upon  which  the  riches  and 
grandeur  of  this  nation  chiefly  depend.  It  is  very  obvious, 
that  nothing  would  more  conduce  to  the  obtaining  so  public 
a  good,  than  to  make  the  exportation  of  our  own  manufac- 
tures, and  the  importation  of  the  commodities  used  in  the 
manufacturing  of  them,  as  practicable  and  easy  as  may  be  ; 
by  this  means,  the  balance  of  trade  may  be  preserved  in  our 
favour,  our  navigation  increased,  and  greater  numbers  of  our 
poor  employed. 


By  GEORGE 
I.  The  Royal 
Speech  of 
1721  was  the 
inspiration  of 
the  king's 
chief  minis- 
ter, Sir  Rob- 
ert Walpole, 
one  of  the 
greatest  mas- 
ters of  finance 
that  England 
has  ever  had. 
It  was  re- 
markable as 
containing  a 
clear  and 
general  ex- 
pression of 
the  more  en- 
lightened 
trade  policy 
of  three  gen- 
erations 


The   Strife   for   Empire 


later.  —  On 
Walpole,  see 
J.  Morley, 
Walpole. 

Walpole  kept 
his  word.    In 
this  session 
he  secured 
the  removal 
of  export 
duties  from 
106  articles 
of  British 
manufacture, 
and  of  im- 
port duties 
from  38 
articles  of 
raw  material. 
A  little  later 
he  followed 
up  these 
measures  by 
others  tend- 
ing to  foster 
the  rice  and 
sugar  trade 
of  the  Ameri- 
can colonies. 


I  must  therefore  recommend  it  to  you,  Gentlemen  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  to  consider  how  far  the  Duties  upon 
these  branches  may  be  taken  off,  and  replaced,  without  any 
new  violation  of  public  faith,  or  laying  any  new  burthen 
upon  my  people.  And  I  promise  myself,  that  by  a  due 
consideration  of  this  matter,  the  produce  of  those  duties, 
compared  with  the  infinite  advantages  that  will  accrue  to 
the  kingdom  by  their  being  taken  off,  will  be  found  so 
inconsiderable,  as  to  leave  little  room  for  any  difficulties  or 
objections. 

The  supplying  ourselves  with  Naval  Stores,  upon  terms 
the  most  easy  and  least  precarious,  seems  highly  to  deserve 
the  care  and  attention  of  parliament.  Our  Plantations  in 
America,  naturally  abound  with  most  of  the  proper  materials 
for  this  necessary  and  essential  part  of  our  trade  and  mari- 
time strength;  and  if,  by  due  encouragement,  we  could  be 
furnished  from  thence  with  those  naval  stores,  which  we  are 
now  obliged  to  purchase,  and  bring  from  foreign  countries, 
it  would  not  only  greatly  contribute  to  the  riches,  influence 
and  power  of  this  nation,  but,  by  employing  our  own  colo- 
nies in  this  useful  and  advantageous  service,  divert  them 
from  setting  up,  and  carrying  on  manufactures  which  directly 
interfere  with  those  of  Great  Britain. 

The  King's  Speech  on  opening  the  Session  of  Parliament,  Oct.  79, 
1721,  Cobbett's  Parliamentary  History  (London,  1811),  VII, 
912,  913. 


By  ROBERT 
CLIVE,  later 
LORD  CLIVE 
(1725-1774), 
founder  of 
the  British 
empire  in 
India.     In 
1743  Clive 
entered  the 
service  of  the 


117.    Plassey   (1757) 


I  gave  you  an  account  of  the  taking  of  Chandernagore  ; 
the  subject  of  this  address  is  an  event  of  much  higher 
importance,  no  less  than  the  entire  overthrow  of  Nabob 
Suraj-u-Dowlah,  and  the  placing  of  Meer  Jaffier  on  the 
throne.  I  intimated,  in  my  last,  how  dilatory  Suraj-u- 


Plassey 


343 


Dowlah  appeared  in  fulfilling  the  articles  of  the  treaty. 
This  disposition  not  only  continued  but  increased,  and  we 
discovered  that  he  was  designing  our  ruin,  by  a  conjunction 
with  the  French.  To  this  end  Monsieur  Bussy  was  press- 
ingly  invited  to  come  into  this  province,  and  Monsieur  Law 
of  Cossimbazar  (who  before  had  been  privately  entertained 
in  his  service)  was  ordered  to  return  from  Patna. 

About  this  time  some  of  his  principal  officers  made  over- 
tures to  us  for  dethroning  him.  At  the  head  of  these  was 
Meer  Jaffier,  then  Bukhshee  to  the  army,  a  man  as  gener- 
ally esteemed  as  the  other  was  detested.  As  we  had  reason 
to  believe  this  disaffection  pretty  general,  we  soon  en- 
tered into  engagements  with  Meer  Jaffier  to  put  the  crown 
on  his  head.  All  necessary  preparations  being  completed 
with  the  utmost  secrecy,  the  army,  consisting  of  about  one 
thousand  Europeans,  and  two  thousand  sepoys,  with  eight 
pieces  of  cannon,  marched  from  Chandernagore  on  the  i3th, 
and  arrived  on  the  i8th  at  Cutwa  Fort,  which  was  taken 
without  opposition.  The  22d,  in  the  evening,  we  crossed 
the  river,  and  landing  on  the  island,  marched  straight  for 
Plassey  Grove,  where  we  arrived  by  one  in  the  morning. 
At  daybreak,  we  discovered  the  Nabob's  army  moving 
towards  us,  consisting,  as  we  since  found,  of  about  fifteen 
thousand  horse,  and  thirty- five  thousand  foot,  with  upwards 
of  forty  pieces  of  cannon.  They  approached  apace,  and 
by  six  began  to  attack  with  a  number  of  heavy  cannon, 
supported  by  the  whole  army,  and  continued  to  play  on  us 
very  briskly  for  several  hours,  during  which  our  situation  was 
of  the  utmost  service  to  us,  being  lodged  in  a  large  grove, 
with  good  mud  banks.  To  succeed  in  an  attempt  on  their 
cannon  was  next  to  impossible,  as  they  were  planted  in  a 
manner  round  us,  and  at  considerable  distances  from  each 
other.  We  therefore  remained  quiet  in  our  post,  in  expec- 
tation of  a  successful  attack  upon  their  camp  at  night. 
About  noon,  the  enemy  drew  off  their  artillery,  and  retired 


East  India 
Company  at 
Madras. 
His  defence 
of  Arcot,  in 
1751,  im- 
posed the 
first  check 
upon  the 
French  ad- 
vance in 
India,  and 
formed  "  the 
turning-point 
in  the  East- 
ern career  of 
the  English." 
The  victory 
which  he 
won  at 
Plassey  over 
the  native 
rulers  estab- 
lished Eng- 
lish influence 
in  Bengal, 
marking  the 
beginning  of 
territorial 
conquest. 
"  Clive  was  a 
great  soldier, 
a  great  ad- 
ministrator, a 
born  leader 
of  his  fel- 
lows.   The 
bluntness  of 
his  moral 
perceptions 
prevented 
him  from 
being  a  great 
man." 

Malleson. — 
For  Clive, 
see  Malleson, 
Clive. 


344      The   Strife   for   Empire 

to  their  camp,  being  the  same  which  Roy  Dullub  had  left 
but  a  few  days  before,  and  which  he  had  fortified  with  a 
good  ditch  and  breast-work.  We  immediately  sent  a 
detachment,  accompanied  with  two  field-pieces,  to  take 
possession  of  a  tank  with  high  banks,  which  was  advanced 
about  three  hundred  yards  above  our  grove,  and  from 
whence  the  enemy  had  considerably  annoyed  us  with  some 
cannon  managed  by  Frenchmen.  This  motion  brought 
them  out  a  second  time  ;  but  on  finding  them  make  no  great 
effort  to  dislodge  us,  we  proceeded  to  take  possession  of 
one  or  two  more  eminences  lying  very  near  an  angle  of  their 
camp,  from  whence,  and  an  adjacent  eminence  in  their 
possession,  they  kept  a  smart  fire  of  musketry  upon  us. 
They  made  several  attempts  to  bring  out  their  cannon,  but 
our  advanced  field-pieces  played  so  warmly  and  so  well 
upon  them,  that  they  were  always  drove  back.  Their 
horse  exposing  themselves  a  good  deal  on  this  occasion, 
many  of  them  were  killed,  and  among  the  rest  four  or  five 
officers  of  the  first  distinction,  by  which  the  whole  army 
being  visibly  dispirited  and  thrown  into  some  confusion,  we 
were  encouraged  to  storm  both  the  eminence  and  the  angle 
of  their  camp,  which  were  carried  at  the  same  instant,  with 
little  or  no  loss  ;  though  the  latter  was  defended  (exclusively 
of  blacks)  by  forty  French  and  two  pieces  of  cannon ;  and 
the  former  by  a  large  body  of  blacks,  both  foot  and  horse. 
On  this,  a  general  rout  ensued,  and  we  pursued  the  enemy 
six  miles,  passing  upwards  of  forty  pieces  of  cannon  they 
"A  species  of  had  abandoned,  with  an  infinite  number  of  hackaries,  and 
bvltoirTe  carriages  filled  with  baggage  of  all  kinds.  Suraj-u-Dowlah 
of  bullocks."  escaped  on  a  camel,  and  reaching  Moorshedabad  early 
next  morning,  despatched  away  what  jewels  and  treasure  he 
conveniently  could,  and  he  himself  followed  at  midnight, 
with  only  two  or  three  attendants. 

It  is  computed  there  are  killed  of  the  enemy  about  five 
hundred.     Our  loss  amounted  to  only  twenty-two  killed,  and 


The   Battle   of  Quebec      345 

fifty  wounded,  and  those  chiefly  blacks.  During  the  warmest 
part  of  the  action  we  observed  a  large  body  of  troops  hover- 
ing on  our  right,  which  proved  to  be  our  friends ;  but  as 
they  never  discovered  themselves  by  any  signal  whatsoever, 
we  frequently  fired  on  them  to  make  them  keep  their  distance. 
When  the  battle  was  over,  they  sent  a  congratulatory  mes- 
sage, and  encamped  in  our  neighbourhood  that  night.  The 
next  morning  Meer  Jaffier  paid  me  a  visit,  and  expressed  much 
gratitude  at  the  service  done  him,  assuring  me,  in  the  most 
solemn  manner,  that  he  would  faithfully  perform  his  engage-  See  No.  122. 
ment  to  the  English.  He  then  proceeded  to  the  city, 
which  he  reached  some  hours  before  Suraj-u-Dowlah  left  it. 

Robert  Clive,  Letter  to  the  Directors  of  the  East  India  Company. 
Malcolm,  Memoirs  of  Lord  Clive  (London,  1836),  I,  263— 
266. 


118.    The   Battle  of  Quebec   fiyco) 

by  General 
Wolfe  the 

On  board  the  Sutherland,  September  12.       day  before 

the  battle 

"  The  enemy's  force  is  now  divided,  great  scarcity  of  pro-   HP°.n  the. 

...  .  Plains  of 

visions  now  in  their  camp,  and  universal  discontent  among  Abraham, 
the  Canadians ;  the  second  Officer  in  command  is  gone  to   Knox^on 
Montreal  or  St.  John's,  which  gives  reason  to   think,  that   Wolfe  and 

„  .    .      ,         .   .        ,  .         . &.        .  .  .'  the  battle  of 

General  Amherst  is  advancing  into  the  colony  :  a  vigorous   Quebec,  see 
blow  struck  by  the  army  at  this  juncture  may  determine  the   ?^rltjna/n' 
fate  of  Canada.     Our  troops  below  are  in  readiness  to  join   and  Wolfe. 
us  ;  all  the  light  artillery  and  tools  are  embarked  at  the  point 
of  Levi,  and  the  troops  will  land  where  the  French  seem 
least  to  expect  it.     The  first  body  that  gets  on  shore  is  to 
march  directly  to  the  enemy,  and  drive  them  from  any  little 
post  they  may  occupy;  the  Officers  must  be  careful  that  the 
succeeding  bodies  do  not,  by  any  mistake,  fire  upon  those 
who  go  on  before  them.     The  battalions  must  form  on  the 


346      The   Strife   for   Empire 

upper  ground  with  expedition,  and  be  ready  to  charge  what- 
ever presents  itself.  When  the  artillery  and  troops  are 
landed,  a  corps  will  be  left  to  secure  the  landing-place,  while 
the  rest  march  on,  and  endeavour  to  bring  the  French  and 
Canadians  to  a  battle.  The  Officers  and  men  will  remember 
what  their  country  expects  from  them,  and  what  a  determined 
body  of  soldiers,  inured  to  war,  is  capable  of  doing,  against 
five  weak  French  battalions,  mingled  with  disorderly  peas- 
antry. The  soldiers  must  be  attentive  and  obedient  to  their 
Officers,  and  resolute  in  the  execution  of  their  duty." 


This  extract 
is  from  the 
Historical 
Journal  of 
Captain  John 
Knox,  an 
officer  in  the 
British  navy, 
who  took 
part  in  the 
assault  on 
Quebec. 


Thursday,  September  13,  1759.  • 

Before  day-break  this  morning  we  made  a  descent  upon 
the  north  shore,  about  half  a  quarter  of  a  mile  to  the  east- 
ward of  Sillery  ;  and  the  light  troops  were  fortunately,  by  the 
rapidity  of  the  current,  carried  lower  down,  between  us  and 
Cape  Diamond ;  we  had,  in  this  debarkation,  thirty  flat-bot- 
tomed boats,  containing  about  sixteen  hundred  men.  This 
was  a  great  surprise  on  the  enemy,  who,  from  the  natural 
strength  of  the  place,  did  not  suspect,  and  consequently 
were  not  prepared  against,  so  bold  an  attempt.  The  chain 
of  Gentries,  which  they  had  posted  along  the  summit  of  the 
heights,  galled  us  a  little,  and  picked  off  several  men,  and 
some  Officers,  before  our  light  infantry  got  up  to  dislodge 
them.  This  grand  enterprise  was  conducted,  and  executed 
with  great  good  order  and  discretion ;  as  fast  as  we  landed, 
the  boats  put  off  for  reinforcements,  and  the  troops  formed 
with  much  regularity :  the  General,  with  Brigadiers  Monck- 
ton  and  Murray,  were  a-shore  with  the  first  division.  We 
lost  no  time  here,  but  clambered  up  one  of  the  steepest 
precipices  that  can  be  conceived,  being  almost  a  perpen- 
dicular, and  of  an  incredible  height.  As  soon  as  we  gained 
the  summit,  all  was  quiet,  and  not  a  shot  was  heard,  owing 
to  the  excellent  conduct  of  the  light  infantry  under  Colonel 


The   Battle   of  Quebec      347 

Howe  ;  it  was  by  this  time  clear  day-light.  Here  we  formed 
again,  the  river  and  the  south  country  in  our  rear,  our  right 
extending  to  the  town,  our  left  to  Sillery,  and  halted  a  few 
minutes.  The  General  then  detached  the  light  troops  to  our 
left  to  route  the  enemy  from  their  battery,  and  to  disable 
their  guns,  except  they  could  be  rendered  serviceable  to  the 
party  who  were  to  remain  there ;  and  this  service  was  soon 
performed.  We  then  faced  to  the  right,  and  marched  towards 
the  town  by  files,  till  we  came  to  the  plains  of  Abraham ;  an 
even  piece  of  ground  which  Mr.  Wolfe  had  made  choice  of, 
while  we  stood  forming  upon  the  hill.  Weather  showery  : 
about  six  o'clock  the  enemy  first  made  their  appearance 
upon  the  heights,  between  us  and  the  town ;  whereupon  we 
halted,  and  wheeled  to  the  right,  thereby  forming  the  line 
of  battle.  .  .  .  The  enemy  had  now  likewise  formed  the 
line  of  battle,  and  got  some  cannon  to  play  on  us,  with 
round  and  canister-shot ;  but  what  galled  us  most  was  a  body 
of  Indians  and  other  marksmen  they  had  concealed  in  the 
corn  opposite  to  the  front  of  our  right  wing,  and  a  coppice 
that  stood  opposite  to  our  center,  inclining  towards  our 
left ;  but  the  Colonel  Hale,  by  Brigadier  Monckton's  orders, 
advanced  some  platoons,  alternately,  from  the  forty-seventh 
regiment,  which,  after  a  few  rounds,  obliged  these  skulkers 
to  retire  :  we  were  now  ordered  to  lie  down,  and  remained 
some  time  in  this  position.  About  eight  o'clock  we  had 
two  pieces  of  short  brass  six-pounders  playing  on  the  enemy, 
which  threw  them  into  some  confusion,  and  obliged  them  to 
alter  their  disposition,  and  Montcalm  formed  them  into 
three  large  columns  ;  about  nine  the  two  armies  moved  a 
little  nearer  each  other.  The  light  cavalry  made  a  faint 
attempt  upon  our  parties  at  the  battery  of  Sillery,  but  were 
soon  beat  off,  and  Monsieur  de  Bougainville,  with  his  troops 
from  Cape  Rouge,  came  down  to  attack  the  flank  of  our 
second  line,  hoping  to  penetrate  there  ;  but,  by  a  masterly 
disposition  of  Brigadier  Townshend,  they  were  forced  to 


348      The   Strife   for   Empire 

desist,  and  the  third  battalion  of  Royal  Americans  was  then 
detached  to  the  first  ground  we  had  formed  on  after  we 
gained  the  heights,  to  preserve  the  communication  with  the 
beach  and  our  boats.  About  ten  o'clock  the  enemy  began 
to  advance  briskly  in  three  columns,  with  loud  shouts  and 
recovered  arms,  two  of  them  inclining  to  the  left  of  our 
army,  and  the  third  towards  our  right,  firing  obliquely  at  the 
two  extremities  of  our  line,  from  the  distance  of  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  ,  until  they  came  within  forty  yards; 

which  our  troops  withstood  with  the  greatest  intrepidity 
and  firmness,  still  reserving  their  fire,  and  paying  the 
strictest  obedience  to  their  Officers  :  this  uncommon  steadi- 
ness, together  with  the  havoc  which  the  grape  shot  from 
our  field-pieces  made  among  them,  threw  them  into  some 
disorder,  and  was  most  critically  maintained  by  a  well-timed, 
regular,  and  heavy  discharge  of  our  small  arms,  such  as  they 
could  no  longer  oppose  ;  hereupon  they  gave  way,  and  fled 
with  precipitation,  so  that,  by  the  time  the  cloud  of  smoke 
was  vanished,  our  men  were  again  loaded,  and,  profiting  by 
the  advantage  we  had  over  them,  pursued  them  almost  to 
the  gates  of  the  town,  and  the  bridge  over  the  little  river, 
redoubling  our  fire  with  great  eagerness,  making  many 
Officers  and  men  prisoners.  The  weather  cleared  up,  with 
a  comfortably  warm  sun-shine :  the  Highlanders  chaced 
them  vigorously  towards  Charles's  river,  and  the  fifty-eighth 
to  the  suburb  close  to  John's  gate,  until  they  were  checked 
by  the  cannon  from  the  two  hulks  ;  at  the  same  time  a  gun, 
which  the  town  had  brought  to  bear  upon  us  with  grape- 
shot,  galled  the  progress  of  the  regiments  to  the  right,  who 
were  likewise  pursuing  with  equal  ardour,  while  Colonel 
Hunt  Walsh,  by  a  very  judicious  movement,  wheeled  the 
battalions  of  Bragg  and  Kennedy  to  the  left,  and  flanked 
the  coppice  where  a  body  of  the  enemy  made  a  stand,  as  if 
willing  to  renew  the  action  ;  but  a  few  platoons  from  these 
corps  completed  our  victory.  Then  it  was  that  Brigadier 


The   Battle   of  Quebec      349 

Townshend  came  up,  called  off  the  pursuers,  ordered  the 
whole  line  to  dress,  and  recover  their  former  ground.  Our 
joy  at  this  success  is  inexpressibly  damped  by  the  loss  we 
sustained  of  one  of  the  greatest  heroes  which  this  or  any 
other  age  can  boast  of,  — GENERAL  JAMES  WOLFE, 
who  received  his  mortal  wound,  as  he  was  exerting  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  grenadiers  of  Louisbourg. 

.  .  .  The  Sieur  de  Montcalm  died  late  last  night ;  when 
his  wound  was  dressed,  and  he  settled  in  bed,  the  Surgeons 
who  attended  him  were  desired  to  acquaint  him  ingenuously 
with  their  sentiments  of  him,  and  being  answered  that  his 
wound  was  mortal,  he  calmly  replied,  '  he  was  glad  of  it : ' 
his  Excellency  then  demanded,  —  whether  he  could  survive 
it  long,  and  how  long?  He  was  told  'about  a  dozen  hours, 
perhaps  more,  peradventure  less.'  '  So  much  the  better,' 
rejoined  this  eminent  warrior ;  '  I  am  happy  I  shall  not  live 
to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec.'  .  .  . 

After  our  late  worthy  General,  of  renowned  memory,  was 
carried  off  wounded  to  the  rear  of  the  front  line,  he  desired 
those  who  were  about  him  to  lay  him  down ;  being  asked  if 
he  would  have  a  Surgeon  he  replied,  '  it  is  needless ;  it  is 
all  over  with  me.'  One  of  them  cried  out,  '  They  run,  see 
how  they  run.'  '  Who  runs  ? '  demanded  our  hero  with  great 
earnestness,  like  a  person  aroused  from  sleep.  The  Officer 
answered,'  The  Enemy,  Sir  ;  Egad,  they  give  way  everywhere.' 
Thereupon  the  General  rejoined,  '  Go  one  of  you,  my  lads,  to 
Colonel  Burton — /  tell  him  to  march  Webb's  regiment  with 
all  speed  down  to  Charles's  river,  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the 
fugitives  from  the  bridge'  Then,  turning  on  his  side,  he 
added,  'Now,  God  be  praised,  I  will  die  in  peace ;'  and 
thus  expired.  .  .  . 

Captain   John   Knox,   Historical  Journal  (London,    1769),    II, 
66-79. 


350      The   Strife   for   Empire 


By  WILLIAM 
PITT,  EARL 
OF CHATHAM 
(1708-1778), 
statesman. 
In  1735  Pitt 
entered  Par- 
liament, rep- 
resenting the 
family  bor- 
ough of  Old 
Sarum,  and 
at  once 
joined  the 
opposition  to 
Walpole. 
The  out- 
break of  the 
Seven  Years' 
War  brought 
Pitt  to  the 
front,  and  he 
quickly 
proved  him- 
self the  great- 
est war  min- 
ister that 
England  had 
ever  had. 
"  The  great 
Commoner 
was  the  first 
Englishman 
of  his  time, 
and  he  made 
England  the 
first  country 
in  the  world." 
Macaulay. 
His  last  years 
were  marked 
by  his  efforts 
to  prevent  by 
conciliation 
the  dismem- 
berment of 
the  empire 
which  he, 
more  than 
any  other 
man,  had 
helped  es- 
tablish.   This 
extract  is 
from  a 


119.    A  Word  of  Warning   (1775) 

"  But  his  Majesty  is  advised,  that  the  union  in  America 
cannot  last !  Ministers  have  more  eyes  than  I,  and  should 
have  more  ears ;  but  with  all  the  information  I  have  been 
able  to  procure,  I  can  pronounce  it  an  union,  solid,  perma- 
nent, and  effectual.  Ministers  may  satisfy  themselves,  and 
delude  the  public,  with  the  report  of  what  they  call  commer- 
cial bodies  in  America.  They  are  not  commercial ;  they 
are  your  packers  and  factors  :  they  live  upon  nothing  —  for 
I  call  commission  nothing.  I  mean  the  ministerial  author- 
ity for  this  American  intelligence  ;  the  runners  for  govern- 
ment, who  are  paid  for  their  intelligence.  But  these  are  not 
the  men,  nor  this  the  influence,  to  be  considered  in  America, 
when  we  estimate  the  firmness  of  their  union.  Even  to  ex- 
tend the  question,  and  to  take  in  the  really  mercantile  circle, 
will  be  totally  inadequate  to  the  consideration.  Trade  in- 
deed increases  the  wealth  and  glory  of  a  country ;  but  its 
real  strength  and  stamina  are  to  be  looked  for  among  the 
cultivators  of  the  land :  in  their  simplicity  of  life  is  found 
the  simpleness  of  virtue  —  the  integrity  and  courage  of 
freedom.  These  true  genuine  sons  of  the  earth  are  invinci- 
ble :  and  they  surround  and  hem  in  the  mercantile  bodies  ; 
even  if  these  bodies,  which  supposition  I  totally  disclaim, 
could  be  supposed  disaffected  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  Of 
this  general  spirit  existing  in  the  British  nation  (for  so  I  wish 
to  distinguish  the  real  and  genuine  Americans  from  the 
pseudo- traders  I  have  described)  — of  this  spirit  of  inde- 
pendence, animating  the  nation  of  America,  I  have  the  most 
authentic  information.  It  is  not  new  among  them  ;  it  is, 
and  has  ever  been,  their  established  principle,  their  con- 
firmed persuasion  :  it  is  their  nature,  and  their  doctrine. 

"  I  remember,  some  years  ago,  when  the  repeal  of  the 
stamp-act  was  in  agitation,  conversing  in  a  friendly  confi- 


A   Word   of  Warning      351 

dence  with  a  person  of  undoubted  respect  and  authenticity  speech  made 
on  that  subject;  and  he  assured  me  with  a  certainty  which  JJ} Lords "crT5 
his  judgment  and  opportunity  gave  him,  that  these  were  the  2°th  of 

,          .      .   7          r    ,          .  January  in 

the  prevalent  and  steady  principles  of  America  —  that  you  support  of  a 

might  destroy  their  towns,,  and  cut  them  off  from  the  super-  |^otlon  for 

fluities,  perhaps   the  conveniences,  of  life;    but  that  they  of  General 

were  prepared  to  despise  your  power,  and  would  not  lament  from6 Boston3 

their   loss,   whilst   they   have  —  what,    my    Lords  ?  —  their  as  a  first  steP 

711-7-7  r™  f  •  towards  con- 

woods  and  their  liberty.     I  he  name  of  my  authority  if  I  am   dilation.— 
called  upon,  will  authenticate  the  opinion  irrefragably.  °"  Ma^au™ 

"  If  illegal  violences  have  been,  as  it  is  said,  committed  in  lay,  Essays. 
America,  prepare  the  way,  open  the  door  of  possibility,  for  It  was  Dr. 
acknowledgment  and  satisfaction  :  but  proceed  not  to  such 
coercion,  such  proscription ;  cease  your  indiscriminate  in- 
flictions ;  amerce  not  thirty  thousand  ;  oppress  not  three 
millions,  for  the  fault  of  forty  or  fifty  individuals.  Such 
severity  of  injustice  must  for  ever  render  incurable  the 
wounds  you  have  already  given  your  colonies ;  you  irritate 
them  to  unappeasable  rancour.  What  though  you  march 
from  town  to  town,  and  from  province  to  province ;  though 
you  should  be  able  to  enforce  a  temporary  and  local  sub- 
mission, which  I  only  suppose,  not  admit  —  how  shall  you 
be  able  to  secure  the  obedience  of  the  country  you  leave 
behind  you  in  your  progress,  to  grasp  the  dominion  of 
eighteen  hundred  miles  of  continent,  populous  in  numbers, 
possessing  valour,  liberty,  and  resistance  ? 

"This  resistance  to  your  arbitrary  system  of  taxation 
might  have  been  foreseen  :  it  was  obvious  from  the  nature 
of  things,  and  of  mankind,  above  all,  from  the  Whiggish 
spirit  flourishing  in  that  country.  The  spirit  which  now  re- 
sists your  taxation  in  America  is  the  same  which  formerly 
opposed  loans,  benevolences,  and  ship-money,  in  England : 
the  same  spirit  which  called  all  England  on  its  legs,  and  by 
the  Bill  of  Rights  vindicated  the  English  constitution  :  the 
same  spirit  which  established  the  great  fundamental,  essen- 


The   Strife   for   Empire 

tial  maxim  of  your  liberties,  that  no  subject  of  England  shall 
be  taxed  but  by  his  own  consent. 

"  This  glorious  spirit  of  Whiggism  animates  three  millions 
in  America ;  who  prefer  poverty  with  liberty,  to  gilded  chains 
and  sordid  affluence ;  and  who  will  die  in  defence  of  their 
rights  as  men,  as  freemen.  What  shall  oppose  this  spirit, 
aided  by  the  congenial  flame  glowing  in  the  breasts  of  every 
Whig  in  England,  to  the  amount,  I  hope,  of  double  the 
American  numbers?  Ireland  they  have  to  a  man.  In  that 
country,  joined  as  it  is  with  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  and 
placed  at  their  head,  the  distinction  I  contend  for  is  and 
must  -be  observed.  This  country  superintends  and  controls 
their  trade  and  navigation ;  but  they  tax  themselves.  And 
this  distinction  between  external  and  internal  control  is 
sacred  and  insurmountable ;  it  is  involved  in  the  abstract 
nature  of  things.  Property  is  private,  individual,  absolute. 
Trade  is  an  extended  and  complicated  consideration  :  it 
reaches  as  far  as  ships  can  sail  or  winds  can  blow :  it  is 
a  great  and  various  machine.  To  regulate  the  number- 
less movements  of  its  several  parts,  and  combine  them  into 
effect,  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  requires  the  superintending 
wisdom  and  energy  of  the  supreme  power  in  the  empire. 
But  this  supreme  power  has  no  effect  towards  internal  taxa- 
tion ;  for  it  does  not  exist  in  that  relation ;  there  is  no  such 
thing,  no  such  idea  in  this  constitution,  as  a  supreme  power 
operating  upon  property.  Let  this  distinction  then  remain 
for  ever  ascertained ;  taxation  is  theirs,  commercial  regula- 
tion is  ours.  As  an  American,  I  would  recognise  to  England 
her  supreme  right  of  regulating  commerce  and  navigation  : 
as  an  Englishman  by  birth  and  principle,  I  recognise  to  the 
Americans  their  supreme  unalienable  right  in  their  property  ; 
a  right  which  they  are  justified  in  the  defence  of  to  the  last 
extremity.  To  maintain  this  principle  is  the  common  cause 
of  the  Whigs  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  on  this. 
'  Tis  liberty  to  liberty  engaged,'  that  they  will  defend  them- 


A  Word   of  Warning       353 

selves,  their  families,  and  their  country.  In  this  great  cause 
they  are  immovably  allied  :  it  is  the  alliance  of  God  and 
nature  —  immutable,  eternal  —  fixed  as  the  firmament  of 
heaven.  .  .  . 

"  I  trust  it  is  obvious  to  your  Lordships,  that  all  attempts 
to  impose  servitude  upon  such  men,  to  establish  despotism 
over  such  a  mighty  continental  nation,  must  be  vain,  must 
be  fatal.  We  shall  be  forced  ultimately  to  retract ;  let  us  See  p.  311. 
retract  while  we  can,  not  when  we  must.  I  say  we  must 
necessarily  undo  these  violent  oppressive  acts  :  they  must  be 
repealed — you  will  repeal  them;  I  pledge  myself  for  it,  that 
you  will  in  the  end  repeal  them  ;  I  stake  my  reputation  on  it; 
—  I  will  consent  to  be  taken  for  an  idiot,  if  they  are  not 
finally  repealed. — Avoid,  then,  this  humiliating,  disgraceful 
necessity.  With  a  dignity  becoming  your  exalted  situation, 
make  the  first  advances  to  concord,  to  peace  and  happiness  : 
for  that  is  your  true  dignity,  to  act  with  prudence  and  jus- 
tice. That  you  should  first  concede  is  obvious,  from  sound 
and  rational  policy.  Concession  comes  with  better  grace 
and  more  salutary  effect  from  superior  power ;  it  reconciles 
superiority  of  power  with  the  feelings  of  men  ;  and  estab- 
lishes solid  confidence  on  the  foundations  of  affection  and 
gratitude.  .  .  . 

"  Every  motive,  therefore,  of  justice  and  of  policy,  of 
dignity  and  of  prudence,  urges  you  to  allay  the  ferment  in 
America  —  by  a  removal  of  your  troops  from  Boston  —  by  a 
repeal  of  your  acts  of  parliament — and  by  demonstration 
of  amicable  dispositions  towards  your  colonies.  On  the 
other  hand,  every  danger  and  every  hazard  impend,  to 
deter  you  from  perseverance  in  your  present  ruinous 
measures.  —  Foreign  war  hanging  over  your  heads  by  a 
slight  and  brittle  thread  :  France  and  Spain  watching  your 
conduct,  and  waiting  for  the  maturity  of  your  errors  ;  —  with 
a  vigilant  eye  to  America,  and  the  temper  of  your  colonies, 
more  than  to  their  own  concerns,  be  they  what  they  may. 


The  motion 
was  lost  by  a 
vote  of  68-18. 

The  Duke  of 
Cumberland, 
brother  of 
George  III, 
voted  with 
the  minority. 


354      The   Strife   for   Empire 

"  To  conclude,  my  Lords  :  If  the  ministers  thus  persevere 
in  misadvising  and  misleading  the  King,  I  will  not  say,  that 
they  can  alienate  the  affections  of  his  subjects  from  his 
crown;  but  I  will  affirm,  that  they  will  make  the  crown  not 
worth  his  wearing —  I  will  not  say  that  the  King  is  betrayed  ; 
but  I  will  pronounce,  that  the  kingdom  is  undone." 

Correspondence  of  William  Pitt,  Earl  of  CJtatham  (London, 
1840),  IV,  380-384. 


By  EDWARD 
GIBBON 

(I737-I794), 
historian, 
best  remem- 
bered for  his 
monumental 
work,  The 
Decline  and 
Fall  of  the 
Roman 
Empire.     He 
sat  in  Parlia- 
ment for  a 
few  years  at 
the  time  of 
the  troubles 
with  the 
American 
colonies,  and 
gave  his  sup- 
port to  the 
Tory  side. 
He  spent  the 
last  years  of 
his  life  in 
Switzerland, 
watching  with 
dismay  the 
develop- 
ments in 
France. 

The  accom- 
panying ex- 
tracts are 
from  letters 


i  20.     A  Great  Historian  and  the  Outbreak 
of  the  American  Revolution  (1775) 

Jan.  3ist,  1775. 

Sometimes  people  do  not  write  because  they  are  too 
idle,  and  sometimes  because  they  are  too  busy.  The 
former  was  usually  my  case,  but  at  present  it  is  the  latter. 
The  fate  of  Europe  and  America  seems  fully  sufficient  to 
take  up  the  time  of  one  Man  ;  and  especially  of  a  Man  who 
gives  up  a  great  deal  of  time  for  the  purpose  of  public  and 
private  information.  I  think  I  have  sucked  Mauduit  and 
Hutcheson  very  dry ;  and  if  my  confidence  was  equal  to 
my  eloquence,  and  my  eloquence  to  my  knowledge,  perhaps 
I  might  make  no  very  intolerable  Speaker.  .  .  .  For  my 
own  part,  I  am  more  and  more  convinced  that  we  have 
both  the  right  and  the  power  on  our  side,  and  that,  though 
the  effort  may  be  accompanied  with  some  melancholy  cir- 
cumstances, we  are  now  arrived  at  the  decisive  moment  of 
persevering,  or  of  losing  for  ever  both  our  Trade  and 
Empire.  We  expect  next  Thursday  or  Friday  to  be  a  very 
great  day.  .  .  .  Our  general  divisions  are  about  250  to  80 
or  90. 


A   PAGE   OF   THE   ORIGINAL   DRAFT   OF    LORD    CHATHAM'S   "  PkoviSIO 

THE    HUUSE   OF    LORIi 


"  How  near  this  measure  lay  to  the  great  statesman's  heart  mav  Y 
fac-simile  of  a  page  of  the  original  draft  in  Chatham's  own  hand,  fn 
—  H.  HALL. 

This  fac-simile  is  from  an  article  on  "Chatham's  Colonial  Policy," 


Acr  FOR  SETTLING  THE  TROUBLES  IN  AMERICA,"  INTRODUCED  IN 
FEBRUARY  i,  1775. 


red  from  an  examination  of  the  passage  which  is  shown  in  the  plate,  a 
;h  the  painful  care  bestowed  upon  the  drafting  of  this  bill  is  apparent." 

At.  Hubert  Hall,  American  Historical  Review,  July,  1900. 


A   Great   Historian         355 

Wednesday  Evening  (February  8th,  1775).       addressed  to 

John  Hol- 

I  am  not  damned,  according  to  your  charitable  wishes,  royd,  later 

because  I  have  not  acted  ;  there  was  such  an  inundation  of  fieid. 

speakers,  young  Speakers  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  both  Israel  Mau- 

on  Thursday  in  the  Grand  Committee,  and  Monday  on  the  ^^^ 

report  to  the  house,  that  neither  Lord  George  Germaine  nor  chusetts. 

myself  could  find  room  for  a  single  word.     The  principal  Thomas 

men  both  days  were  Fox  and  Wedderburne,  on  the  oppo-  Governor°of 

site   sides :    the  latter   displayed    his   usual   talents.      The  Massachu- 

'  setts. 

former  taking  the  vast  compass  of  the  question  before  us, 
discovered  powers  for  regular  debate,  which  neither  his 
friends  hoped,  nor  his  Enemies  dreaded.  We  voted  an 
address  (304  to  105),  of  lives  and  fortunes,  declaring 
Massachusets  Bay  in  a  state  of  rebellion.  More  troops,  but 
I  fear  not  enough,  go  to  America,  to  make  an  army  of 
10,000  men  at  Boston;  three  Generals,  Howe,  Burgoyne, 
and  Clinton.  In  a  few  days  we  stop  the  ports  of  New 
England.  I  cannot  write  Volumes  :  but  I  am  more  and 
more  convinced,  that  with  firmness  all  may  go  well ;  yet  I 
sometimes  doubt  Lord  N[orth].  .  .  . 

iSth  May,  1775. 

Returned  this  moment  from  an  American  debate.  A 
Remonstrance  and  Representation  from  the  Assembly  of 
New  York,  presented  and  feebly  introduced  by  Burke,  but 
most  forcibly  supported  by  Fox.  They  disapprove  of  the 
violence  of  their  neighbours,  acknowledge  the  necessity  of 
some  dependence  on  Parliament  with  regard  to  Commercial 
restraints  and  express  some  affection  and  moderation  ;  but 
they  claim  internal  taxation,  state  many  grievances  and 
formally  object  to  the  declaratory  Act.  On  the  last  ground 
it  was  impossible  to  receive  it.  Division  186  to  67.  The 
House  tired  and  languid.  In  this  season  and  on  America, 
the  Archangel  Gabriel  would  not  be  heard.  On  Thursday 


356      The   Strife   for   Empire 

Reference  to  an  attempt  to  repeal  the  Quebec  bill,  and  then  to  the  right 
and  Fai^of  about,  and  for  myself,  having  supported  the  British,  I  must 
the  Roman  destroy  the  Roman  Empire.  .  .  . 

Empire,  on 
which  he  was 

at  work.  May  3oth,  1 775. 

You  will  probably  see  in  the  Papers,  the  Boston  Gazette 
Extraordinary.  I  shall  therefore  mention  a  few  circum- 
stances which  I  have  from  Governor  Hutchinson. 

That  Gazette  is  the  only  account  arrived.  As  soon  as  the 
business  was  over  the  Provincial  Congress  dispatched  a  ves- 
sel with  the  news  for  the  good  people  of  England.  The 
vessel  was  taken  up  to  sail  instantly  at  a  considerable  loss 
and  expence,  as  she  went  without  any  lading  but  her  ballast. 
No  other  letters  were  allowed  to  be  put  on  board,  nor  did 
the  crew  know  their  destination  till  they  were  on  the  Banks 
of  Newfoundland.  The  Master  is  a  man  of  character  and 
moderation,  and  from  his  mouth  the  following  particulars 
have  been  drawn.  Fides  sit  penes  auctorem. 

It  cannot  fairly  be  called  a  defeat  of  the  King's  troops ; 
since  they  marched  to  Concord,  destroyed  or  brought  away 
the  stores,  and  then  returned  back.  They  were  so  much 
fatigued  with  their  day's  work  (they  had  marched  above 
thirty  miles)  that  they  encamped  in  the  evening  at  some 
distance  from  Boston  without  being  attacked  in  the  night. 
It  can  hardly  be  called  an  engagement,  there  never  was  any 
large  body  of  Provincials.  Our  troops  during  the  march 
and  retreat  were  chiefly  harrassed  by  flying  parties  from 
behind  the  stone  walls  along  the  road  and  by  many  shots 
from  the  windows  as  they  passed  through  the  villages.  It 
was  then  they  were  guilty  of  setting  fire  to  some  of  those 
hostile  houses.  Ensign  Gould  had  been  sent  with  only 
twelve  men  to  repair  a  wooden  bridge  for  the  retreat ;  he 
was  attacked  by  the  Saints  with  a  minister  at  their  head, 
who  killed  two  men  and  took  the  Ensign  with  the  others 
prisoners.  The  next  day  the  Country  rose.  When  the 


A   Great   Historian         357 

Master  came  away  he  says  that  Boston  was  invested  by  a 
camp  of  about  fifteen  hundred  tents.  They  have  canon. 
Their  General  is  a  Colonel  Ward,  a  member  of  the  late 
Council,  and  who  served  with  credit  in  the  last  War.  His 
outposts  are  advanced  so  near  the  town  that  they  can  talk 
to  those  of  General  Gage. 

This  looks  serious,  and  is  indeed  so.  But  the  Governor 
observed  to  me  that  the  month  of  May  is  the  time  for  sow- 
ing Indian  corn,  the  great  sustenance  of  the  Province,  and 
that  unless  the  Insurgents  are  determined  to  hasten  a  famine, 
they  must  have  returned  to  their  own  habitations  :  espe- 
cially as  the  restraining  act  (they  had  already  heard  of  it)  cuts 
off  all  foreign  supply,  which  indeed  generally  become  nec- 
essary to  the  Province  before  Winter.  Adieu. 


June  the  lyth,  1775. 

I  have  not  courage  to  write  about  America.  We  talk 
familiarly  of  Civil  War,  Dissolutions  of  Parliament,  Impeach- 
ments and  Lord  Chatham.  The  boldest  tremble,  the  most 
vigorous  talk  of  peace.  And  yet  no  more  than  sixty-five 
rank  and  file  have  been  killed.  Governor  H[utchinson] 
assures  me  that  Gage  has  plenty  of  provisions  fresh  and 
salted,  flour,  fish,  vegetables,  &c.  :  hopes  he  is  not  in  danger 
of  being  forced  — 

August  ist,  1775. 

We  have  nothing  new  from  America.  But  I  can  ven- 
ture to  assure  you,  that  administration  is  now  as  unanimous 
and  decided  as  the  occasion  requires.  Something  will  be 
done  this  year  ;  but  in  the  spring  the  force  of  the  country 
will  be  exerted  to  the  utmost.  Scotch  highlanders,  Irish 
papists,  Hanoverians,  Canadians,  Indians,  &c.  will  all  in 
various  shapes  be  employed.  Parliament  meets  the  first 
week  in  November.  . 


35  8      The   Strife   for   Empire 

October  i4th,  1775. 

Apropos  of  that  Contest,  I  send  you  two  pieces  of  intelli- 
gence from  the  best  authority,  and  which,  unless  you  hear 
them  from  some  other  quarter,/^  not  wish  you  should  talk 
much  about,  ist.  When  the  Russians  arrive,  (if  they  refresh 
themselves  in  England  or  Ireland,)  will  you  go  and  see  their 
Camp?  We  have  great  hopes  of  getting  a  body  of  these 
Barbarians.  In  consequence  of  some  very  plain  advances, 

George,  with  his  own  hand,  wrote  a  very  polite  Epistle  to 
Empress  .         •_*  .  .  . 

Catherine  of    sister  Kitty,  requesting  her  friendly  assistance.     Full  powers 

and  instructions  were  sent  at  the  same  time  to  Gunning,  to 
Gurm?n^rt       agree  f°r  any  force  between  five  and  twenty  thousand  men, 
British  envoy    Carte  blanche  for  the  terms  ;  on  condition,  however,  that  they 
burg!    '          should   serve,  not  as  Auxiliaries,  but  as  Mercenaries,  and 
that  the  Russian  General  should  be  absolutely  under  the 
command  of  the  British.     They  daily  and  hourly  expect  a 
Messenger,  and  hope  to  hear  that  the  business  is  concluded. 
The  worst  of  it  is,  that  the  Baltic  will  soon  be  froze  up,  and 
that  it  must  be  late  next  year  before  they  can  get  to  America. 
2nd.    In  the  mean  time  we  are  not  quite  easy  about  Canada ; 
and  even  if  it  should  be  safe  from  an  attack,  we  cannot  flat- 
ter ourselves  with  the   expectation  of  bringing  down  that 
martial  people  on  the  back  settlements.     The  priests  are 
ours ;  the  Gentlemen  very  prudently  wait  the  event,  and  are 
disposed  to  join  the  stronger  party ;  but  the  same  lawless 
spirit  and  impatience  of  Government  which  has  infected  our 
Colonies,  is  gone  forth  among  the  Canadian  Peasants,  over 
whom,  since  the  Conquest,  the  Noblesse  have  lost  much  of 
their  ancient  influence.     Another  thing  which  will  please 
and  surprize,  is  the  assurance  I  receive  from  a  Man  who 
might  tell  me  a  lye,  but  who  could  not  be  mistaken,  that  no 
arts,  no  management  whatsoever  have  been  used  to  procure 
Walpole          tne  Addresses  which  fill  the  Gazette,  and  that  Lord  N[orth] 
maintained      was  as  much  surprized  at  the  first  that  came  up,  as  we  could 


A   Confession   of  Defeat      359 

be  at  Sheffield.  We  shall  have,  I  suppose,  some  brisk 
skirmishing  in  Parliament,  but  the  business  will  soon  be 
decided  by  our  superior  weight  of  fire.  A  propos,  I  believe 
there  has  been  some  vague  but  serious  conversation  about 
calling  out  the  Militia.  The  new  Levies  go  on  very  slowly 
in  Ireland.  The  Dissenters,  both  there  and  here,  are  vio- 
lent and  active.  .  .  . 

3ist  October,  1775. 

.  .  .  We  have  a  warm  Parliament  but  an  indolent  Cabi- 
net. The  Conquest  of  America  is  a  great  Work  :  every  part 
of  that  Continent  is  either  lost  or  useless.  I  do  not  under- 
stand that  we  have  sufficient  strength  at  home  :  the  German 
succours  are  insufficient,  and  the  Russians  are  no  longer 
hoped  for.  .  .  . 

Edward  Gibbon,  Private  Letters  of  Edward  Gibbon  (edited  by 
R.  E.  Prothero,  London,  1896),  I,  247-272  passim. 


that  these 
addresses, 
asking  the 
king  to 
prosecute  the 
war  with 
vigour,  were 
bought. 


121.    A  Confession  of  Defeat   (1782) 

My  Lords  and  Gentlemen ; 

Since  the  close  of  the  last  session,  I  have  employed  my 
whole  time  in  that  care  and  attention  which  the  important 
and  critical  conjuncture  of  affairs  required  of  me. 

I  lost  no  time  in  giving  the  necessary  orders  to  prohibit 
the  further  prosecution  of  offensive  war  upon  the  continent 
of  North  America.  Adopting,  as  my  inclination  will  always 
lead  me  to  do,  with  decision  and  effect,  whatever  I  collect 
to  be  the  sense  of  my  parliament  and  my  people ;  I  have 
pointed  all  my  views  and  measures  as  well  in  Europe  as  in 
North  America,  to  an  entire  and  cordial  reconciliation  with 
those  colonies. 


The  ministry 
responsible 
for  this 
Royal 

Speech  was 
that  of  Lord 
Shelburne, 
the  same 
ministry  that 
negotiated 
the  treaties 
which  closed 
the  wars  of 
the  American 
Revolution. 

Burke  criti- 
cised this 
expression  as 
ascribing  to  a 
resolution  of 
the  House 
of  Commons 


what  was 
"  clearly  the 
hand  of 
Providence 
in  a  severe 
punishment 
of  our  con- 
duct."   He 
also  ridiculed 
the  reference 
to  monarchy, 
comparing  it 
to  a  man's 
opening  the 
door  after  he 
had  left  a 
room  and 
saying,  "  At 
our  parting, 
pray  let  me 
recommend 
a  monarchy 
to  you." 


360      The   Strife   for   Empire 

Finding  it  indispensable  to  the  attainment  of  this  object, 
I  did  not  hesitate  to  go  the  full  length  of  the  powers  vested 
in  me,  and  offered  to  declare  them  free  and  independent 
states,  by  an  article  to  be  inserted  in  the  treaty  of  peace. 
Provisional  articles  are  agreed  upon,  to  take  effect  when- 
ever terms  of  peace  shall  be  finally  settled  with  the  court  of 
France. 

In  thus  admitting  their  separation  from  the  crown  of  these 
kingdoms,  I  have  sacrificed  every  consideration  of  my  own, 
to  the  wishes  and  opinion  of  my  people.  I  make  it  my 
humble  and  earnest  prayer  to  Almighty  God,  that  Great 
Britain  may  not  feel  the  evils  which  might  result  from  so 
great  a  dismemberment  of  the  empire  ;  and,  that  America 
may  be  free  from  those  calamities,  which  have  formerly 
proved  in  the  mother  country  how  essential  monarchy  is  to 
the  enjoyment  of  constitutional  liberty.  Religion  —  lan- 
guage —  interest  —  affections  may,  and  I  hope  will  yet  prove 
a  bond  of  permanent  union  between  the  two  countries  :  to 
this  end,  neither  attention  nor  disposition  on  my  part,  shall 
be  wanting.  .  .  . 

King's  Speech  on  opening  the  Session,  December  5,  1782,  Parlia- 
mentary History  (London,  1814),  XXIII,  204-207. 


By  JOSEPH 
PRICE  "A 
free  merchant 
of  Bengal." 


122.     A 


Criticism    of 
in  India 


the    English    Policy 

(1783) 


The  first  taste  of  fame  and  conquest,  which  the  English 
On  India,  see   offjcers  enjoyed  in  India,  happened  on  the  coast  of  Coro- 


Lyall,  British 
Dominion  in 
India ; 
Seeley,  Ex- 
pansion of 
England. 


mandel,  where  the  great  Clive,  and  his  able  master  in  the  art 
of  war,  Major-General  Lawrence,  made  the  English  name 
terrible.  This  was  soon  after  followed  by  the  conquest  of 


Also  No.  144.   all  the  forts  and  harbours  of  the  pirate  Angria,  on  the  Mala- 


A    Criticism  361 


bar  coast.  Yet  we  made  conquests  rather  as  auxiliaries,  than 
as  principals  in  the  wars ;  for  the  Nabobs  of  Arcot  enjoyed 
the  advantages  of  the  first,  and  the  Poonah  Mahrattas  of  the 
last.  Some  prize  money  was  made,  but  no  territory  held, 
which  produced  any  thing  further  than  some  advantages  in 
trade ;  and  a  few  districts  pawned  or  pledged  to  us,  for  cer- 
tain sums  advanced,  the  revenue  of  which  was  to  reimburse 
the  Company  for  the  expences  of  the  war.  Perhaps  it  would 
have  been  as  well,  if  we  could  have  tied  ourselves  down 
always  to  have  acted  in  the  same  manner,  and  never  lost 
sight  of  our  first  profession  of  merchants.  But  armies  once 
raised  must  be  paid  ;  and  the  sword  once  drawn,  no  man 
hath  hitherto  been  able  to  foretel,  when,  or  how,  it  should 
again  become  sheathed,  in  any  period  of  time,  or  in  any 
part  of  the  world.  We  won  a  rich  and  extensive  continent 
in  the  east,  as  it  were  by  surprise,  between  the  years  1756 
and  1763;  and  we  lost  another  in  the  west,  by  means  as 
sudden  and  unexpected,  between  the  years  1776  and 
1783.  .  .  . 

There  has  been  something  extremely  singular  and  ridicu- 
lous, in  the  whole  conduct  of  the  English  government,  with 
respect  to  Bengal.  If  ever  the  national  banner  was  displayed 
in  a  just  and  honourable  war,  that  with  Surajah  ul  Dowlah  See  No.  117. 
was  such  ;  and  by  the  law  of  nations,  to  retain  conquests 
acquired  in  such  a  war,  has  hitherto  been  deemed  lawful  and 
right.  But  the  English  seem  to  have  been  terrified  at  the 
idea  of  their  own  success.  They  conquer  a  country  in  self 
defence,  which  they  hesitate  to  keep,  and  want  resolution  to 
give  up.  Create  a  Nabob,  to  whom  they  give  a  kingdom, 
and  become  themselves  his  pensioners  ;  but  finding  their  idol 
a  compound  of  tyrannic  knave,  and  despicable  fool,  they  make 
him  a  pensioner  in  his  turn,  to  his  son-in-law,  Cossim  Ally 
Cawn  ;  but  soon  after  finding  Cossim  to  be  all  knave  without 
a  particle  of  fool  in  his  composition,  they  wish  his  removal. 
But  had  he  not  been  a  most  dastardly  coward,  he  would  have 


362       The   Strife   for   Empire 

convinced  his  makers,  that  he  could  do  without  them,  and 
have  driven  them  out  of  the  kingdom  to  the  south,  instead 
of  suffering  them  to  drive  him  to  the  north.  Embarrassed 
by  their  own  policy,  they  saw  no  remedy,  but  again  to  fall 
down  and  worship  the  old  calf,  which  they  had  a  second 
time  set  up.  Meer  Jaffier  died,  and  they  recognized  their 
sovereign  in  his  second  son  :  and  things  were  running  on  in 
the  old  absurd  channel  of  a  double  government,  when  Lord 
Clive  arrived,  who  reversed  the  system  ;  instead  of  continu- 
ing the  Company  pensioners  to  the  Nabob,  he  made  the 
Nabob  a  pensioner  to  the  Company.  The  power  now  was 
all  their  own ;  but  they  wanted  to  hide  it  from  the  world,  so 
played  the  Nabob  off  as  the  Punch  of  the  puppet  shew.  This 
absurd  policy,  I  have  heard,  was  dictated  to  Lord  Clive  by 
the  Ministry,  to  avoid  involving  the  nation  in  disputes  with 
the  other  European  powers,  whose  subjects  were  settled  in 
Bengal. 

Joseph  Price,  The  Saddle  put  on   the  Right  Horse  (London, 
1783),  7,  8,  47,  48. 


CHAPTER    XIX  — THE    GREAT    WAR 


123 


Burke    and    the    French     Revolution 


MR.  BURKE  commenced  his  reply  in  a  grave  and  gov- 
erned tone  of  voice,  observing  that  although  he  had 
himself  been  called  to  order  so  many  times,  he  had  sat 
with  perfect  composure,  and  had  heard  the  most  disorderly 
speech  that  perhaps  ever  was  delivered  in  that  House.  .  .  . 
The  right  hon.  gentleman  in  the  speech  he  had  just  made 
had  treated  him  in  every  sentence  with  uncommon  harshness. 
.  .  .  Notwithstanding  this  great  and  serious,  though,  on  his 
part,  unmerited  attack  and  attempt  to  crush  him,  he  would 
not  be  dismayed ;  he  was  not  yet  afraid  to  state  his  senti- 
ments in  that  House,  or  any  where  else,  and  he  would  tell 
all  the  world  that  the  constitution  was  in  danger. 

And  here  he  must,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  express  his 
disapprobation  of  what  was  notorious  to  the  country  and  to  the 
world.  Were  there  not  clubs  in  every  quarter,  who  met  and 
voted  resolutions  of  an  alarming  tendency?  Did  they  not 
correspond,  not  only  with  each  other  in  every  part  of  the  king- 
dom, but  with  foreign  countries  ?  Did  they  not  preach  in 
their  pulpits  doctrines  that  were  dangerous,  and  celebrate  at 
their  anniversary  meetings,  proceedings  incompatible  with 
the  spirit  of  the  British  constitution?  Admitting  these 
things  to  be  true  —  and  he  believed  no  one  would  say  his 
assertions  were  ill-founded  —  would  they  hesitate  a  moment 
to  pronounce  such  transactions  dangerous  to  the  constitution, 
and  extremely  mischievous  in  their  nature?  In  addition  to 
these,  were  not  infamous  libels  against  the  constitution 

363 


ANONY- 
MOUS.   On 
Burke,  see 
No.  106. 
From 
the  outset 
Burke  shared 
neither  the 
enthusiasm 
nor  the  in- 
difference of 
his  country- 
men towards 
the  revolu- 
tionary pro- 
ceedings in 
France. 
Finally,  in 
November, 
1790,  he  pub- 
lished the 
Reflections 
on  the  French 
Revolution, 
the  manifesto 
of  the  reac- 
tion.    In 
speech  and 
pamphlet  he 
sounded  the 
alarm  that 
the  Church 
and  the  Con- 
stitution were 
in  danger. 
The  \\  hig 
party  was 
broken  up, 
the  privi- 
leged classes, 
the  pious, 
the  timid, 
rallied  to 
Burke's 
standard, 
and  gradu- 
ally the  com- 


364 


The    Great  War 


bination 
forced  Pitt 
into  war. 
The  debate, 
from  which 
the  following 
extract  is 
taken,  was 
on  the 

Canada  Con- 
stitution bill. 
In  the  course 
of  the  debate 
Fox  referred 
with  approval 
to  the  new 
French  Con- 
stitution, and 
attacked  the 
Reflections. 

The  refer- 
ence is  to  the 
Revolution 
Society 
founded  to 
commemo- 
rate the  Rev- 
olution of 
1688.    At  a 
recent  anni- 
versary Dr. 
Price,  a  well- 
known 
Unitarian 
preacher,  had 
extolled  the 
movement  in 
France. 


Fox  and 
Burke  had 
been  friends 


circulated  everywhere  at  a  considerable  expense  ?  The 
malignity  with  which  the  right  hon.  gentleman  had  spoken 
of  his  sentiments,  with  regard  to  government,  and  the  charge 
he  had  brought  against  him  of  inconsistency  in  his  political 
life  and  opinions,  were  neither  fair  nor  true ;  for  he 
denied  that  he  ever  entertained  any  ideas  of  government, 
different  from  those  which  he  now  entertained,  and  had 
upon  many  occasions  stated.  He  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim 
that  monarchy  was  the  basis  of  all  good  government  and  the 
nearer  to  monarchy  any  government  approached,  the  more 
perfect  it  was,  and  vice  versa ;  and  he  certainly  in  his 
wildest  moments,  never  had  so  far  forgotten  the  nature  of 
government  as  to  argue  that  we  ought  to  wish  for  a  constitu- 
tion that  we  could  alter  at  pleasure  and  change  like  a  dirty 
shirt.  He  was  by  no  means  anxious  for  a  monarchy  with  a 
dash  of  republicanism  to  correct  it.  But  the  French  con- 
stitution was  the  exact  opposite  of  the  English  in  every 
thing,  and  nothing  could  be  so  dangerous  as  to  set  it  up  to 
the  view  of  the  English,  to  mislead  and  debauch  their 
minds.  .  .  . 

He  said  that  he  had  already  stated,  that  he  believed  those 
who  entertained  doctrines  which  he  dreaded  as  dangerous  to 
the  constitution,  to  be  a  very  small  number  indeed.  But  if 
the  spirit  were  suffered  to  ferment,  who  could  tell  what  might 
happen?  Let  it  be  remembered,  that  there  were  300,000 
men  in  arms  in  France,  who  at  a  favourable  moment  might 
be  ready  to  assist  that  spirit.  .  .  . 

It  certainly  was  indiscretion,  at  any  period,  but  espe- 
cially at  his  time  of  life,  to  provoke  enemies,  or  give  his 
friends  occasion  to  desert  him ;  yet  if  his  firm  and  steady 
adherence  to  the  British  constitution  placed  him  in  such 
a  dilemma,  he  would  risk  all ;  and  as  public  duty  and  public 
prudence  taught  him,  with  his  last  words  exclaim  "  Fly  from 
the  French  constitution."  [Mr.  Fox  here  whispered,  "  that 
there  was  no  loss  of  friends."]  Mr.  Burke  said  Yes,  there 


The    Birmingham    Riots      365 

was  a  loss  of  friends  —  he  knew  the  price  of  his  conduct  —  for  twenty- 
he  had  done  his  duty  at  the  price  of  his  friend  —  Their  Henceforth 
friendship  was  at  an  end.  .  .  .  they never 

,  ,  -ii  met,  save  as 

Before  he  sat  down,  he  earnestly  warned  the  two  right  hon.   enemies, 
gentlemen  who  were  the  great  rivals  in  that    House,  that   put  and  Fox 
whether  they  hereafter  moved  in  the  political  hemisphere 
as  two  flaming  meteors,  or  walked  together  like  brethren 
hand  in  hand,  to  preserve  and  cherish  the  British  constitu- 
tion, to  guard  against  innovation,  and  to  save  it  from  the 
danger  of  those  new  theories. 

Parliamentary  History  (London,  1817),  XXIX,  379-388. 


124.    The  Birmingham   Riots   (1701)        These  two 

O  \     /  7     /  advertise- 

ments ap- 

'«  Hotel,  Birmingham,  July  7,  1  791. 


"  Commemoration  of  the  French  Revolution.  are  cited  by 

Hutton. 

"A  number  of  gentlemen  intend  dining  together  on  the  The  x  th  of 
1  4th  instant,  to  commemorate   the   auspicious    day  which   July  was  the 

,     .  .        .  .,  .....  f  anniversary 

witnessed  the  emancipation  of  twenty-six  millions  of  people   Of  the  fall  of 
from  the  Yoke  of  Despotism,  and  restored  the  blessings  of  the  Bastille- 
equal  Government  to  a  truly  great  and  enlightened  nation, 
with  whom  it  is  our  interest,  as  a  commercial  people,  and 
our  duty,  as  friends  to   the  general  rights  of  mankind,  to 
promote  a  free  intercourse,  as  subservient  to  a  permanent 
friendship. 

"  Any  friend  to  freedom  disposed  to  join  this  intended 
temperate  festivity,  is  desired  to  leave  his  name  at  the  Bar 
of  the  Hotel,  where  tickets  may  be  had  at  five  shillings 
each,  including  a  bottle  of  wine  ;  but  no  person  will  be 
admitted  without  one.  Dinner  will  be  on  the  table  at  3 
o'clock  precisely." 


366 


The    Great   War 


By  WILLIAM 
HUTTON 
(1723-1815), 
local  histo- 
rian and  to- 
pographer. 
Hutton  was  a 
Dissenter, 
and  a  man  of 
much  influ- 
ence in  Bir- 
mingham, 
where  he  had 
amassed  a 
large  fortune 
in  the  paper- 
trade. 


Dr.  Priestley, 
Unitarian 
clergyman 
and  sci- 
entist.    He 
was  one  of 
those  who 
planned  the 
fatal  dinner, 
but  he  was 
not  present. 


Dr.  Priest- 
ley's chapel. 


"  On  Friday  next  will  be  published,  price  one  half-penny, 
an  Authentic  List  of  all  those  who  dine  at  the  Hotel,  in 
Temple  Row,  Birmingham,  on  Thursday,  the  i4th  instant, 
in  Commemoration  of  the  French  Revolution.  Vivant  Rex 
et  Regina" 

The  fatal  i4th  of  July  was  now  arrived,  a  day  that  will 
mark  Birmingham  with  disgrace  for  ages  to  come.  The 
laws  had  lost  their  protection,  every  security  of  the  inhab- 
itants was  given  up,  the  black  fiends  of  hell  were  whistled 
together  and  let  loose  for  unmerited  destruction.  She  has 
reason  to  keep  that  anniversary  in  sackcloth  and  ashes. 
About  eighty  persons  of  various  denominations  dined  to- 
gether at  the  hotel.  During  dinner,  which  was  short,  per- 
haps from  three  to  five  o'clock,  the  infant  mob,  collected 
under  the  auspices  of  a  few  in  elevated  life,  began  with 
hooting,  crying  "Church  and  King"  and  broke  the  hotel 
windows.  .  .  . 

It  was  now  between  eight  and  nine ;  the  numbers  of  the 
mob  were  increased,  their  spirits  were  inflamed.  Dr. 
Priestley  was  sought  for,  but  he  had  not  dined  at  the  hotel. 
The  magistrates,  who  had  dined  at  the  Swan,  a  neighbour- 
ing tavern,  by  way  of  counterbalance,  huzzaed  Church  and 
King,  waving  their  hats,  which  inspired  fresh  vigour  into 
the  mob,  so  that  they  verily  thought,  and  often  declared, 
they  acted  with  the  approbation  at  least  of  the  higher 
powers,  and  that  what  they  did  was  right.  The  windows 
of  the  hotel  being  broken,  a  gentleman  said,  "You  have 
done  mischief  enough  here,  go  to  the  Meetings."  A  simple 
remark,  and  almost  without  precise  meaning,  but  it  involved 
a  dreadful  combination  of  ideas.  There  was  no  need  to 
say,  "  Go  and  burn  the  Meetings."  The  mob  marched 
down  Bull  Street  under  the  smiles  of  magistrates.  .  .  . 

The  New  Meeting  was  broken  open  without  ceremony, 
the  pews,  cushions,  books,  and  pulpit  were  dashed  to  pieces, 


The    Birmingham    Riots      367 

and  in  half  an  hour  the  whole  was  in  a   blaze,  while  the 
savage  multitude  rejoiced  at  the  view.  .  .  . 

The  Old  Meeting  was  the  next  mark  of  the  mob.  This 
underwent  the  fate  of  the  New  :  and  here  again  a  system 
seems  to  have  been  adopted,  for  the  engines  were  suffered 
to  play  upon  the  adjoining  houses  to  prevent  their  taking 
fire,  but  not  upon  the  Meeting  House,  which  was  levelled 
with  the  ground. 

The  mob  then  undertook  a  march  of  more  than  a  mile, 
to  the  house  of  Dr.  Priestley,  which  .was  plundered  and 
burnt  without  mercy,  the  Doctor  and  his  family  barely 
escaping.  Exclusive  of  the  furniture,  a  very  large  and  valu- 
able library  was  destroyed,  the  collection  of  a  long  and 
assiduous  life. 

But  the  greatest  loss  that  Dr.  Priestley   sustained  was  in 
the   destruction   of   his   philosophical   apparatus,    and   his 
remarks.     These  can  never  be  replaced.     I   am  inclined 
to  think  he  would  not  have  destroyed  his  apparatus  and 
manuscripts  for  any  sum  of  money  that  could  have  been 
offered  him.      His  love  to  man  was  great,  his  usefulness 
greater.      I   have   been  informed  by  the  faculty  that  his  A  little  later 
experimental  discoveries  on  air,  applied  to   medical  pur-   ^y'left'Erie- 
poses,  have  preserved  the  lives  of  thousands  ;  and,  in  return,   land  and 

.  .  .  went  to 

he  can  scarcely  preserve  his  own.  .  .  .  America. 

Breaking  the  windows  of  this  hotel,  burning  the  two 
Meeting  Houses,  and  Dr.  Priestley's,  finished  the  dreadful 
work  of  Thursday  night.  To  all  this  I  was  a  perfect 
stranger,  for  I  had  left  the  town  early  in  the  evening,  and 
slept  in  the  country. 

When  I  arose  the  next  morning,  July  15,  my  servant  told 
me  what  had  happened.  I  was  inclined  to  believe  it  only 
a  report :  but  coming  to  the  town,  I  found  it  a  melancholy 
truth,  and  matters  wore  an  unfavourable  aspect,  for  one 
mob  cannot  continue  long  inactive,  and  there  were  two  or 
three  floating  up  and  down,  seeking  whom  they  might 


368 


The   Great   War 


devour,  though  I  was  not  under  the  least  apprehension  of 
danger  to  myself.  The  affrighted  inhabitants  came  in 
bodies  to  ask  my  opinion.  As  the  danger  admitted  of  no 
delay,  I  gave  this  short  answer  —  "  Apply  to  the  magistrates, 
and  request  four  things  :  to  swear  in  as  many  constables  as 
are  willing,  and  arm  them  ;  to  apply  to  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  recruiting  parties  for  his  assistance  ;  to  apply 
to  Lord  Beauchamp  to  call  out  the  militia  in  the  neighbour- 
hood ;  and  to  write  to  the  Secretary  of  War  for  a  military 
force."  What  became  of  my  four  hints  is  uncertain,  but 
the  result  proved  they  were  lost.  .  .  . 

It  never  appeared  when  the  military  force  was  sent  for, 
but  I  believe  about  noon  this  day.  The  express,  however, 
did  not  arrive  in  London  till  the  next,  at  two  in  the  after- 
noon. What  could  occasion  this  insufferable  neglect,  or 
why  the  Riot  Act  was  omitted  to  be  read  sooner,  I  leave 
to  the  magistrates.  Many  solicitations  were  made  to  the 
magistrates  for  assistance  to  quell  the  mob,  but  the  answer 
was,  "Pacific  measures  are  adopted."  Captain  Archi- 
bald, and  Lieutenants  Smith  and  Maxwell,  of  recruiting 
parties,  offered  their  service ;  still  the  same  answer.  A 
gentleman  asked  if  he  might  arm  his  dependents?  "The 
hazard  will  be  yours."  Again,  whether  he  might  carry 
a  brace  of  pistols  in  his  own  defence  ?  "  If  you  kill  a  man 
you  must  be  responsible."  .  .  . 

All  business  was  now  at  a  stand.  The  shops  were  shut. 
The  town  prison  and  that  of  the  Court  of  Requests  were 
thrown  open,  and  their  strength  was  added  to  that  of  their 
deliverers.  Some  gentlemen  advised  the  insurgents  assem- 
bled in  New  Street  to  disperse ;  when  one,  whom  I  well 
knew,  said,  "  Do  not  disperse,  they  want  to  sell  us.  If  you 
will  pull  down  Hutton's  house  I  will  give  you  two  guineas 
to  drink,  for  it  was  owing  to  him  I  lost  a  cause  in  the  Court." 
The  bargain  was  instantly  struck,  and  my  building  fell. 

About  three  o'clock  they  approached  me.    I  expostulated 


The    Birmingham   Riots      369 

with  them.     "  They  would  have  money."     I  gave  all  I  had, 
even  to  a  single  halfpenny,  which  one  of  them  had  the  mean- 
ness to  take.     They  wanted  more,  "  nor  would  they  submit 
to  this  treatment,"  and  began  to  break  the  windows,  and 
attempted  the  goods.    I  then  borrowed  all  I  instantly  could, 
which  I  gave  them,  and  shook  a  hundred  hard  and  black 
hands.      "  We  will  have  some   drink."      "  You  shall  have 
what  you  please  if  you  will  not  injure   me."     I  was   then   Neverthe- 
seized  by  the  collar  on  both  sides,  and  hauled  a  prisoner  to   house  was" 
a  neighbouring  public-house,  where,  in  half  an  hour,  I  found  destroyed. 
an  ale-score  against  me  of  329  gallons.  .  .  . 

About  five  this  evening,  Friday,  I  had  retreated  to  my 
house  at  Bennet's  Hill,  where,  about  three  hours  before,  I 
had  left  my  afflicted  wife  and  daughter,  and  had  seen  a  mob 
at  Mr.  Jukes's  house  in  my  road.  I  found  that  my  people  had 
applied  to  a  neighbour  to  secure  some  of  our  furniture,  who 
refused  ;  to  a  second,  who  consented  ;  but  another  shrewdly 
remarking  that  he  would  run  a  hazard  of  having  his  own 
house  burnt,  a  denial  was  the  consequence.  A  third  request 
was  made,  but  cut  short  with  a  No.  The  fourth  man  con- 
sented, and  we  emptied  the  house  into  his  house  and  barn. 
Before  night,  however,  he  caught  the  terror  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood, and  ordered  the- principal  part  of  the  furniture 
back,  and  we  were  obliged  to  obey.  .  .  . 

Burning  Mr.  Ryland's  house  at  Easy  Hill,  Mr  Taylor's  at 
Bordesley,  and  the  destruction  of  mine  at  Birmingham,  were 
the  work  of  Friday  the  isth. 

Saturday  the  i6th  was  ushered  in  with  fresh  calamities 
to  myself.  The  triumphant  mob,  at  four  in  the  morning, 
attacked  my  premises  at  Bennet's  Hill,  and  threw  out  the 
furniture  I  had  tried  to  save.  It  was  consumed  in  three  fires, 
the  marks  of  which  remain,  and  the  house  expired  in  one 
vast  blaze.  The  women  were  as  alert  as  the  men.  .  .  . 

The  house  of  Thomas  Russell,  Esq.,  and  that  of  Mr. 
Hawkes,  at  Moseley-Wake  Green,  were  .  .  .  attacked.  They 


370  The   Great  War 

were  plundered  and  greatly  injured,  but  not  burnt.  To  be  a 
Dissenter  was  a  crime  not  to  be  forgiven,  but  a  rich  Dis- 
senter merited  the  extreme  of  vengeance.  .  .  . 

As  riches  could  not  save  a  man,  neither  could  poverty. 
The  mob  next  fell  upon  a  poor,  but  sensible  Presbyterian 
parson,  the  Rev.  John  Hobson,  of  Balsall  Heath,  and  burnt 
his  all. 

From  the  house  of  Mr.  Hobson,  the  intoxicated  crew  pro- 
ceeded to  that  of  William  Piddock,  at  King's  Heath,  inhab- 
ited by  an  inoffensive  blind  man,  John  Harwood,  a  Baptist ; 
and  this  ended  their  work  on  Saturday  the  i6th,  in  which 
were  destroyed  eight  houses,  exclusive  of  Mr.  Coates's,  which 
was  plundered  and  damaged. 

Some  of  the  nobility,  justices,  and  gentlemen,  arrived  this 
day,  sat  in  council,  drank  their  wine,  harangued  the  mobs, 
wished  them  to  desist,  told  them  what  mischief  they  had 
done,  which  they  already  knew  ;  and  that  they  had  done 
enough,  which  they  did  not  believe ;  but  not  one  word  of 
fire-arms,  a  fatal  proof  that  pacific  measures  were  adopted. 
To  tell  a  mob  "  They  have  done  enough,"  supposes  that 
something  ought  to  have  been  done.  A  clear  ratification  of 
part  at  least  of  their  proceedings. 

William  Hutton,  A  Narrative  of  the  Riots  in  Birmingham  (L. 
Jewitt,  The  Life  of  William  Hutton,  London,  1872,  221-236). 


I25-    Opposition  to  the  French  War 

(1749-1806),  / 

statesman. 
At  the  age  of 
nineteen  Fox 

entered  Par-  .  .  .  Sir,  this  temper  must  be  corrected.  It  is  a  diabolical 
accordine'to  sP^r^j  an^  would  lead  to  interminable  war.  Our  history  is 
Burke,  be-  full  of  instances  that  where  we  have  overlooked  a  proffered 
occasion  to  treat,  we  have  uniformly  suffered  by  delay.  At 


Opposition  to  French  War     371 


what  time  did  we  ever  profit  by  obstinately  persevering  in 
war?  We  accepted  at  Ryswick  the  terms  we  had  refused 
five  years  before,  and  the  same  peace  which  was  concluded 
at  Utrecht  might  have  been  obtained  at  Gertruydenberg. 
And  as  to  security  from  the  future  machinations  or  ambition 
of  the  French,  I  ask  you,  what  security  you  ever  had  or 
could  have?  Did  the  different  treaties  made  with  Louis 
XIV.  serve  to  tie  up  his  hands,  to  restrain  his  ambition,  or 
to  stifle  his  restless  spirit?  At  what  period  could  you 
safely  repose  in  the  honour,  forbearance,  and  moderation 
of  the  French  government?  Was  there  ever  an  idea  of 
refusing  to  treat  because  the  peace  might  be  afterwards 
insecure?  The  peace  of  1763  was  not  accompanied  with 
securities  ;  and  it  was  no  sooner  made  than  the  French 
court  began,  as  usual,  its  intrigues.  And  what  security  did 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  exact  at  the  peace  of  1783,  in 
which  he  was  engaged  ?  Were  we  rendered  secure  by  that 
peace?  The  right  hon.  gentleman  knows  well  that  soon 
after  that  peace,  the  French  formed  a  plan,  in  conjunction 
with  the  Dutch,  of  attacking  our  Indian  possessions,  of 
raising  up  the  native  powers  against  us,  and  of  driving  us  out 
of  India  ;  as  the  French  are  desirous  of  doing  now  —  only 
with  this  difference,  that  the  cabinet  of  France  entered  into 
this  project  in  a  moment  of  profound  peace,  and  when  they 
conceived  us  to  be  lulled  into  perfect  security.  After  mak- 
ing the  peace  of  1 783,  the  right  hon.  gentleman  and  his 
friends  went  out,  and  I,  among  others,  came  into  office. 
Suppose,  Sir,  that  we  had  taken  up  the  jealousy  upon  which 
the  right  hon.  gentleman  now^.cts,  and  had  refused  to  ratify 
the  peace  which  he  had  made.  Suppose  that  we  had  said, 
"  No  ;  France  is  acting  a  perfidious  part  —  we  see  no  secur- 
ity for  England  in  this  treaty  —  they  want  only  a  respite  in 
order  to  attack  us  again  in  an  important  part  of  our  domin- 
ions ;  and  we  ought  not  to  confirm  the  treaty."  I  ask, 
would  the  right  hon.  gentleman  have  supported  us  in  this 


brilliant  and 
accom- 
plished de- 
bater the 
world  ever 
saw."  When- 
ever he 
thought  he 
saw  wrong 
he  made  war 
upon  it     He 
espoused  the 
cause  of  the 
American 
colonists,  he 
supported 
the  anti- 
slavery  move- 
ment, he 
hailed  the 
French 
Revolution 
with  enthusi- 
asm.   This 
extract  is 
taken  from  a 
speech  in 
opposition  to 
the  rejection 
of  the  French 
overtures  of 
peace.  —  On 
Fox,  see 
Trevelyan, 
Life  of 
Charles 
James  Fox 
and  The 
American 
Revolution. 


372  The   Great  War 

refusal  ?  I  say,  that  upon  his  present  reasoning  he  ought ;  but 
I  put  it  fairly  to  him,  would  he  have  supported  us  in  refusing  to 
ratify  the  treaty  upon  such  a  pretence?  He  certainly  ought 
not,  and  I  am  sure  he  would  not,  but  the  course  of  reason- 
ing which  he  now  assumes  would  have  justified  his  taking 
such  a  ground.  On  the  contrary,  I  am  persuaded  that  he 
would  have  said  —  "This  is  a  refinement  upon  jealousy. 
Security  !  You  have  security,  the  only  security  that  you 
can  ever  expect  to  get.  It  is  the  present  interest  of  France 
to  make  peace.  She  will  keep  it  if  it  be  her  interest :  she 
will  break  it  if  it  be  her  interest :  such  is  the  state  of 
nations ;  and  you  have  nothing  but  your  own  vigilance  for 
your  security." 

"  It  is  not  the  interest  of  Bonaparte,"  it  seems,  "  sin- 
cerely to  enter  into  a  negociation,  or,  if  he  should  even 
make  peace,  sincerely  to  keep  it."  But  how  are  we  to 
decide  upon  his  sincerity?  By  refusing  to  treat  with  him? 
Surely,  if  we  mean  to  discover  his  sincerity,  we  ought  to 
hear  the  propositions  which  he  desires  to  make.  "  But 
peace  would  be  unfriendly  to  his  system  of  military  despot- 
ism." Sir,  I  hear  a  great  deal  about  the  short-lived  nature 
of  military  despotism.  I  wish  the  history  of  the  world 
would  bear  gentlemen  out  in  this  description  of  military 
despotism.  Was  not  the  government  erected  by  Augustus 
Caesar  a  military  despotism  ?  And  yet  it  endured  for  six  or 
seven  hundred  years.  Military  despotism,  unfortunately,  is 
too  likely  in  its  nature  to  be  permanent,  and  it  is  not  true 
that  it  depends  on  the  life  of  the  first  usurper.  Though  half 
the  Roman  emperors  were  murdered,  yet  the  military  despo- 
tism went  on ;  and  so  it  would  be,  I  fear,  in  France.  If 
Bonaparte  should  disappear  from  the  scene,  to  make  room, 
perhaps,  for  a  Berthier,  or  any  other  general,  what  difference 
would  that  make  in  the  quality  of  French  despotism  or  in 
our  relation  to  the  country?  We  may  as  safely  treat  with  a 
Bonaparte  or  with  any  of  his  successors,  be  they  who  they 


Opposition   to    French   War      373 

may,  as  we  could  with  a  Louis  XVI.,  a  Louis  XVIL,  or  a 
Louis  XVIII.  There  is  no  difference  but  in  the  name. 
Where  the  power  essentially  resides,  thither  we  ought  to  go 
for  peace. 

But,  Sir,  if  we  are  to  reason  on  the  fact,  I  should  think 
that  it  is  the  interest  of  Bonaparte  to  make  peace.  A  lover 
of  military  glory,  as  that  general  must  necessarily  be,  may 
he  not  think  that  his  measure  of  glory  is  full  —  that  it  may 
be  tarnished  by  a  reverse  of  fortune,  and  can  hardly  be  in- 
creased by  any  new  laurels  ?  He  must  feel,  that,  in  the  situa- 
tion to  which  he  is  now  raised,  he  can  no  longer  depend  on 
his  own  fortune,  his  own  genius,  and  his  own  talents,  for 
a  continuance  of  his  success ;  he  must  be  under  the  neces- 
sity of  employing  other  generals,  whose  misconduct  or  in- 
capacity might  endanger  his  power,  or  whose  triumphs  even 
might  affect  the  interest  which  he  holds  in  the  opinion  of  the 
French.  Peace,  then,  would  secure  to  him  what  he  has 
achieved,  and  fix  the  inconstancy  of  fortune.  But  this  will 
not  be  his  only  motive.  He  must  see  that  France  also 
requires  a  respite — a  breathing  interval,  to  recruit  her  wasted 
strength.  To  procure  her  this  respite  would  be,  perhaps, 
the  attainment  of  more  solid  glory,  as  well  as  the  means  of 
acquiring  more  solid  power,  than  any  thing  which  he  can 
hope  to  gain  from  arms  and  from  the  proudest  triumphs. 
May  he  not  then  be  zealous  to  gain  this  fame,  the  only 
species  of  fame,  perhaps,  that  is  worth  acquiring?  Nay, 
granting  that  his  soul  may  still  burn  with  the  thirst  of 
military  exploits,  is  it  not  likely  that  he  is  disposed  to  yield 
to  the  feelings  of  the  French  people,  and  to  consolidate  his 
power  by  consulting  their  interests?  I  have  a  right  to  argue 
in  this  way,  when  suppositions  of  his  insincerity  are  reasoned 
upon  on  the  other  side.  Sir,  these  aspersions  are,  in  truth, 
always  idle,  and  even  mischievous.  I  have  been  too  long 
accustomed  to  hear  imputations  and  calumnies  thrown  out 
upon  great  and  honourable  characters,  to  be  much  influenced 


374  The   Great  War 

by  them.  My  honourable  and  learned  friend  (Mr.  Erskine) 
has  paid  this  night  a  most  just,  deserved  and  honourable 
tribute  of  applause  to  the  memory  of  that  great  and  un- 
paralleled character  who  has  been  so  recently  lost  to  the 
world.  I  must,  like  him,  beg  leave  to  dwell  a  moment  on 
the  venerable  George  Washington,  though  I  know  that  it  is 
impossible  for  me  to  bestow  anything  like  adequate  praise 
on  a  character  which  gave  us,  more  than  any  other  human 
being,  the  example  of  a  perfect  man  ;  yet,  good,  great,  and 
unexampled  as  General  Washington  was,  I  can  remember 
the  time  when  he  was  not  better  spoken  of  in  this  House 
than  Bonaparte  is  now.  The  right  hon.  gentleman  who 
opened  this  debate  (Mr.  Dundas)  may  remember  in  what 
terms  of  disdain,  of  virulence,  and  even  of  contempt,  Gen- 
eral Washington  was  spoken  of  by  gentlemen  on  that  side 
of  the  House.  Does  he  not  recollect  with  what  marks  of 
indignation  any  member  was  stigmatized  as  an  enemy  to  his 
country,  who  mentioned  with  common  respect  the  name  of 
Genera^  Washington  ?  If  a  negociation  had  then  been  pro- 
posed to  be  opened  with  that  great  man,  what  would  have 
been  said  ?  "  Would  you  treat  with  a  rebel,  a  traitor  !  What 
an  example  would  you  not  give  by  such  an  act !  "  I  do  not 
know  whether  the  right  hon.  gentleman  may  not  yet  pos- 
sess some  of  his  old  prejudices  on  the  subject.  I  hope  not. 
I  hope  by  this  time  we  are  all  convinced  that  a  republican 
government,  like  that  of  America,  may  exist  without  danger 
or  injury  to  social  order  or  to  established  monarchies.  They 
have  happily  shown  that  they  can  maintain  the  relations  of 
peace  and  amity  with  other  states  :  they  have  shown,  too. 
that  they  are  alive  to  the  feelings  of  honour ;  but  they  do 
not  lose  sight  of  plain  good  sense  and  discretion.  They 
have  not  refused  to  negociate  with  the  French,  and  they 
have  accordingly  the  hopes  of  a  speedy  termination  of  every 
difference.  We  cry  up  their  conduct,  but  we  do  not  imitate 
it.  At  the  beginning  of  the  struggle  we  were  told  that  the 


The   Battle   of  Waterloo     375 

French  were   setting  up   a   set  of  wild  and  impracticable 
theories,  and  that  we  ought  not  to  be  misled  by  them  —  we 
could  not  grapple  with  theories.     Now  we  are  told  that  we 
must  not  treat,  because,  out  of  the  lottery,  Bonaparte  has 
drawn  such  a  prize  as  military  despotism.     Is  military  despo- 
tism a  theory?     One  would  think  that  that  is  one  of  the 
practical  things  which  ministers  might  understand,  and  to 
which  they  would  have  no  particular  objection.     But  what 
is  our  present  conduct  founded  on  but  a  theory,  and  that  a 
most  wild  and  ridiculous  theory?     What  are  we  fighting  for? 
Not   for  a  principle ;    not  for  security ;    not  for  conquest   on  the  final 
even;  but  merely  for  an  experiment  and  a  speculation,  to  ^gS1(Jn  l^e 
discover  whether  a  gentleman  at  Paris  may  not  turn  out  a  265  for,  and 
better  man  than  we  now  take  him  to  be.  .  .  .  rejeftion!*' 

Charles  James  Fox,  Speeches  (London,  1815),  VI,  414-417. 


126.    The  Battle  of  Waterloo  ( 1 8 1  c )        ^CAPTAIN, 

•J  I  later  GEN- 

ERAL SIR 

NIVELLES,  June  igth,  1815.        BOWLES 

Coldstream 

I  congratulate  you  as  heartily  as  I  know  you  would  me  on   Guards, 
the  glorious  (though  dearly  earned)  laurels  of  yesterday;   ^j^^301 
a  day  which  will  always  stand  proudly  pre-eminent  in  the   letter  written 
annals  of  the  British  army.     A  more  desperate,  and  prob-   Harris, 
ably  a  more  important,  battle  for  the  interest  of  Europe  has 
hardly  occurred  even  during  the  great  events  of  the  last 
three  campaigns.     Never  were  the  scientific   and  deter- 
mined efforts  of  Buonaparte  more  devoutly  seconded  than 
by  the  magnificent  army  with  which  he  attacked  yesterday 
the  apparently  motley  crew  under  the  now  unrivalled  Well- 
ington.    His  despatch  will  put  you  so  much  more  fully  in 
possession  of  all  the  details  than  I  have  either  at  present 
time  or  powers  of  doing,  that  I  cannot  attempt  more  than 


376 


The    Great  War 


a  few  particulars.  The  well-combined  and  rapid  move- 
ments of  the  enemy  on  the  i3th  and  i4th  brought  on  an 
affair  at  Quatre-Bras  (a  small  village  on  the  high  road 
between  this  place  and  Namur)  on  the  i6th,  in  which  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick  was  killed;  and  in  which,  owing  to 
none  of  our  cavalry  being  up,  we  fought  at  considerable 
disadvantage,  and  nothing,  I  am  convinced,  but  British 
infantry  would  have  maintained  the  ground  and  thus  pre- 
vented a  complete  separation  of  the  Prussians  and  ourselves, 
an  object  which  Napoleon  at  one  time  flattered  himself  he 
had  fully  accomplished.  Our  loss  was  severe,  and  fell 
heavy  on  the  ist  brigade  of  Guards,  who  under  Maitland 
behaved  admirably.  We  (the  Coldstream)  were  hardly 
engaged,  but  our  opportune  arrival  saved  the  day.  You 
may  guess  how  unexpected  this  business  was,  when  you 
know  that  the  Duke,  Lord  Uxbridge,  &c.,  were  at  a  ball 
at  Brussels  till  near  one  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  i6th. 
I  did  not  leave  the  said  ball  till  past  two,  and  since  that 
have  not  even  washed  my  face  or  taken  off  my  boots.  You 
may,  therefore,  easily  conceive  the  state  in  which  I  am 
writing  this,  in  a  coffee-room  as  full  as  possible  of  every 
nation  under  heaven,  and  a  perfect  resemblance  of  the 
Tower  of  Babel.  But  to  proceed.  The  unfortunate  result 
of  a  charge  of  cavalry,  made  after  dark  on  the  night  of  the 
1 6th  by  the  enemy  on  the  Prussian  centre,  obliged  Blucher 
to  retrograde  on  the  following  day,  and  we  of  course  did 
the  same,  and  retired  in  regular  order  to  the  position  in 
rear  of  Genappe,  called,  I  think,  'Les  hauteurs  de  St.  Jean,' 
having  our  right  thrown  back  towards  Braine  la  Leude,  and 
the  commencement  of  the  foret  de  Soignies  in  our  rear. 
Napoleon  followed  this  movement  with  the  whole  of  his 
cavalry  and  pressed  ours  very  hard.  The  Life  Guards, 
however,  did  well.  The  weather  was  extremely  bad,  we 
passed  the  time  wet  through  and  up  to  our  middle  in  mud. 
The  Prussians  promised  to  be  in  line  on  our  left  by  eleven 


The   Battle   of  Waterloo     377 

o'clock,  and  to  attack  the  enemy  the  instant  we  were  seri- 
ously engaged.  The  morning  turned  out  tolerably  fine,  and 
was  spent  by  Buonaparte  in  reviewing  and  haranguing  his 
army.  He  promised  every  species  of  reward  to  all  who 
distinguished  themselves,  confessed  that  the  fate  of  the 
campaign  and  of  France  depended  on  the  issue  of  that 
day's  exertion. 

He  promised  Ney  to  sup  with  him  at  Brussels,  and  cer- 
tainly no  person  ever  tried  harder  to  keep  his  word. 

The  position  we  occupied  was  a  good  but  not  by  any 
means  a  particularly  strong  one;  indeed,  the  nature  of  the 
country  is  such  as  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  it.  The 
most  important  point  to  hold  was  a  farmhouse  called 
Hougoumont,  a  little  advanced  on  the  right,  and  the  main- 
tenance of  this  part,  which  was  ordered  to  be  defended 
coiite  que  coiite,  was  confided  to  our  brigade.  About 
twelve  o'clock  the  attack  commenced  on  this  point,  directed 
by  Napoleon,  Soult,  and  Ney,  the  whole  army  having  been 
previously  almost  paraded  as  if  to  bully  us. 

It  probably  consisted  of  upwards  of  100,000  of  his  best 
troops,  and  I  should  conceive  assisted  by  200  pieces  of 
artillery.  From  that  time  till  past  seven  o'clock  an  inces- 
sant and  most  determined  effort  was  made  to  carry  the 
house  and  court  with  which  it  was  surrounded,  but  in  vain. 
Although  it  was  set  on  fire  and  nearly  burnt  to  the  ground, 
we  maintained  our  charge,  and  most  dearly  did  the  enemy 
pay,  as  well  as  ourselves,  for  the  obstinacy  of  the  con- 
test. 

About  two  o'clock  a  grand  affair  of  cavalry  took  place  on 
the  left  of  our  line,  in  which  the  Life  Guards  again  dis- 
tinguished themselves  most  gloriously,  and  all  appeared  to 
be  going  on  most  happily;  although  the  non-arrival  of  the 
Prussians  enabled  the  enemy  to  bring  all  his  forces  against 
us,  and  as  he  nearly  doubled  our  numbers,  it  was  evidently 
a  ticklish  moment.  Fully  aware  of  this,  Buonaparte  deter- 


378 


The    Great  War 


mined  on  one  of  those  grand  efforts  with  which  he  has  so 
often  decided  the  fate  of  nations;  he  brought  forward  the 
whole  of  his  artillery,  and  under  cover  of  the  most  tre- 
mendous cannonade  I  ever  witnessed  formed  his  cavalry 
into  masses  and  the  whole  of  the  elite  of  his  Guards, 
reserves,  &c.,  and  made  a  most  determined  and  nearly  suc- 
cessful attack  on  our  centre.  Our  cavalry  was  driven  to 
the  rear  of  our  infantry,  and  all  our  advanced  artillery 
taken. 

It  was  this  moment,  however,  which  showed  the  steadi- 
ness of  British  troops,  and  their  confidence  in  their  com- 
mander in  its  fullest  light.  Every  battalion  was  in  an 
instant  in  square  and  advanced  by  echelon  to  recover  the 
guns.  The  French  cavalry  charged  repeatedly  with  a  des- 
peration perhaps  never  before  equalled,  but  not  one  square 
was  ever  shaken.  On  arriving  at  almost  the  line  previously 
occupied  by  their  cavalry  the  French  masses  of  infantry 
appeared,  and  it  then  became  necessary  for  some  battalions 
to  deploy,  although  almost  surrounded  by  the  French 
cavalry. 

This  state  of  things  lasted  for  nearly  an  hour,  during 
which  the  conflict  was  often  extremely  doubtful;  but  at 
length  we  restored  everything  to  its  original  state,  the 
artillery  which  was  lost  was  retaken,  and  order  re-estab- 
lished. The  cannonade  continued  tremendous  till  about 
half-past  six  o'clock,  when  Napoleon  again  assembled  la 
Vieille  Garde,  harangued  them,  and  putting  himself  at  their 
head,  led  them  forward  in  different  columns  against  our 
battalions  still  formed  in  squares.  The  first  brigade  of 
Guards  advanced  to  meet  the  leading  division,  and  poured 
in  so  well-directed  a  fire  as  literally  to  make  a  chasm  in  it. 
For  a  short  time  the  fire  of  musketry  was  really  awful,  and 
proved  too  much  for  even  these  hitherto  deemed  invinci- 
bles;  they  gave  way  in  every  direction,  and  at  this  critical 
moment  the  Prussians  arrived  on  our  left,  and  their  cavalry 


"The   Pilot 


379 


and  light  artillery  put  the  finishing  stroke  to  this  eventful 
day. 

Letters  of  the  First  Earl  of  Malmesbury,  etc.  (edited  by  the 
Earl  of  Malmesbury,  London,  1870),  II,  440-444. 


To  Marshal  Lord  Beresford,  G.  C.B.  : 


See  No.  129. 


By  ARTHUR 
WELLESLEY, 
Lord,  later 

You  will  have  heard  of  our  battle  of  the  i8th.     Never  WELLING- 
did  I  see  such  a  pounding  match.     Both  were  what  the  TON- 
boxers  call  "gluttons."     Napoleon  did  not  manreuvre  at 
all.      He  just  moved  forward  in  the  old  style  in  columns, 
and  was  driven  off  in  the  old  style.     The  only  difference 
was,  that  he  mixed  cavalry  with  his  infantry,  and  supported 
both  with  an  enormous  quantity  of  artillery. 

I  had  the  infantry  for  some  time  in  squares,  and  I  had 
the  French  cavalry  walking  about  as  if  they  had  been  our 
own.  I  never  saw  the  British  infantry  behave  so  well. 

WELLESLEY. 

Wellington,  Selected  Despatches. 


127. 


"The  Pilot  that  Weathered  the 
Storm"  (1817) 


O,  dread  was  the  time,  and  more  dreadful  the  omen, 

When  the  brave  on  Marengo  lay  slaughter'd  in  vain, 
And  beholding  broad  Europe  bow'd  down  by  her  foemen, 

PITT  closed  in  his  anguish  the  map  of  her  reign ! 
Not  the  fate  of  broad  Europe  could  bend  his  brave  spirit 

To  take  for  his  country  the  safety  of  shame; 
O,  then  in  her  triumph  remember  his  spirit, 

And  hallow  the  goblet  that  flows  to  his*name. 


By  SIR  WAL- 
TER SCOTT 
(1771-1832), 
poet  and 
novelist. 
This  song 
voices  the 
national 
feeling  of 
gratitude  to 
Pitt,  "  the 
pilot  who 
weathered 
the  storm."  — 
On  Pitt,  see 
Lord  Rose- 
bery,  Pitt. 


380 


The   Great   War 


Round  the  husbandman's  head  while  he  traces  the  furrow 

The  mists  of  the  winter  may  mingle  with  rain. 
He  may  plough  it  with  labour  and  sow  it  in  sorrow, 

And  sigh  while  he  fears  he  has  sow'd  it  in  vain; 
He  may  die  ere  his  children  shall  reap  in  their  gladness; 

But  the  blithe  harvest-home  shall  remember  his  claim; 
And  their  jubilee-shout  shall  be  soften'd  with  sadness, 

While  they  hallow  the  goblet  that  flows  to  his  name. 

Though  anxious  and  timeless  his  life  was  expended, 

In  toils  for  our  country  preserved  by  his  care, 
Though  he  died  ere  one  ray  o'er  the  nations  ascended, 

To  light  the  long  darkness  of  doubt  and  despair; 
The  storms  he  endured  in  our  Britain's  December, 

The  perils  his  wisdom  foresaw  and  o'ercame, 
In  her  glory's  rich  harvest  shall  Britain  remember, 

And  hallow  the  goblet  that  flows  to  his  name. 

For  the  anniversary  meeting  of  the  Pitt  Club  of  Scotland,  1817. 
Sir  Walter  Scott,  Poetical  Works  (Boston,  1857),  6,  263,  264. 


CHAPTER  XX  — POLITICAL  CONDI- 
TIONS IN  THE  NINETEENTH  CEN- 
TURY 

128.    The   Clare   Election   (1828) 

IRISH  affairs  have  gone  on  from  bad  to  worse  ever  since 
the  summer.  The  Clare  election  began  a  new  era, 
and  was  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  Ireland.  O'Connell  did 
not  at  first  mean  to  stand  himself,  but  no  eligible  Protestant 
candidate  could  be  found;  and  as  all  the  landholders,  with 
scarcely  an  exception,  were  for  Fitzgerald,  nothing  perhaps 
but  the  influence  of  O'Connell  as  a  candidate  could  have 
carried  the  point.  The  event  was  dramatic  and  somewhat 
sublime.  The  Prime  Minister  of  England  tells  the  Catho- 
lics, in  his  speech  in  the  House  of  Lords,  that  if  they  will 
only  be  perfectly  quiet  for  a  few  years,  cease  to  urge  their 
claims,  and  let  people  forget  the  question  entirely,  then, 
after  a  few  years,  perhaps  something  may  be  done  for  them. 
They  reply  to  this  advice,  within  a  few  weeks  after  it  is 
given,  by  raising  the  population  of  a  whole  province  like 
one  man,  keeping  them  within  the  strictest  obedience  to 
the  law,  and,  by  strictly  legal  and  constitutional  means, 
hurling  from  his  seat  in  the  representation  one  of  the  Cabi- 
net Ministers  of  the  King.  There  were  thirty  thousand 
Irish  peasants  in  and  about  Ennis  in  sultry  July,  and  not  a 
drunken  man  among  them,  or  only  one,  and  he  an  English- 
man and  a  Protestant,  and  O'Connell's  own  coachman, 
whom  O'Connell  had  committed,  upon  his  own  deposition, 
for  a  breach  of  the  peace.  No  Irishman  ever  stirs  a  mile 
from  his  house  without  a  stick;  not  a  stick  was  to  be 

381 


By  HENRY 

JOHN 

TEMPLE, 

VISCOUNT 
PALMERS- 
TON  (1784- 
1865).    • 
Palmerston 
entered  Par- 
liament in 
1807  as 
member  for 
the  pocket 
borough  of 
Newtown, 
whose  owner 
made  it  a 
condition 
that  candi- 
dates should 
"  never  set 
foot  in  the 
place."     In 
1809  he  took 
office.    At 
his  death,  in 
1865,  he  was 
for  a  second 
time  prime 
minister.    He 
began  life  as 
a  Tory,  but 
gradually 
worked  over 
to  the  Whigs. 
His  chief 
interest  was 
in  foreign 
affairs,  and 
for  more  than 
a  generation 
he  shaped 
England's 
policy  in  the 
direction  of 
intervention 
and  aggres- 
sion. 

At  this  time 
Roman 
Catholics 
could  vote, 
but  could  not 
sit  in  the 
House  of 
Commons. 
Fitzgerald, 


382         Political    Conditions 


member  for 
Clare,  having 
accepted 
office,  was 
forced  to 
seek  re-elec- 
tion.    He 
was  defeated 
by  O'Con- 
nell,  the 
great  agita- 
tor, who,  as 
a  Catholic, 
could  not 
sit.     The 
next  year 
Wellington 
carried 
through  a 
Catholic 
Relief  Bill, 
declaring  it 
was  a  choice 
between 
Emancipa- 
tion and 
Civil  War. 

Lord  Angle- 
sey was 
Lord-Lieu- 
tenant of 
Ireland. 

By  ARTHUR 
WELLESLEY, 
DUKE  OF 
WELLING- 
TON (1769- 
1852),  the 
victor  at 
Waterloo. 
Wellington's 
splendid 
services  in 
the  war  with 
Napoleon 
made  him, 
for  the  rest 
of  his  life, 
the  first  of 
Englishmen. 
In  1818  he 
entered  the 
ministry. 
He  was 


seen  at  the  election.  One  hundred  and  forty  priests  were 
brought  from  other  places  to  harangue  the  people  from 
morning  to  night,  and  to  go  round  to  the  several  parishes 
to  exhort  and  bring  up  voters.  The  Government  were  not 
idle  or  unprepared.  Lord  Anglesey  told  me  he  had  seven 
thousand  regulars,  all  out  of  sight,  but  within  a  short  dis- 
tance of  Ennis,  and  capable  of  being  brought  to  bear  upon 
it,  in  case  of  disturbance,  in  a  few  hours.  All  passed  off 
quietly;  but  the  population  of  the  adjoining  counties  was 
on  the  move,  and  large  bodies  had  actually  advanced  in 
echelon  as  it  were,  closing  in  upon  Ennis,  the  people  of 
one  village  going  on  to  the  next,  and  those  of  that  next 
advancing  to  a  nearer  station,  and  so  on;  and  thus,  had 
anything  produced  a  collision,  the  bloodshed  would  have 
been  great  and  the  consequences  extensive.  .  .  . 

Lord  Palmerston,  Journal  (Sir  H.  L.  Bulwer,  Life  of  Viscount 
Palmerston,  I,  306,  307,  London,  1870). 


129.    Wellington  and  Parliamentary 
Reform    (1830) 

.  .  .  This  subject  brings  me  to  what  noble  Lords  have 
said  respecting  the  putting  the  country  in  a  state  to  over- 
come the  evils  likely  to  result  from  the  late  disturbances  in 
France.  The  noble  Earl  has  alluded  to  the  propriety  of 
effecting  Parliamentary  Reform.  The  noble  Earl  has, 
however,  been  candid  enough  to  acknowledge  that  he  is  not 
prepared  with  any  measure  of  reform,  and  I  can  have  no 
scruple  in  saying  that  his  Majesty's  Government  is  as 
totally  unprepared  with  any  plan  as  the  noble  Lord.  Nay, 
I  on  my  own  part,  will  go  further,  and  say,  that  I  have 
never  read  or  heard  of  any  measure  up  to  the  present 
moment  which  can  in  any  degree  satisfy  my  mind  that  the 


Wellington  383 

state  of  the  representation  can  be  improved,  or  be  rendered   strongly 
more  satisfactory  to  the  country  at  large  than  at  the  present  J0°iwictions, 
moment.     I  will  not,   however,   at  such  an  unseasonable  the  champion 

.  .  of  the  aris- 

time,  enter  upon  the  subject,  or  excite  discussion,  but  I  tocracy.and 
shall  not  hesitate  to  declare  unequivocally  what  are  my  eve^con- 
sentiments  upon  it.     I  am  fully  convinced  that  the  country   cession  to 

.  i  T       .   .    .  i  •    i      the  demands 

possesses    at    the    present   moment   a   Legislature   which  Of  the  reform 

answers  all  the  good  purposes  of  legislation,  and  this  to  a  pharty'~T1?n 

greater  degree  than  any  Legislature  ever  has  answered  in  tions  of  Par- 

any  country  whatever.     I  will  go  further  and  say,  that  the  rep£!renta_ 

Legislature  and  the  system  of  representation  possess  the  full   tion<  see 
_  ,  Nos.  104, 

and  entire  confidence  of  the  country  —  deservedly  possess   107,109. 

that  confidence  —  and  the  discussions  in  the  Legislature  "The  noble 
have  a  very  great  influence  over  the  opinions  of  the  coun- 
try.  I  will  go  still  further,  and  say,  that  if  at  the  present 
moment  I  had  imposed  upon  me  the  duty  of  forming  a 
Legislature  for  any  country,  and  particularly  for  a  country 
like  this,  in  possession  of  great  property  of  various  de- 
scriptions, I  do  not  mean  to  assert  that  I  could  form  such 
a  Legislature  as  we  possess  now,  for  the  nature  of  man  is 
incapable  of  reaching  such  excellence  at  once;  but  my  great 
endeavour  would  be,  to  form  some  description  of  legisla- 
ture which  would  produce  the  same  results.  The  repre- 
sentation of  the  people  at  present  contains  a  large  body  of 
the  property  of  the  country,  and  in  which  the  landed  inter- 
ests have  a  preponderating  influence.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, I  am  not  prepared  to  bring  forward  any 
measure  of  the  description  alluded  to  by  the  noble  Lord. 
I  am  not  only  not  prepared  to  bring  forward  any  measure 
of  this  nature,  but  I  will  at  once  declare  that  as  far  as  I  am 
concerned,  as  long  as  I  hold  any  station  in  the  government 
of  the  country,  I  shall  always  feel  it  my  duty  to  resist  such 
measures  when  proposed  by  others. 

House   of  Lords,  Debate  on  the  King's  Speech.  Nov.  2,   1830 
(Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  Third  Series,  I,  52,  53). 


384        Political    Conditions 


November  16 
the  ministry 
was  defeated 
on  a  side 
issue  and 
went  out, 
afraid  to  face 
the  demand 
for  reform. 

For  Lord 
Aberdeen, 
see  No.  141. 


When  the  Duke  resumed  his  seat,  he  turned  to  Lord 
Aberdeen,  who  sat  beside  him,  and  said:  'I  have  not  said 
too  much,  have  I  ?  '  Lord  Aberdeen  put  his  chin  forward, 
with  a  gesture  habitual  to  him  when  much  moved,  and  only 
replied:  'You'll  hear  of  it!'  After  leaving  the  House  he 
was  asked  what  the  Duke  had  said.  'He  said  that  we  were 
going  out,'  was  the  reply. 

Sir  Arthur  Gordon,  Earl  of  Aberdeen  (London,  1893),  104. 


By  HENRY, 
BARON 
BROUGHAM 
(1778-1868), 
Lord  Chan- 
cellor of 
England. 
Brougham 
belonged  to 
the  advanced 
wing  of  the 
Whig  party. 
He  was  one 
of  the 

founders  of 
the  Edin- 
burgh Re- 
view, a 
supporter  of 
the  anti- 
slavery  agita- 
tion, and  a 
vigorous  op- 
ponent to  the 
Orders  in 
Council, 
which  led  to 
the  war  with 
the  United 
States  in 
1812.     He 
was  exces- 
sively vain, 
and  apt  to 
exaggerate 
the  impor- 


130.    Dissolution  of  Parliament   (1831) 

.  .  .  Then,  said  I,  let  us  go  in  to  the  King.  Grey  and 
I  went  in,  and  stated  our  clear  opinion  that  it  would  be 
necessary  for  him  to  go  in  person,  though  we  were  most 
unwilling  to  give  him  that  trouble.  I  took  care  to  make 
him  understand  the  threatened  proceedings  of  the  Lords, 
and  the  effect  the  proposed  motion  for  an  address  was 
intended  to  have  on  his  Majesty's  proroguing  Parliament. 
He  fired  up  at  this  —  hating  dissolution,  perhaps,  as  much 
as  ever,  but  hating  far  more  the  interference  with,  or 
attempt  to  delay,  the  exercise  of  the  prerogative;  and  so 
he  at  once  agreed  to  go,  only  saying  that  all  must  be  done 
in  the  usual  manner;  and  he  mentioned  several  things  which 
he  said  could  not  be  got  ready  in  time,  for  it  was  little 
more  than  one  hour  off,  the  House  meeting  at  two  o'clock. 
The  sword  of  state  and  cap  of  maintenance  were  mentioned 
by  him;  and  we  told  him  that  Lord  Grey  would  carry 
the  one,  and  somebody  else  the  other.  But,  said  he,  the 
troops;  there  is  no  time  for  ordering  them,  and  it  is 
impossible  to  go  without  them.  I  had  foreseen  this  diffi- 
culty; and  on  ascertaining  that  the  Life  Guards  —  the  regi- 


Dissolution   of  Parliament      385 


ment  usually  in  attendance  on  such  an  occasion  —  were 
quartered  at  some  distant  barrack  (I  think  it  was  Knights- 
bridge),  sent  to  the  Horse  Guards  for  such  men  as  hap- 
pened to  be  there.  On  the  King  making  the  observation 
about  the  troops,  I  said,  "I  hoped  his  Majesty  would 
excuse  the  great  liberty  I  had  taken;  but  being  quite  cer- 
tain he  would  graciously  accede  to  our  request,  I  had  sent 
to  the  Horse  Guards  for  an  escort  to  be  ready  at  half-past 
one."  He  said,  "Well,  that  was  a  strong  measure,"  or 
"a  strong  thing  to  do."  I  believe  I  had  prepared  him  for 
this  by  a  little  more  apology  and  explanation  than  is  men- 
tioned above;  but  he  ever  after,  when  in  very  good  humour, 
used  to  remind  me  of  what  he  called  my  high  treason.  He 
then  spoke  of  the  Lord  Steward  as  being  required;  but  we 
had  sent  to  summon  him.  Then  Albemarle,  the  Master  of 
the  Horse,  was  out  of  the  way,  and  when  found,  said  it 
would  not  be  possible  to  get  the  state  carriages  ready  in 
time;  but  the  King  said  he  was  determined  to  go,  and 
that  anything  would  do.  There  was  a  story  about  London 
that  he  had  said  to  Lord  Albemarle  he  would  go  in  a 
hackney-coach  rather  than  not  go  at  all.  I  cannot  say 
whether  this  is  true  or  not  —  all  I  can  say  is,  that  I  do  not 
recollect  hearing  it;  but  this  I  do  know,  that  he  had  be- 
come so  eager  to  go,  that  no  trifle  would  have  stopped  him. 
The  draft  of  the  Speech  was  then  submitted  to  him,  and 
approved,  with  a  sentence  which  I  prefixed  with  my  own 
hand;  and  as  I  had  a  secretary  in  the  adjoining  room,  a 
fair  copy  was  made  for  the  Council  which  was  then  held, 
that  it  might  be  read  and  approved  in  form. 

Having  to  go  home  in  order  to  dress,  the  gold  gown 
being  required,  I  got  to  the  House  soon  after  two  o'clock, 
the  hour  to  which  we  had  adjourned;  and  after  prayers  I 
left  the  Woolsack,  in  order  that  I  might  be  in  readiness  to 
receive  his  Majesty.  Lord  Shaftesbury,  on  the  motion  of 
Lord  Mansfield,  then  took  the  Woolsack,  and  Wharncliffe 


tance  of  the 
part  which 
he  played. 
Hence  his 
account  of 
what  he  did 
at  the  time 
of  the  impor- 
tant dissolu- 
tion of  1831 
must  be  ac- 
cepted with 
caution.  — 
See  Greville, 
Memoirs. 

On  March  21 
the  first  Re- 
form Bill 
passed  the 
second  read- 
ing in  the 
Commons  by 
a  majority  of 
i  in  a  House 
of  608. 
Further  ad- 
vance was 
blocked  by  a 
strong  oppo- 
sition. 
Thereupon 
the  ministry, 
sure  of  popu- 
lar support, 
determined 
to  appeal  to 
the  nation. 
The  result  of 
the  election 
was  that  the 
new  House 
of  Commons 
passed  the 
second  Re- 
form Bill  by 
a  majority  of 
109. 


386        Political    Conditions 

An  address      rose  to  move  the  address  of  which  he  had  given  notice. 

dissolution  Then  began  a  scene  which,  as  it  was  represented  to  me, 
was  never  exceeded  in  violence  and  uproar  by  any  bear- 
garden exhibition.  The  Duke  of  Richmond,  interrupting 
Wharncliffe,  moved  that  the  Lords  take  their  seats  in  their 
proper  places;  for,  said  he,  I  see  a  junior  baron  (Lynd- 
hurst)  sitting  on  the  Dukes'  bench.  Lyndhurst,  starting 
up,  exclaimed  that  Richmond's  conduct  was  most  dis- 
orderly, and  shook  his  fist  at  him.  This  brought  up  Lon- 
donderry, who  did  not  speak,  but  screamed  that  the  noble 
Duke,  in  his  attempt  to  stop  Wharncliffe,  had  resorted  to  a 
wretched  shift.  Wharncliffe  then  began  by  reading  the 
words  of  his  motion.  I  was  here  told  by  Durham  what  was 
going  on,  and  that  unless  the  King  came  soon  the  Lords 
would  vote  the  address,  because  Wharncliffe  meant  to 
make  no  speech;  so  I  rushed  back  into  the  House,  and 
began  by  exclaiming  against  the  unheard-of  doctrine  that 
the  Crown  ought  not  to  dissolve  at  a  moment  when  the 
House  of  Commons  had  refused  the  supplies.  This  was 
loudly  denied,  but  I  persisted  that  the  vote  I  referred  to 
had  in  fact  that  effect.  I  went  on  purposely  speaking  until 

Announcing    we  heard  the  guns.     Then  came  great  interruptions  and 

of6thePking.C  cries  of  order,  which  continued  until  a  messenger  sum- 
moned me,  when  I  said  I  had  the  King's  commands  to 
attend  him  in  the  Painted  Chamber.  Shaftesbury  again 
took  the  Woolsack,  and  they  continued  debating  until  the 
procession  entered.  When  the  door  was  thrown  open,  the 
King  asked  me  "What  noise  that  was?"  and  I  answered, 
"If  it  please  your  Majesty,  it  is  the  Lords  debating."  He 
asked  if  we  should  stop,  but  was  told  that  all  would  be 
silent  the  moment  he  entered.  The  Commons  were  sum- 
moned in  the  usual  way;  and,  having  received  the  Speech, 
he  read  it  with  a  clear  and  firm  voice.  I  doubt  if  any  part 
of  it  was  listened  to  beyond  the  first  sentence,  prefixed  to 
the  draft,  and  which  I  alone  had  any  hand  in  writing :  "  I 


A    Chartist   Petition        387 

am  come  to  meet  you  for  the  purpose  of  proroguing  this 
Parliament,  with  a  view  to  its  immediate  dissolution."  .  .   . 

Lord  Brougham,  The  Life  and  Times  of  Lord  Brougham  (Lon- 
don, 1871),  III,  115-118. 


131.    A   Chartist  Petition   (1838) 

To  the  Honourable  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain  and  Ire- 
land, in  Parliament  assembled,  the  Petition  of  the  under- 
signed their  suffering  countrymen, 

Humbly  Sheweth,  — 

That  we,  your  petitioners,  dwell  in  a  land  whose  mer- 
chants are  noted  for  their  enterprise,  whose  manufacturers 
are  very  skilful,  and  whose  workmen  are  proverbial  for 
their  industry.  The  land  itself  is  goodly,  the  soil  rich,  and 
the  temperature  wholesome.  It  is  abundantly  furnished 
with  the  materials  of  commerce  and  trade.  It  has  numer- 
ous and  convenient  harbours.  In  facility  of  internal  com- 
munication it  exceeds  all  others.  For  three  and  twenty 
years  we  have  enjoyed  a  profound  peace.  Yet,  with  all  the 
elements  of  national  prosperity,  and  with  every  disposition 
and  capacity  to  take  advantage  of  them,  we  find  ourselves 
overwhelmed  with  public  and  private  suffering.  We  are 
bowed  down  under  a  load  of  taxes,  which,  notwithstand- 
ing, fall  greatly  short  of  the  wants  of  our  rulers.  Our 
traders  are  trembling  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy;  our  work- 
men are  starving.  Capital  brings  no  profit,  and  labour  no 
remuneration.  The  home  of  the  artificer  is  desolate,  and 
the  warehouse  of  the  pawnbroker  is  full.  The  workhouse 
is  crowded,  and  the  manufactory  is  deserted.  We  have 
looked  on  every  side;  we  have  searched  diligently  in  order 
to  find  out  the  causes  of  distress  so  sore  and  so  long  con- 


By  the  COUN- 
CIL OF  THE 
BIRMING- 
HAM UNION. 
The  extrava- 
gant hopes 
founded 
upon  the 
passage  of 
the  Reform 
Bill  of  1832 
were  doomed 
to  dis- 
appointment. 
Many  re- 
forms were 
brought 
about,  but 
with  the 
exception  of 
the  new 
Poor  Law 
little  was 
done  to 
remedy 
social  evils. 
A  few  men 
took  up  the 
question  of 
the  condi- 
tions of 
labour  (see 
No.  134). 
The  middle 
classes  gave 
their  strength 
to  securing 
the  repeal  of 
the  Corn 
Laws  (see 
No.  135). 
The  expres- 
sion of  the 
discontent  of 
the  working 


388        Political    Conditions 

classes  was  tinued.  We  can  discover  none  in  nature  or  in  Provi- 
movementf  dence.  Heaven  has  dealt  graciously  by  the  people,  nor 
have  the  people  abused  its  grace,  but  the  foolishness  of  our 
rulers  has  made  the  goodness  of  God  of  none  effect.  The 
energies  of  a  mighty  kingdom  have  been  wasted  in  build- 
ing up  the  power  of  selfish  and  ignorant  men,  and  its 
resources  squandered  for  their  aggrandisement.  The  good 
of  a  part  has  been  advanced  at  the  sacrifice  of  the  good  of 
the  nation.  The  few  have  governed  for  the  interest  of  the 
few,  while  the  interests  of  the  many  have  been  sottishly 
neglected,  or  insolently  and  tyrannously  trampled  upon. 
It  was  the  fond  expectation  of  the  friends  of  the  people 
that  a  remedy  for  the  greater  part,  if  not  for  the  whole  of 
their  grievances,  would  be  found  in  the  Reform  Act  of 
1832.  They  regarded  that  Act  as  a  wise  means  to  a  worthy 
end,  as  the  machinery  of  an  improved  legislation,  where 
the  will  of  the  masses  would  be  at  length  potential.  They 
have  been  bitterly  and  basely  deceived.  The  fruit  which 
looked  so  fair  to  the  eye,  has  turned  to  dust  and  ashes 
when  gathered.  The  Reform  Act  has  effected  a  transfer  of 
power  from  one  domineering  faction  to  another,  and  left 
the  people  as  helpless  as  before.  Our  slavery  has  been 
exchanged  for  an  apprenticeship  to  liberty,  which  has 
aggravated  the  painful  feelings  of  our  social  degradation, 
by  adding  to  them  the  sickening  of  still  deferred  hope. 
We  come  before  your  honourable  house  to  tell  you,  with  all 
humility,  that  this  state  of  things  must  not  be  permitted  to 
continue.  That  it  cannot  long  continue,  without  very  seri- 
ously endangering  the  stability  of  the  throne,  and  the  peace 
of  the  kingdom,  and  that  if,  by  God's  help,  and  all  lawful 
and  constitutional  appliances,  an  end  can  be  put  to  it,  we 
are  fully  resolved  that  it  shall  speedily  come  to  an  end. 
We  tell  your  honourable  house,  that  the  capital  of  the 
master  must  no  longer  be  deprived  of  its  due  profit;  that 
the  labour  of  the  workman  must  no  longer  be  deprived  of 


A   Chartist   Petition        389 

its  due  reward.  That  the  laws  which  make  food  dear,  and 
the  laws  which  make  money  scarce,  must  be  abolished. 
That  taxation  must  be  made  to  fall  on  property,  not  on 
industry.  That  the  good  of  the  many,  as  it  is  the  only 
legitimate  end,  so  must  it  be  the  sole  study  of  the  govern- 
ment. As  a  preliminary  essential  to  these  and  other 
requisite  changes  —  as  the  means  by  which  alone  the  inter- 
ests of  the  people  can  be  effectually  vindicated  and  secured, 
we  demand  that  those  interests  be  confided  to  the  keeping 
of  the  people.  When  the  State  calls  for  defenders,  when 
it  calls  for  money,  no  consideration  of  poverty  or  igno- 
rance can  be  pleaded  in  refusal  or  delay  of  the  call. 
Required,  as  we  are  universally,  to  support  and  obey  the 
laws,  nature  and  reason  entitle  us  to  demand  that  in  the 
making  of  the  laws  the  universal  voice  shall  be  implicitly 
listened  to.  We  perform  the  duties  of  freemen;  we  must 
have  the  privileges  of  freemen.  Therefore,  we  demand 
universal  suffrage.  The  suffrage,  to  be  exempt  from  the 
corruption  of  the  wealthy  and  the  violence  of  the  powerful, 
must  be  secret.  The  assertion  of  our  right  necessarily 
involves  the  power  of  our  uncontrolled  exercise.  We  ask 
for  the  reality  of  a  good,  not  for  its  semblance,  therefore 
we  demand  the  ballot.  The  connection  between  the 
representatives  and  the  people,  to  be  beneficial,  must  be 
intimate.  The  legislative  and  constituent  powers,  for  cor- 
rection and  for  instruction,  ought  to  be  'brought  into 
frequent  contact.  Errors  which  are  comparatively  light, 
when  susceptible  of  a  speedy  popular  remedy,  may  pro- 
duce the  most  disastrous  effects  when  permitted  to  grow 
inveterate  through  years  of  compulsory  endurance.  To 
public  safety,  as  well  as  public  confidence,  frequent  elec- 
tions are  essential.  Therefore,  we  demand  annual  parlia- 
ments. With  power  to  choose,  and  freedom  in  choosing, 
the  range  of  our  choice  must  be  unrestricted.  We  are 
compelled  by  the  existing  laws,  to  take  for  our  representa- 


390        Political    Conditions 


These  are 
five  of  the 
so-called 
Six  Points  of 
the  Charter, 
one,  equal 
representa- 
tion, is 


tives  men  who  are  incapable  of  appreciating  our  difficulties, 
or  have  little  sympathy  with  them;  merchants  who  have 
retired  from  trade  and  no  longer  feel  its  harassings;  pro- 
prietors of  land  who  are  alike  ignorant  of  its  evils  and 
its  cure;  lawyers  by  whom  the  notoriety  of  the  senate  is 
courted  only  as  a  means  of  obtaining  notice  in  the  courts. 
The  labours  of  a  representative  who  is  sedulous  in  the  dis- 
charge of  his  duty  are  numerous  and  burdensome.  It  is 
neither  just,  nor  reasonable,  nor  safe,  that  they  should  con- 
tinue to  be  gratuitously  rendered.  We  demand  that  in  the 
future  election  of  members  of  your  honourable  house,  the 
approbation  of  the  constituency  shall  be  the  sole  qualifica- 
tion, and  that  to  every  representative  so  chosen,  shall  be 
assigned  out  of  the  public  taxes,  a  fair  and  adequate  remu- 
neration for  the  time  which  he  is  called  upon  to  devote  to 
the  public  service.  The  management  of  this  mighty  king- 
dom has  hitherto  been  a  subject  for  contending  factions  to 
try  their  selfish  experiments  upon.  We  have  felt  the  con- 
sequences in  our  sorrowful  experience.  Short  glimmerings 
of  uncertain  enjoyment,  swallowed  up  by  long  and  dark 
seasons  of  suffering.  If  the  self-government  of  the  people 
should  not  remove  their  distresses,  it  will,  at  least,  remove 
their  repinings.  Universal  suffrage  will,  and  it  alone  can, 
bring  true  and  lasting  peace  to  the  nation;  we  firmly 
believe  that  it  will  also  bring  prosperity.  May  it  there- 
fore please  your  honourable  house,  to  take  this  our  petition 
into  your  most  serious  consideration,  and  to  use  your 
utmost  endeavours,  by  all  constitutional  means,  to  have  a 
law  passed,  granting  to  every  male  of  lawful  age,  sane 
mind,  and  unconvicted  of  crime,  the  right  of  voting  for 
members  of  parliament,  and  directing  all  future  elections 
of  members  of  parliament  to  be  in  the  way  of  secret  ballot, 
and  ordaining  that  the  duration  of  parliament,  so  chosen, 
shall  in  no  case  exceed  one  year,  and  abolishing  all  prop- 
erty qualifications  in  the  members,  and  providing  for  their 


Home    Rule   for   Ireland      391 


due  remuneration  while  in  attendance  on  their  parliamentary  omitted. 
duties 

luue;>- 

"And  your  petitioners  shall  ever  pray." 

First  Petition  of  the  United  Chartists  (R.  G.  Gammage,  History 

of  the  Chartist  Movement,  Newcastle-on-Tyne,  1894,  87-90).      secured. 


At  the  pres' 

ent  time  the 

first,  second, 
and  fourth 

been 


132.    Home  Rule  for  Ireland  (1886) 

.  .  .  This  is  the  earliest  moment  in  our  Parliamentary 
history  when  we  have  the  voice  of  Ireland  authentically 
expressed  in  our  hearing.  Majorities  of  Home  Rulers 
there  may  have  been  upon  other  occasions;  a  practical 
majority  of  Irish  Members  never  has  been  brought  together 
for  such  a  purpose.  Now,  first,  we  can  understand  her; 
now,  first,  we  are  able  to  deal  with  her;  we  are  able  to  learn 
authentically  what  she  wants  and  wishes,  what  she  offers 
and  will  do;  and  as  we  ourselves  enter  into  the  strongest 
moral  and  honourable  obligations  by  the  steps  which  we 
take  in  this  House,  so  we  have  before  us  practically  an 
Ireland  under  the  representative  system  able  to  give  us 
equally  authentic  information,  able  morally  to  convey  to 
us  an  assurance  the  breach  and  rupture  of  which  would 
cover  Ireland  with  disgrace.  .  .  .  What  is  the  case  of 
Ireland  at  this  moment?  Have  hon.  Gentlemen  consid- 
ered that  they  are  coming  into  conflict  with  a  nation?  Can 
anything  stop  a  nation's  demand,  except  its  being  proved 
to  be  immoderate  and  unsafe?  But  here  are  multitudes, 
and,  I  believe,  millions  upon  millions,  out-of-doors,  who 
feel  this  demand  to  be  neither  immoderate  nor  unsafe.  In 
our  opinion,  there  is  but  one  question  before  us  about  this 
demand.  It  is  as  to  the  time  and  circumstance  of  granting 
it.  There  is  no  question  in  our  minds  that  it  will  be 


By  WILL- 
IAM EWART 
GLADSTONE 
(1809-1898), 
one  of  the 
greatest  of 
England's 
statesmen. 
He  entered 
political  life 
in  1833  in 
the  first  re- 
formed Par- 
liament.   In 
the  begin- 
ning he  was 
counted  "the 
rising  hope 
of  the  stern, 
unbending 
Tories";  at 
his  death  he 
was  chief  of 
the  Liberal 
party.     In 
1886  Glad- 
stone took 
up  the  cause 
of  Home 
Rule,  but 
was  defeated 
in  the  Com- 
mons and  in 
the  country. 
By  the  power 
of  his  convic- 
tion and 
eloquence 
he  carried 
the  election 
of  1892  on 
the  Home 


392        Political    Conditions 


Rule  issue. — 
For  the  fate 
of  the  second 
Home  Rule 
Bill,  see 
No.  133.    On 
Gladstone 
and  Home 
Rule,  see 
Gladstone, 
The  Irish 
Question.  On 
Gladstone, 
see  Morley, 
Life  of 
Gladstone 
(in  prepara- 
tion) . 


granted.  We  wish  it  to  be  granted  in  the  mode  prescribed 
by  Mr.  Burke.  Mr.  Burke  said,  in  his  first  speech  at 
Bristol : — 

"  I  was  true  to  my  old-standing  invariable  principle,  that  all 
things  which  came  from  Great  Britain  should  issue  as  a  gift  of 
her  bounty  and  beneficence,  rather  than  as  claims  recovered 
against  struggling  litigants,  or  at  least  if  your  beneficence  ob- 
tained no  credit  in  your  c6ncessions,  yet  that  they  should  appear 
the  salutary  provisions  of  your  wisdom  and  foresight  —  not  as 
things  wrung  from  you  with  your  blood  by  the  cruel  gripe  of  a 
rigid  necessity." 

The  difference  between  giving  with  freedom  and  dignity 
on  the  one  side,  with  acknowledgment  and  gratitude  on 
the  other,  and  giving  under  compulsion  —  giving  with  dis- 
grace, giving  with  resentment  dogging  you  at  every  step  of 
your  path  —  this  difference  is,  in  our  eyes,  fundamental, 
and  this  is  the  main  reason  not  only  why  we  have  acted, 
but  why  we  have  acted  now.  This,  if  I  understand  it,  is 
one  of  the  golden  moments  of  our  history  —  one  of  those 
opportunities  which  may  come  and  may  go,  but  which 
rarely  return,  or,  if  they  return,  return  at  long  intervals, 
and  under  circumstances  which  no  man  can  forecast. 

There  have  been  such  golden  moments  even  in  the 
tragic  history  of  Ireland,  as  her  poet  says  — 

"  One  time  the  harp  of  Innisfail 
Was  tuned  to  notes  of  gladness." 

And  then  he  goes  on  to  say  — 

"  But  yet  did  oftener  tell  a  tale 
Of  more  prevailing  sadness." 


F  But  there  was  such  a  golden  moment  —  it  was  in  1795  —  it 

1782-1800        was  on  the  mission  of  Lord  Fitzwilliam.     At  that  moment 
Home  Rule     it  is  historically  clear  that  the  Parliament  of  Grattan  was 


Home   Rule   for   Ireland      393 

on  the  point  of  solving  the  Irish  problem.     The  two  great  under  a 
knots  of  that  problem  were  —  in  the  first  place,   Roman  pii^*,m~n\ 

called  Grat- 

Catholic  Emancipation;    and,    in  the   second  place,    the   tan's  Parlia- 
Reform  of  Parliament.     The  cup  was  at  her  lips,  and  she 


was  ready  to  drink  it,  when  the  hand  of  England  rudely  and   jrish  leader. 
ruthlessly  dashed  it  to  the  ground  in  obedience  to  the  wild  representa- 
and  dangerous  intimations  of  an  Irish  faction. 


Catholic 
"  Ex  illo  fluere  ac  retro  sublapsa  referri,  could  hold 

Spes  Danaum."  office  °J  ?'*• 

and  political 

conditions 

There  has  been  no  great  day  of  hope  for  Ireland,  no  day  were  even 


when  you  might  hope  completely  and  definitely  to  end  the 
controversy  till  now  —  more  than  90  years.  The  long 
periodic  time  has  at  last  run  out,  and  the  star  has  again 
mounted  into  the  heavens.  What  Ireland  was  doing  for 
herself  in  1795  we  at  length  have  done.  The  Roman  catholic 

Catholics  have  been  emancipated  —  emancipated  after  a  Emantipa- 
,  .  .  ,  tion,  1820. 

woeful  disregard  of   solemn  promises   through   29  years,    see  No.  128. 

emancipated  slowly,  sullenly,  not  from  goodwill,  but  from 

abject  terror,  with  all  the  fruits  and  consequences  which 

will  always  follow  that  method  of  legislation.     The  second   Reform  gni 

problem  has  been  also  solved,  and  the  representation  of  °f  l885- 

Ireland  has  been  thoroughly  reformed;  and  I  am  thankful 

to  say  that  the  franchise  was   given   to   Ireland   on   the 

re-adjustment  of  last  year  with  a  free  heart,  with  an  open 

hand,  and  the  gift  of  that  franchise  was  the  last  act  required 

to  make  the  success  of  Ireland  in  her  final  effort  absolutely 

sure.     We  have  given  Ireland  a  voice  :  we  must  all  listen 

for  a  moment  to  what  she  says.     We  must  all  listen  —  both 

sides,  both  Parties,   I  mean  as  they  are,  divided  on  this 

question  —  divided,  I  am  afraid,  by  an  almost  immeasur- 

able gap.     We  do  not  undervalue  or  despise  the  forces 

opposed  to  us.      I  have  described  them  as  the  forces  of 

class  and  its  dependents;  and  that  as  a  general  description 

—  as  a  slight  and  rude  outline  of   a  description  —  is,    I 


394        Political    Conditions 

believe,  perfectly  true.  I  do  not  deny  that  many  are 
against  us  whom  we  should  have  expected  to  be  for  us. 
I  do  not  deny  that  some  whom  we  see  against  us  have 
caused  us  by  their  conscientious  action  the  bitterest  dis- 
appointment. You  have  power,  you  have  wealth,  you  have 
rank,  you  have  station,  you  have  organization.  What 
have  we?  We  think  that  we  have  the  people's  heart;  we 
believe  and  we  know  we  have  the  promise  of  the  harvest 
of  the  future.  As  to  the  people's  heart,  you  may  dispute 
it,  and  dispute  it  with  perfect  sincerity.  Let  that  matter 
make  its  own  proof.  As  to  the  harvest  of  the  future,  I 
doubt  if  you  have  so  much  confidence,  and  I  believe  that 
there  is  in  the  breast  of  many  a  man  who  means  to  vote 
against  us  to-night  a  profound  misgiving,  approaching  even 
to  a  deep  conviction,  that  the  end  will  be  as  we  foresee, 
and  not  as  you  do  —  that  the  ebbing  tide  is  with  you  and 
the  flowing  tide  is  with  us.  Ireland  stands  at  your  bar 
expectant,  hopeful,  almost  suppliant.  Her  words  are  the 
words  of  truth  and  soberness.  She  asks  a  blessed  oblivion 
of  the  past,  and  in  that  oblivion  our  interest  is  deeper  than 
even  hers.  My  right  hon.  Friend  the  Member  for  East 
Edinburgh  (Mr.  Goschen)  asks  us  to-night  to  abide  by  the 
traditions  of  which  we  are  the  heirs.  W7hat  traditions? 
By  the  Irish  traditions?  Go  into  the  length  and  breadth 
of  the  world,  ransack  the  literature  of  all  countries,  find,  if 
you  can,  a  single  voice,  a  single  book,  find,  I  would  almost 
say,  as  much  as  a  single  newspaper  article,  unless  the  prod- 
uct of  the  day,  in  which  the  conduct  of  England  towards 
Ireland  is  anywhere  treated  except  with  profound  and  bitter 
condemnation.  Are  these  the  traditions  by  which  we  are 
exhorted  to  stand?  No;  they  are  a  sad  exception  to  the 
glory  of  our  country.  They  are  a  broad  and  black  blot 
upon  the  pages  of  its  history;  and  what  we  want  to  do  is 
to  stand  by  the  traditions  of  which  we  are  the  heirs  in  all 
matters  except  our  relations  with  Ireland,  and  to  make  our 


Lords   and   Home    Rule   Bill      395 

relations  with  Ireland  to  conform  to  the  other  traditions  of 
our  country.  So  we  treat  our  traditions  —  so  we  hail  the 
demand  of  Ireland  for  what  I  call  a  blessed  oblivion  of  the 
past.  She  asks  also  a  boon  for  the  future;  and  that  boon 
for  the  future,  unless  we  are  much  mistaken,  will  be  a  boon 
to  us  in  respect  of  honour,  no  less  than  a  boon  to  her  in 
respect  of  happiness,  prosperity  and  peace.  Such,  Sir,  is 
her  prayer.  Think,  I  beseech  you,  think  well,  think  wisely, 
think,  not  for  the  moment,  but  for  the  years  that  are  to 
come,  before  you  reject  this  Bill. 

Question  put. 

The  House  divided:  —  Ayes  311;  Noes  341:  Majority 
against  the  bill  30. 

House  of  Commons,  Debate  on  the  Government  of  Ireland  Bill, 
June  7,  1886  (Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  Third  Series, 
CCCVI,  1236). 


133-    The  Lords  and  the  Home  Rule      g,cHENRY 
Bill  (1893) 


the  Parlia- 

"  I  think  the  Contents  have  it.  "  coIjKf  the 

It  was  the  voice  of  the  Lord  Chancellor  sounding  through  Daily  News. 

1-11         i         •  F  •  i    •    i  r™  Since  1873 

the  crowded  chamber  just  after  midnight.     The  scene  was   Mr.  Lucy 


one  seldom  witnessed  in  this  august,  but  not  always  enter-  h?s  h^d  *, 

taining,  assembly.     The  floor  was  packed  with  peers  occu-  Press  Gallery 

i  i  -.1  •  j  ,•  r  of  the  House 

pymg  every  bench  on  either  side,   irrespective  of  party  ofCommons, 

camps.     They  swarmed  round  the  Woolsack  till  the  Lord  save  for  one 

„,.  „  ,.  ....  ,  ,       .  ,  year  when  he 

Chancellor,  upstanding  and  desiring  to  glance  round  with  took  the 


intent  impartially  to  judge  how  parties  were  divided  before 
pronouncing  on  the  issue   submitted  to  him,   craned  his   Daily  News, 
neck  in  almost  undignified  fashion.     Behind  the  rails  of  which  he1 


the  Throne,  against  which  the  crowd  of  peers  pressed,  was 

another  throng  made  up  of  Privy  Councillors  and  sons  of   to  return  to 


396        Political   Conditions 


his  former 
work.     His 
sketches  of 
Parliament, 
filling  several 
volumes, 
give  a  most 
interesting 
view  of  the 
proceedings 
in  the  House 
of  Commons. 

In  February, 
1893,  Glad- 
stone intro- 
duced the 
Second 
Home  Rule 
Bill.     It 
passed  the 
second  read- 
ing by  a  vote 
of  347  to  304. 
After  a  de- 
bate of  8 1 
days  it  went 
to  the  Lords, 
who  gave  it 
four  days' 
considera- 
tion, and 
threw  it  out 
by  a  vote  of 
419  to  41. 


peers  privileged  to  assemble  here  if  peradventure  they  could 
find  room.  From  both  side-galleries  bright  eyes  rained 
influence.  Members  of  the  House  of  Commons,  forsaking 
their  own  Chamber,  flocked  into  the  Lords,  shouldering 
each  other  in  a  dense  mass  by  the  bar,  filling  the  odds  and- 
ends  of  the  gallery  which  the  Lords  assign  to  them  in 
acknowledgment  of  a  somewhat  similar  provision  made  for 
peers  in  the  other  House. 

The  great  debate  was  over.  Four  days  had  sufficed  for 
an  ungagged  House  of  Lords  to  dispose  of  a  matter  the 
gagged  House  of  Commons  had  talked  round  for  more  than 
fourscore. 

"The  question  is,"  said  the  Lord  Chancellor,  "that  this 
Bill  be  now  read  a  second  time.  Since  which  an  amend- 
ment has  been  moved  to  leave  out  all  the  words  from 
'now,'  and  insert  'this  day  six  months.'  The  question  that 
I  have  put  is  that  the  word  'now '  stand  part  of  the  ques- 
tion. Those  who  are  of  that  opinion  say  'Content.'  ' 

Here  there  was  a  faint,  shy  murmur  from  the  benches  to 
the  right  of  the  Lord  Chancellor.  The  Liberal  peers  were 
content,  so  steeped  in  contentment  that  they  were  loath  to 
break  the  peaceful  moment  by  noisy  cry. 

"The  contrary,  'Not  content,''  added  the  Lord 
Chancellor. 

At  which  signal  there  came  from  the  crowd  to  his  left, 
from  the  throng  behind  the  Woolsack,  from  the  white- 
winged  Bishops  clustered  above  the  Ministerial  Bench, 
from  the  group  below  the  gangway  behind  the  bench  on 
which  the  Duke  of  Devonshire  sat,  an  almost  angry  roar  of 
"Not  content!" 

The  Lord  Chancellor  paused  a  moment,  as  if  weighing  a 
nicely-balanced  problem.  Then  in  a  low,  clear  voice, 
looking  straight  before  him,  he  repeated:  "I  think  the 
'Contents  '  have  it." 

It  is  said  by  some  who  stood  close  to  the  Woolsack  that 


Lords   and   Home   Rule   Bill      397 

when  Lord  Herschell  committed  himself  to  what,   if  the   Lord  Her- 
speaker  were  not  the  Lord  Chancellor,  might  be  described   Washington 
as  this  "whopper,"  a  faint  blush  stole  over  his  ingenuous   in  1899 while 

'  .         .  .  serving  on 

countenance.       That    is,     however,     testimony    probably  theVene- 
warped  by  personal  feeling  and  desire  to  save  the  credit  of   dary'com-" 
an  amiable  and   upright   man.      There   was  certainly  no  mission, 
tremor  in  the  voice,  no  flinching  in  the  attitude,  as  the 
Lord  Chancellor,  called  upon  to  give  his  opinion  as  to  the 
side  on  which,  in  the  House  of  Lords,  preponderance  in 
favour  of  the  Home  Rule  Bill  declared  itself,  affirmed  it  was 
demonstrated  on  behalf  of  the  second  reading.     There  was 
nothing  for  it  but  to  submit  the  question  to  the  arbitrament 
of  the  division.     With  a  burst  of  almost  merry  laughter, 
their  lordships  rose  to  their  feet  and  began  to  pass  out  into 
the  lobbies. 

The  phrase  is  used  in  the  plural  for  fuller  accuracy. 
Watching  the  multitude  slowly  making  its  way  down  to  the 
bar  it  seemed  as  if  all  were  going  into  one  lobby.  In 
ordinary  times  the  Whips  stand  by  the  wicket  and  "tell" 
members  as  they  pass  through.  Although  undesigned,  there 
was  not  lacking  something  of  dramatic  effect  in  Lord 
Salisbury's  proposition  that  this  usual  course  should  be 
departed  from.  Such  a  gathering  would  never  be  so  mar- 
shalled till  the  night  was  far  advanced.  Better  let  them 
pour  through  into  the  outer  hall,  and  there  be  counted. 

So  it  was  arranged,  and  the  memorable  gathering  of 
peers,  spreading  out  the  full  breadth  of  the  floor,  pressed 
slowly  onward  towards  the  passage  by  the  bar  into  the 
division  lobby.  With  them  went  the  Bishops,  their  white 
lawn  looking  like  flecks  of  foam  on  the  eddying  current 
swirling  outwards.  Lord  Kimberley,  Lord  Spencer,  Lord 
Rosebery,  and  other  Ministers  seated  on  the  front  bench 
made  early  retreat,  lest  peradventure  they  should  be  swept 
away  by  the  stream  passing  between  the  table  and  the  Min- 
isterial bench  and  carried  off  to  vote  against  the  Home 


398        Political    Conditions 

Rule  Bill.  There  was  something  pathetic  in  the  position 
of  their  few  followers  seated  on  the  benches  behind.  Some 
had  risen  to  go  out,  but  found  their  way  blocked  first  by 
the  Bishops,  not  yet  dispersed,  and  beyond  them  the  solid 
phalanx  of  peers  who  had  been  standing  before  the  Throne. 
If  they  had  chanced  to  be  going  the  other  way,  towards  the 
bar,  motion  would  have  been  easy  enough.  They  might 
have  drifted  out  with  the  tide.  To  go  against  the  tide  was 
quite  another  matter,  and  after  vain  effort  they  gave  up  the 
attempt,  resuming  their  seats,  and  sitting  patiently  whilst 
the  great  majority  swept  past  them.  By-and-by  the  pres- 
sure was  removed  from  the  upper  end  of  the  Chamber,  and 
the  minority,  fit,  few,  and  forty-one,  made  haste  to  escape. 
In  the  House  of  Commons  when  a  great  division  takes 
place  there  is  one  moment  when  the  House  is  absolutely 
empty,  save  for  the  presence  of  the  Speaker,  the  Clerks  at 
the  table,  the  Sergeant-at-Arms,  and  the  messengers  attend- 
ant. The  Sergeant-at-Arms,  advancing  to  the  bar,  glances 
keenly  round  to  see  that  there  are  no  lingerers,  and  then 
signal  is  given  to  lock  the  doors.  After  the  cheers  and 
counter-cheers  that  mark  the  close  of  the  debate,  with  the 
bustle  of  departing  crowds  stilled,  a  strange  quietness  falls 
upon  the  place.  The  interval  is  to  be  counted  only  by 
seconds  until  the  doors  are  unlocked,  and  one  stream 
enters  from  beneath  the  gallery,  the  other  from  behind  the 
Speaker's  Chair.  There  is  no  parallel  to  this  in  similar 
circumstances  in  the  House  of  Lords,  there  being,  in  fact, 
no  locked  doors  by  the  passages  outward  on  either  side  of 
the  throne.  So  far-reaching  was  the  throng  of  "Not  Con- 
tents," that  almost  before  the  rear  had  straggled  out  of  the 
House  by  the  bar,  the  vanguard  entered  from  the  other 
side.  The  benches  rapidly  filled  up.  The  peers  seemed 
to  come  in  more  quickly  than  they  had  made  their  way  out. 
But  fully  forty  minutes  elapsed  between  the  signal  to  start 
and  the  announcement  that  all  was  over. 


Lords   and   Home   Rule   Bill      399 

Here,  again,  the  House  of  Commons,  in  some  respects 
less  spectacular  than  the  Lords,  has  the  advantage.     In  the 
Commons,  when  a  division  is  completed,  the  tellers,  having 
handed  in  their  report  of  the  figures,  range  themselves  in 
line  facing  the  Mace  on  the  table,  and  he  who  represents 
the  winning  side  receives  from  the  Clerk  the  paper  setting 
forth  the  result.     The  floor  of  the  House  is  a  clear  space, 
save  for  the  presence  of  the  four  tellers.     They  retire  a 
few  paces,  and,  with  obeisance  thrice  made  to  the  Chair, 
advance  to  the  table,  where  the  teller  for  the  victorious  side 
proclaims  the  result  of  a  contest  upon  which,  perchance, 
may  rest  the  fate  of  a  Ministry.     It  is  obvious  that  here  is 
fine  opportunity  for  what  on  the  stage  is  known  as  business. 
Lord  Randolph  Churchill  will  not  forget  that  night  in  June   On  June  8, 
eight  years  gone  by  when  the  paper  containing  the  doom  Gladstone 
of  Mr.  Gladstone's  Ministry  was  handed  to  Mr.  Rowland  ministry  was 
Winn,  Whip  for  the  Opposition.     As  the  Whips  marched  Budget 
backward  to  take  up  their  position  for  advance,  there  was 
time  for  noble  lords  and  hon.  members  to  leap  on  the 
benches,  wave  their  hats  in  triumph,  and  shout  themselves, 
hoarse,  whilst  Mr.  Rowland  Winn,  the  fateful  paper  in  his 
hand,  stood  impassive,  awaiting  opportunity  to  advance 
and  announce  the  result. 

This  morning,  as  Big  Ben  was  sounding  the  third  quarter 
of  an  hour  past  midnight,  there  was  no  space  on  the  floor 
of  the  House  of  Lords  for  tellers  to  march  up  and  down. 
Four  hundred  and  sixty  marquises,  dukes,  and  a'  that,  Old 
Nobility  and  New,  Bishops  and  the  Master  of  Buckhounds, 
were  gathered  within  the  four  walls.  There  was  no  room 
for  them  on  the  benches,  and,  these  filled,  noble  lords 
stood  round  the  Woolsack,  an  almost  impenetrable  mass, 
threatening  asphyxia  to  the  panting  Lord  Chancellor. 

Presently  a  noble  lord  was  seen  making  his  way  through 
the  throng,  handing  a  piece  of  paper  to  the  Lord  Chancel- 
lor over  the  shoulder  of  a  peer  who  could  not  get  further 


400        Political   Conditions 

out  of  the  way.  A  great  silence  fell  upon  the  assembly. 
Without  assistance  of  the  token,  possible  in  the  Commons, 
of  the  paper  being  in  the  first  instance  handed  to  the  Min- 
isterial or  Opposition  teller,  no  doubt  existed  as  to  the  way 
the  aggregate  of  votes  had  gone.  It  is  true  the  Lord 
Chancellor,  forty  minutes  earlier,  had  uncompromisingly 
declared  that  the  Contents  had  it.  Even  a  Lord  Chancellor 
may  be  mistaken.  Still  there  remained  disclosure  of  the 
precise  figures  by  which  the  fate  of  the  Bill  had  been  sealed. 
Amid  the  hush  the  voice  of  the  Lord  Chancellor  sounded 
with  clarion  clearness  —  "For  the  second  reading,  41; 
against,  419." 

So  there  had  been  a  mistake  somewhere,  and,  after  all, 
it  was  the  "Not  Contents"  who  "had  it." 

Henry  W.  Lucy,  A  Diary  of  the  Home  Rule  Parliament  (Lon- 
don, 1896),  251-255. 


CHAPTER   XXI  — THE   LIFE  OF  THE 
PEOPLE 


'34- 


The   Children  in  the  Coal  Mines 

(1842) 


I  SHALL  now  proceed  to  the  statement  I  have  under- 
taken respecting  the  condition  of  the  working  classes 
in  our  mines  and  collieries,  and  the  measures  requisite  to 
ameliorate  that  condition.  I  am  sorry  to  detain  the  House 
by  reading  documents;  I  shall  often  have  occasion  to  tres- 
pass on  their  patience;  but  the  subject  demands  it.  I 
think  that  the  points  I  wish  to  establish  should  be  made 
out  by  statements  and  evidence,  rather  than  by  any  attempts 
at  declamation.  In  the  first  place,  I  shall  present  the 
House  with  the  result  of  the  evidence  respecting  the  age 
and  sex  of  persons  employed  in  the  mines  and  collieries. 
The  extent  to  which  the  employment  of  females  prevails 
varies  very  much  in  different  districts  —  in  some  parts  of 
the  country  none  but  males  are  employed,  in  other  places 
a  great  number  of  females.  With  respect  to  the  age  at 
which  children  are  worked  in  mines  and  collieries  in  South 
Staffordshire,  it  is  common  to  begin  at  7  years  old;  in 
Shropshire  some  begin  as  early  as  6  years  of  age;  in  War- 
wickshire the  same;  in  Leicestershire  nearly  the  same.  In 
Derbyshire  many  begin  at  5,  many  between  5  and  6  years, 
many  at  7.  In  the  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire  it  is  not 
uncommon  for  infants  even  of  5  years  old  to  be  sent  to  the 
pit.  About  Halifax  and  the  neighbourhood  children  are 
sometimes  brought  to  the  pits  at  the  age  of  6  years,  and  are 
taken  out  of  their  beds  at  4  o'clock.  Bradford  and  Leeds, 

2D  4OI 


By  ANTONY, 
LORD 
ASHLEY, 
later  EARL 
OF  SHAFTES- 
BURY  (1801- 
1885). 

Throughout 
his  life, 
Shaftesbury 
made  the 
cause  of  the 
working 
classes  his 
own.    To 
redress 
wrong  was 
the  purpose 
for  which  he 
lived,  and 
the  Factory 
Acts  are  the 
result. 
"  It  would 
not  be  easy 
to^ell  how 
mucrMhe  life 
of  Shaftes- 
bury has 
availed  in 
warding  off 
revolution 
from  Eng- 
land, and  in 
softening  the 
bitter  spirit 
between  rich 
and  poor." 
Blackie. 

In  1840  Lord 
Ashley  se- 
cured the 
appointment 
of  a  Parlia- 
mentary com- 


402     The   Life   of  the   People 


mission  of 
inquiry 
into  the  con- 
ditions of 
labour  in  the 
mines.    The 
first  report 
was  issued 
in  May, 
1842.    The 
state  of 
things  which 
it  revealed 
aroused 
general  in- 
dignation. 
This  extract 
is  from  a 
speech  made 
by  Ashley  on 
the  7th  of 
June  in  intro- 
ducing the 
Mines  and 
Collieries 
Bill  to  ex- 
clude women 
and  children 
from  the 
coal  pits. 
The  bill 
passed  the 
Commons 
without  a 
division.     It 
was  carried 
in  the  Lords 
with  more 
difficulty.     It 
was  followed 
by  other 
measures 
completely 
revolutioniz- 
ing the 
conditions  of 
labour  in 
England, 


the  same;  in  Lancashire  and  Cheshire,  from  5  to  6.  Near 
Oldham  children  are  worked  as  low  "as  4  years  old,  and  in 
the  small  collieries  towards  the  hills  some  are  so  young  they 
are  brought  to  work  in  their  bed-gowns."  In  Cumberland, 
many  at  7 ;  in  South  Durham,  as  early  as  5  years  of  age, 
and  by  no  means  uncommonly  at  6.  In  reference  to  this 
I  may  quote  a  remark  of  Dr.  Mitchell,  one  of  the  Com- 
missioners; he  says,  "Though  the  very  young  children  are 
not  many  in  proportion,  there  are  still  such  a  number  as  is 
painful  to  contemplate,  and  which  the  great  coal-owners 
will  perhaps  now  learn  for  the  first  time,  and  I  feel  a  firm 
belief  that  they  will  do  so  with  sorrow  and  regret."  Now, 
in  justice  to  the  great  coal-owners  of  the  North,  I  must 
say,  that  if  they  had  been  the  only  parties  with  whom  we 
had  to  deal,  the  necessity  for  this  Bill  would  perhaps  not 
have  existed :  they  have  exhibited,  in  many  respects,  care 
and  kindness  towards  their  people.  Many  children,  the 
Report  goes  on  to  state,  are  employed  in  North  Durham 
and  Northumberland  at  5,  and  between  5  and  6:  "The 
instances  in  which  children  begin  to  work  at  7,  and 
between  7  and  8,  are  so  numerous,  that  it  would  be  tedious 
to  recite  them."  In  the  east  of  Scotland  it  is  more  com- 
mon for  children  to  begin  work  at  5  and  6  than  in  any  part 
of  England.  In  the  west  of  Scotland  children  are  taken 
down  into  the  pits  at  a  very  early  age,  often  when  8  years 
old,  and  even  earlier.  In  North  Wales  the  cases  are  rare 
of  children  being  employed  at  5  or  6  —  they  are  very  com- 
mon at  7.  In  South  Wales  more  cases  are  recorded  of  the 
employment  of  children  in  the  pits  at  very  early  ages  than 
in  any  other  district.  -It  is  not  unusual  to  take  them  into 
the  pits  at  4  years.  Many  are  absolutely  carried  to  the 
work.  In  South  Gloucestershire  cases  are  recorded  of  chil- 
dren employed  at  6  years,  the  general  age  is  about  9.  In 
North  Somersetshire  many  begin  to  work  between  6  and  7. 
In  the  south  of  Ireland  no  children  at  all  are  employed. 


Children  in   the   Coal   Mines     403 

All  the  underground  work,  which  in  the  coal-mines  of 
England,  Scotland,  and  Wales,  is  done  by  young  children, 
appears  in  Ireland  to  be  dofie  by  young  persons  between 
the  ages  of  13  and  18.  Now,  with  respect  to  sex,  the 
Report  states  that  in  South  Staffordshire  no  females  are 
employed  in  underground  work,  nor  in  North  Staffordshire. 
In  Shropshire,  Warwickshire,  Leicestershire,  and  Derby- 
shire, the  same.  In  the  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire  the 
practice  of  employing  females  underground  is  universal. 
About  Halifax  and  the  neighbourhood  girls  from  5  years 
old  and  upwards  regularly  perform  the  same  work  as  boys. 
At  Bradford  and  Leeds,  far  from  uncommon.  In  Lan- 
cashire and  Cheshire  it  is  the  general  custom  for  girls  and 
women  to  be  employed.  In  North  Lancashire,  throughout 
the  whole  of  the  district,  girls  and  women  are  regularly 
employed  underground.  In  Cumberland  there  are  none, 
excepting  in  one  old  colliery,  nor  in  Durham,  nor  in 
Northumberland.  In  the  east  of  Scotland  the  employment 
of  females  is  general,  but  in  the  west  of  Scotland  extremely 
rare.  In  North  Wales,  some  on  the  surface,  none  under- 
ground. In  South  Wales  it  is  not  uncommon.  In  Glouces- 
tershire and  Somersetshire  there  are  none.  In  none  of  the 
collieries  in  the  coal-fields  of  Ireland  was  a  single  instance 
found  of  a  female  child,  nor  a  female  of  any  age,  being 
employed  in  any  kind  of  work.  I  must  observe  that,  with 
respect  to  that  country,  neither  children  of  tender  years  nor 
females  are  employed  in  underground  operations.  I  have 
often,  Sir,  admired  the  generosity  and  warm-heartedness  of 
the  Irish  people;  and  I  must  say,  that  if  this  is  to  be  taken 
as  a  specimen  of  their  barbarism,  I  would  not  exchange  it 
for  all  the  refinement  and  polish  of  most  civilized  nations 
of  the  globe. 

The  next  point  to  which  I  desire  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  House  is  the  character  of  the  localities  to  which  these 
young  creatures  are  consigned.  .  .  . 


404     The    Life   of  the    People 

"While  efficient  ventilation,"  the  Report  adds,  "is 
neglected,  less  attention  is  paid  to  drainage.  .  .  .  Some 
pits  are  dry  and  comfortable.*.  .  .  Many  are  so  wet  that 
the  people  have  to  work  all  day  over  their  shoes  in  water, 
at  the  same  time  that  the  water  is  constantly  dripping  from 
the  roof:  in  other  pits,  instead  of  dripping,  it  constantly 
rains,  as  they  term  it,  so  that  in  a  short  time  after  they 
commence  the  labour  of  the  day  their  clothes  are  drenched; 
and  in  this  state,  their  feet  also  in  water,  they  work  all  day. 
The  children  especially  (and  in  general  the  younger  the  age 
the  more  painfully  this  unfavourable  state  of  the  place  of 
work  is  felt)  complain  bitterly  of  this."  It  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  it  is  in  this  district  [Derbyshire]  that  the  regular 
hours  of  a  full  day's  labour  are  14,  and  occasionally  16;  and 
the  children  have  to  walk  a  mile  or  two  at  night  without 
changing  their  clothes.  In  the  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire  it 
appears  that  there  are  very  few  collieries  with  thin  seams 
where  the  main  roadways  exceed  a  yard  in  height,  and  in 
some  they  do  not  exceed  26  or  28  inches:  nay,  in  some 
the  height  is  as  little  even  as  22  inches;  so  that  in  such 
places  the  youngest  child  cannot  work  without  the  most 
constrained  posture.  The  ventilation,  besides,  in  general 
is  very  bad,  and  the  drainage  worse.  In  Oldham  the 
mountain-seams  are  wrought  in  a  very  rude  manner.  There 
is  very  insufficient  drainage.  The  ways  are  so  low  that 
only  little  boys  can  work  in  them,  which  they  do  naked, 
and  often  in  mud  and  water,  dragging  sledge-tubs  by  the 
girdle  and  chain.  In  North  Lancashire,  "the  drainage  is 
often  extremely  bad:  a  pit  of  not  above  20  inches  seam," 
says  a  witness,  "  had  a  foot  of  water  in  it,  so  that  he  could 
hardly  keep  his  head  out  of  water."  .  .  .  The  evidence, 
as  given  by  the  young  people  and  the  old  colliers  them- 
selves, of  their  sufferings,  is  absolutely  piteous.  In  North 
Wales,  in  many  of  the  mines,  the  roads  are  low  and  narrow, 
the  air  foul,  the  places  of  work  dusty,  dark,  and  damp,  and 


Children   in   the   Coal   Mines     405 

the  ventilation  most  imperfect.  In  South  Wales,  in  many 
pits,  the  ventilation  is  grossly  neglected,  and  the  report 
complains  of  the  quantity  of  carbonic  acid»gas,  which  pro- 
duces the  most  injurious  effects,  though  not  actually  bad 
enough  to  prevent  the  people  from  working.  So  long  as  a 
candle  will  burn,  the  labour  is  continued.  .  .  . 

Sir,  the  next  subject  to  which  I  shall  request  your  atten- 
tion is  the  nature  of  the  employment  in  these  localities. 
Now,  it  appears  that  the  practice  prevails  to  a  lamentable 
extent  of  making  young  persons  and  children  of  a  tender 
age  draw  loads  by  means  of  the  girdle  and  chain.  This 
practice  prevails  generally  in  Shropshire,  in  Derbyshire, 
in  the  West  Riding  of  Yorkshire,  in  Lancashire,  in 
Cheshire,  in  the  east  of  Scotland,  in  North  and  South 
Wales,  and  in  South  Gloucestershire.  The  child,  it 
appears,  has  a  girdle  bound  round  its  waist,  to  which 
is  attached  a  chain,  whi'ch  passes  under  the  legs,  and  is 
attached  to  the  cart.  The  child  is  obliged  to  pass  on  all 
fours,  and  the  chain  passes  under  what,  therefore,  in  that 
posture,  might  be  called  the  hind  legs;  and  thus  they  have 
to  pass  through  avenues  not  so  good  as  a  common  sewer, 
quite  as  wet,  and  oftentimes  more  contracted.  This  kind 
of  labour  they  have  to  continue  during  several  hours,  in  a 
temperature  described  as  perfectly  intolerable.  .  .  . 

Now,  Sir,  it  appears  that  they  drag  these  heavy  weights 
some  12,000  yards,  some  14,000,  and  some  16,000  yards 
daily.  "In  the  east  of  Scotland,"  says  the  commissioner, 
"the  persons  employed  in  coal-bearing  are  almost  always 
girls  and  women.  They  carry  coal  on  their  back  on 
unrailed  roads,  with  burdens  varying  from  f  cwt.  to  3  cwt., 
—  a  cruel  slaving,"  says  the  sub-commissioner,  "revolting 
to  humanity.  I  found  a  little  girl,"  says  he,  "only  6  years 
old,  carrying  half  a  cwt.,  and  making  regularly  14  long 
journeys  a-day.  With  a  burden  varying  from  i  cwt.  to 
i^  cwt.,  the  height  ascended  and  the  distance  along  the 


406     The   Life   of  the    People 


A  member  in 
a  preceding 
discussion 
had  said 
that  "  this 
kind  of  legis- 
lation would 
bring  back 
the  barbar- 
ism of  the 
Middle 
Ages." 


roads,  added  together,  exceeded  in  each  journey  the  height 
of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral."  Thus  we  find  a  child  of  6  years 
old,  with  a  burfchen  of  at  least  half  a  cvvt.,  making  14  times 
a-day  a  journey  equal  in  distance  to  the  height  of  St. 
Paul's  Cathedral.  .  .  . 

Is  it  not  enough  to  announce  these  things  to  an  assembly 
of  Christian  men  and  British  gentlemen?  For  twenty 
millions  of  money  you  purchased  the  liberation  of  the 
negro;  and  it  was  a  blessed  deed.  You  may,  this  night, 
by  a  cheap  and  harmless  vote,  invigorate  the  hearts  of 
thousands  of  your  countrypeople,  enable  them  to  walk 
erect  in  newness  of  life,  to  enter  on  the  enjoyment  of  their 
inherited  freedom,  and  avail  themselves  (if  they  will  accept 
them)  of  the  opportunities  of  virtue,  of  morality,  and 
religion.  These,  Sir,  are  the  ends  that  I  venture  to  pro- 
pose; this  is  the  barbarism  that  I  seek  to  restore.  .  .  . 

House  of  Commons,  June  7,  1842,  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  Speeches 
(London,  1868),  32-58  passim. 


By  W.  J. 
FOX,  Unita- 
rian minister 
of  South 
Place 

Chapel.    Fox 
was  called  by 
John  Bright, 
the  only  man 
who  could 
dispute  the 
title,  "  The 
Orator  of  the 
Anti-Corn 
Law 

League." 
The  agitation 
against  the 
Corn  Laws 
began  about 
1838.     The 
real  leader  of 


135.    The   Corn   Laws   (1843) 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN, — On  the  subject  of 
the  Corn  Laws  it  is,  I  believe,  impossible  to  find  a  new 
argument.  Everything  that  can  be  said  is  but  an  illustra- 
tion of  old  ones.  .  .  .  But  the  fact  is,  that  the  repeal  of 
the  Corn  Laws  is  no  longer  a  question  to  be  settled  by 
argument.  Had  it  been  to  be  settled  in  this  way,  the  great 
work  would  have  been  achieved  long  ago.  All  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Corn  Law  repealers  are  admitted;  yet  these 
laws  still  remain  in  the  Statute  Book.  The  question  origi- 
nated with  speculative  theorists  in  political  economy,  who 
put  forth  their  occasional  views  in  magazines  or  in  news- 
papers; it  has  grown  up  into  this  enormous,  this  general, 


The   Corn    Laws 


407 


this  triumphant  agitation;  and  yet  the  question  is  not  car- 
ried. Why?  Because  we  have  to  deal  with  sinister  inter- 
ests, not  with  the  convictions  of  the  understanding.  The 
supporters  of  the  Corn  Laws  are  very  fond  of  complaining 
of  the  long  speeches  made  by  the  Leaguers  against  them 
when  they  know  they  have  nothing  novel  to  say.  Now,  I 
should  be  very  glad  to  effect  a  compromise  with  those 
objectors.  I  should  be  very  ready  to  say  to  them,  "If  you 
will  spare  our  pockets,  we  will  spare  your  intellects.  If 
you  will  allow  the  people's  mouths  to  be  filled,  we  will 
abstain  from  filling  your  ears  with  their  remonstrances. 
If  you  will  untax  our  bread,  we  will  no  longer  tax  your 
patience." 

It  is  true  that  the  subject  is  an  exhausted  one;  but  why 
is  it  exhausted?  It  is  because  the  advocates  of  Free  Trade 
have  not  shrunk  from  grappling  with  any  and  every  view 
of  the  question  that  can  be  presented  to  them.  Whatever 
argument  has  been  used,  they  have  met  with  some  resistless 
fact,  completely  destroying  its  effect,  and  to  that  extent 
exhausting  the  subject.  They  have  met  the  question  in 
every  light.  Take  it  as  a  foreign  question,  and  they  urge 
that  it  promotes  war,  not  peace;  that  even,  if  it  does  not 
raise  hostile  armies  against  this  country,  it  raises  up  hos- 
tile armies  against  our  commerce.  Take  it  as  a  home 
question,  and  it  leads  directly  and  at  once  to  the  inquiry, 
whether  England  is  to  continue  to  be  the  home  of  English- 
men? The  Corn  Laws  are  making  England  but  a  dilapi- 
dated home  for  Englishmen,  and  already  have  upholders  of 
these  laws  arrived  at  that  point  when  they  would  rather 
export  our  people  than  import  their  food.  The  Saxon 
laws  bred  their  serfs  as  slaves,  and  they  sold  them  out  of 
the  country  as  slaves.  But  they  fed  them !  They  gave  the 
food  to  enhance  the  price  of  the  people;  we  are  now  pre- 
pared to  give  away  the  people  in  order  to  enhance  the  price 
of  the  food.  Looking  at  it  further  as  a  home  question,  I 


the  move- 
ment was 
Richard 
Cobden. 
The  work  of 
the  League 
was  to  arouse 
and  organize 
public  feel- 
ing, to  con- 
vert political 
parties,  to 
bend  Parlia- 
ment, still 
composed 
mainly  of 
representa- 
tives of  the 
landlord 
class.     All 
these  things 
were  done. 
In  1843  a 
Times  leader 
said,  "The 
League  is  a 
great  fact,  a 
new  power 
has  arisen  in 
the  state." 


408     The   Life   of  the    People 

wonder  that  even  in  a  financial  point  of  view  the  Minister 
does  not  see  how  ill  these  laws  operate.  Surely  the  annual 
payment  out  of  the  country  of  ^£40, 000,000  for  the  benefit 
of  one  class  must  materially  diminish  the  tax-paying  power 
of  the  whole  people. 

.  .  .  Sometimes  the  question  is  looked  at  as  a  question 
of  charity;  there,  too,  the  League  is  not  behind  with  its 
view  of  the  subject.  Even  the  bread  that  is  given  in  charity 
must  first  pay  the  tax  imposed  by  these  laws;  and  if  by  a 
royal  begging  letter,  some  hundreds  of  thousands  of  pounds 
are  collected  for  the  poor  of  Paisley,  why,  the  rapacity  of 
this  dominant  class  must  needs  step  in  and  take  some 
^30,000  of  the  money  thus  bestowed  in  charity.  That 
Book  which  we  profess  to  revere  tells  us  to  pray  for  our 
daily  bread;  therefore  it  cannot  possibly  teach  men  to  tax 
our  daily  bread.  There  is  one  precept  in  that  Book  with 
the  fulfilment  of  which  these  laws  directly  interfere;  there 
the  young  man  is  told  to  sell  all  he  has  and  to  give  it  to  the 
poor.  That  precept  it  is  impossible  to  obey  in  our  day. 
The  Corn  Laws  have  rendered  it  impossible.  It  must  be 
altered,  and  in  future  it  will  stand :  "  Sell  all  thou  hast,  and 
divide  the  proceeds  between  the  richest  and  the  poorest, 
between  the  pauper  and  the  landlord." 

Or  look  at  it  as  a  class  question.  What  class  is  it  that 
is  interested  in  the  maintenance  of  these  laws?  It  cannot 
be  the  farmer,  because  the  rent  screw  is  turned  upon  him 
for  every  extra  shilling  a  quarter  he  makes  on  his  corn.  It 
cannot  be  the  labouring  classes,  for  look  at  the  wages  of 
eight  shillings  a  week  for  a  family  of  seven  or  eight  per- 
sons. It  is  not  the  commercial  class,  for  the  present  sys- 
tem keeps  them  out  of  a  foreign  as  well  as  a  home  market. 
It  cannot  be  the  literary  class,  for  who  would  care  to  pro- 
vide food  for  the  mind,  when  food  for  the  body  is  so  heavily 
taxed?  Then,  in  fact,  it  cannot  be  any  class  but  that  very 
small  one,  composed  of  some  10,000  or  20,000  (not  more) 


The   Corn    Laws  409 

of  nominal  owners  of  the  soil.  .  .  .  And  is  it  for  the  sake 
of  such  a  class  as  this  that  a  great  people  is  to  be  stopped 
in  their  onward  march?  Suppose  they  do  realise  the  cash 
which  seems  to  be  the  object  of  all  their  legislation,  can 
they  shake  off  the  condition  that  invariably  attaches  to  its 
acquirement?  While  they  receive  their  share  of  the  Bread 
Tax,  can  they  avoid  also  receiving  their  share  of  the  odium, 
of  the  deep  responsibility  that  attends  it,  the  responsibility 
of  having  perilled  the  safety  of  the  country,  of  having  struck 
at  the  root  of  its  prosperity,  of  having  turned  the  indus- 
trious out  of  employment,  earning  not  the  blessings,  but 
the  curses  of  those  whom  their  laws  have  driven  to  the  state 
in  which  they  are  ready  to  perish,  of  exposing  themselves 
to  the  reprobation  of  all  good  men,  and  to  the  unfailing 
retribution  of  providential  justice? 

One  great  argument  used  in  favour  of  these  laws  is  that 
they  make  England  independent  of  all  the  world.  A  much 
more  proper  way  to  take  it  is  that  they  make  all  the  world 
independent  of  England.  They  isolate  Great  Britain  from 
the  family  of  nations,  and  they  are  the  destruction  of  that 
intercourse,  and  that  interchange  of  kindness  which  it 
seems  to  be  the  plan  of  Providence  in  thus  dividing  man- 
kind into  nations  to  promote.  The  question  now  is  no 
longer  one  of  argument,  as  I  have  already  said;  it  is  a 
question  of  will.  The  will  of  the  landlords,  it  is,  arrayed 
against  everlasting  justice.  Man  toils  for  his  bread  by  the 
sweat  of  his  brow — it  is  just  that  he  should  receive  that 
bread  untaxed,  for  the  artificial  enhancement  of  his  neigh- 
bour's profit;  but  those  who  tax  will  tax  anything.  .  .  . 
But  it  seems  that  we  are  to  be  debarred  from  agitating  for  Jn 
a  repeal  of  these  laws  because  Sir  Robert  Peel  has  intro-  carried  a 
duced  his  measure  of  last  Session.  That  bantling  of  now 
exactly  a  year  and  a  day  old  is  too  young,  the  right  hon. 
baronet  thinks  to  be  put  to  death.  .  .  .  corn. 

We  are  asked  to  give  this  measure  a  trial.     Why,  if  we 


410     The   Life   of  the   People 

do,  what  will  be  the  result?  We  know  well  enough  already 
what  the  real  operation  of  the  plan  will  be;  and  in  the 
meantime  the  work  of  ruin  will  still  be  going  on.  There 
will  bs  more  foreign  tariffs,  more  shut-up  mills,  more  dis- 
charges of  workmen,  more  distress  and  misery  among  the 
industrial  classes;  .  .  .  But  if  Sir  Robert  Peel  has  his 
experiment,  the  Leaguers  have  theirs  also,  and  they  have 
come  here  to  this  place  to  try  it.  The  agitation  of  the 
question  of  repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws  has  marched  up  from 
Manchester  to  the  metropolis  —  it  has  spread  far  and  wide, 
and  now  we  shall  see  who  will  hold  out  the  longest,  the 
people  or  the  Minister.  That  individual  and  the  people 
are  both  the  subjects,  the  slaves  of  that  class  which  lords 
over  all,  and  commands  and  masters  the  ministers  and  the 
legislature,  the  navy,  aye,  and  the  Church;  that  class  which 
even  commands  the  Crown.  The  people  of  this  country, 
with  all  their  untiring  industry,  their  ingenuity,  and  ami- 
able dispositions,  are  the  mere  appendages  of  the  dirty 
acres  which  are  inherited  by  that  class.  The  very  disgrace, 
the  unspeakable  degradation  of  the  Corn  Laws,  is  intoler- 
able, to  say  nothing  of  the  sufferings  which  they  are  calcu- 
lated to  inflict.  We  are  therefore  glad  to  welcome  the 
League  amongst  us;  the  people,  being  part  and  parcel  of 
the  League,  are  determined  to  aid  and  support  it;  we  shall 
devote  ourselves  to  it,  not  merely  by  attending  their  weekly 
meetings  in  this  theatre  or  elsewhere,  but  we  will  solemnly 
and  soberly  pledge  ourselves  to  it  as  a  religious  sen- 
timent. .  .  . 

Rev.  W.  J.  Fox  (The  Times,  March  30,  1843). 


Repeal   of  the   Corn    Laws     411 


136.    The  Repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws 


This  night  is  to  decide  between  the  policy  of  continued 
relaxation  of  restriction,  or  the  return  to  restraint  and 
prohibition.  This  night  you  will  select  the  motto  which  is 
to  indicate  the  commercial  policy  of  England.  Shall  it  be 
"advance"  or  "recede"?  Which  is  the  fitter  motto  for 
this  great  Empire?  Survey  our  position,  consider  the 
advantage  which  God  and  nature  have  given  us,  and  the 
destiny  for  which  we  are  intended.  We  stand  on  the  con- 
fines of  Western  Europe,  the  chief  connecting  link  between 
the  old  world  and  the  new.  The  discoveries  of  science, 
the  improvement  of  navigation,  have  brought  us  within  ten 
days  of  St.  Petersburgh,  and  will  soon  bring  us  within  ten 
days  of  New  York.  We  have  an  extent  of  coast  greater  in 
proportion  to  our  population  and  the  area  of  our  land  than 
any  other  great  nation,  securing  to  us  maritime  strength  and 
superiority.  Iron  and  coal,  the  sinews  of  manufacture, 
give  us  advantages  over  every  rival  in  the  great  compe- 
tition of  industry.  Our  capital  far  exceeds  that  which 
they  can  command.  In  ingenuity  —  in  skill  —  in  energy 
—  we  are  inferior  to  none.  Our  national  character,  the 
free  institutions  under  which  we  live,  the  liberty  of  thought 
and  action,  an  unshackled  press,  spreading  the  knowledge 
of  every  discovery  and  of  every  advance  in  science  —  com- 
bine with  our  natural  and  physical  advantages  to  place  us 
at  the  head  of  those  nations  which  profit  by  the  free  inter- 
change of  their  products.  And  is  this  the  country  to  shrink 
from  competition?  Is  this  the  country  to  adopt  a  retro- 
grade policy?  Is  this  the  country  which  can  only  flourish 
in  the  sickly  artificial  atmosphere  of  prohibition?  Is  this 
the  country  to  stand  shivering  on  the  brink  of  exposure  to 
the  healthful  breezes  of  competition? 


By  SIR 
ROBERT 
PEEL  (1788- 
1850),  states- 
man.    Peel 
entered  Par- 
liament in 
1809  as  a 
Tory,  and  he 
soon  gained 
the  name  of 
spokesman 
of  the  intoler- 
ant faction. 
But  he  had 
the  capacity 
to  learn,  and 
therefore  to 
change.     He 
had  opposed 
all  concession 
to  Ireland, 
but  in  1829 
he  induced 
his  party  to 
grant  Catho- 
lic Emanci- 
pation. After 
the  passage 
of  the  Re- 
form Bill, 
which  he 
opposed,  he 
organized 
the  Tories  as 
a  conserva- 
tive party. 
In  1841  he 
took  office  in 
support  of  a 
protective 
policy,  but 
in  1846, 
moved  by 
the  failure  of 
the  potato 
crop  in  Ire- 
land (see  No. 
137),  he  car- 
ried through 
the  repeal  of 
the  Corn 
Laws.    This 
step  was  fatal 
to  his  political 


412      The   Life   of  the   People 


career,  but 
he  gave  the 
people  cheap 
food,  and 
made  free 
trade  the 
motto  of 
England's 
commercial 
policy.  — 
On  Peel,  see 
F.  C.  Mon- 
tague, Life 
of  Sir  Rob- 
ert Peel. 


Choose  your  motto.  "Advance"  or  "Recede."  Many 
countries  are  watching  with  anxiety  the  selection  you  may 
make.  Determine  for  "Advance,"  and  it  will  be  the  watch- 
word which  will  animate  and  encourage  in  every  state  the 
friends  of  liberal  commercial  policy.  Sardinia  has  taken 
the  lead.  Naples  is  relaxing  her  protective  duties  and 
favouring  British  produce.  Prussia  is  shaken  in  her  adher- 
ence to  restriction.  The  Government  of  France  will  be 
strengthened;  and,  backed  by  the  intelligence  of  the  re- 
flecting, and  by  conviction  of  the  real  welfare  of  the  great 
body  of  the  community,  will  perhaps  ultimately  prevail 
over  the  self-interest  of  the  commercial  and  manufacturing 
aristocracy  which  now  predominates  in  her  Chambers. 
Can  you  doubt  that  the  United  States  will  soon  relax  her 
hostile  Tariff,  and  that  the  friends  of  a  freer  commercial 
intercourse  —  the  friends  of  peace  between  the  two  coun- 
tries—  will  hail  with  satisfaction  the  example  of  England? 

This  night,  then  —  if  on  this  night  the  debate  shall  close 
—  you  will  have  to  decide  what  are  the  principles  by  which 
your  commercial  policy  is  to  be  regulated.  Most  earnestly, 
from  a  deep  conviction,  founded  not  upon  the  limited 
experience  of  three  years  alone,  but  upon  the  experience 
of  the  results  of  every  relaxation  of  restriction  and  prohi- 
bition, I  counsel  you  to  set  the  example  of  liberality  to 
other  countries.  Act  thus,  and  it  will  be  in  perfect  con- 
sistency with  the  course  you  have  hitherto  taken.  Act  thus, 
and  you  will  provide  an  additional  guarantee  for  the  con- 
tinued contentment,  and  happiness,  and  well-being  of  the 
great  body  of  the  people.  Act  thus,  and  you  will  have 
done  whatever  human  sagacity  can  do  for  the  promotion  of 
commercial  prosperity. 

You  may  fail.  Your  precautions  may  be  unavailing. 
They  may  give  no  certain  assurance  that  mercantile  and 
manufacturing  prosperity  will  continue  without  interrup- 
tion. It  seems  to  be  incident  to  great  prosperity  that 


Repeal   of  the   Corn   Laws      413 

there  shall  be  a  reverse  —  that  the  time  of  depression  shall 
follow  the  season  of  excitement  and  success.  That  time 
of  depression  must  perhaps  return;  and  its  return  may  be 
coincident  with  scarcity  caused  by  unfavourable  seasons. 
Gloomy  winters,  like  those  of  1841  and  1842,  may  again 
set  in.  Are  those  winters  effaced  from  your  memory? 
From  mine  they  never  can  be.  .  .  . 

These  sad  times  may  recur.  "The  years  of  plenteousness 
may  have  ended,"  and  "the  years  of  dearth  may  have 
come";  and  again  you  may  have  to  offer  the  unavailing 
expressions  of  sympathy,  and  the  urgent  exhortations  to 
patient  resignation.  .  .  . 

When  you  are  again  exhorting  a  suffering  people  to  for- 
titude under  their  privations,  when  you  are  telling  them, 
"These  are  the  chastenings  of  an  all-wise  and  merciful 
Providence,  sent  for  some  inscrutable  but  just  and  benefi- 
cent purpose  —  it  may  be,  to  humble  our  pride,  or  to  pun- 
ish our  unfaithfulness,  or  to  impress  us  with  the  sense  of  our 
own  nothingness  and  dependence  on  His  mercy;"  when 
you  are  thus  addressing  your  suffering  fellow  subjects,  and 
encouraging  them  to  bear  without  repining  the  dispensa- 
tions of  Providence,  may  God  grant  that  by  your  decision 
of  this  night  you  may  have  laid  in  store  for  yourselves  the 
consolation  of  reflecting  that  such  calamities  are,  in  truth, 
the  dispensations  of  Providence  —  that  they  have  not  been 
caused,  they  have  not  been  aggravated  by  laws  of  man 
restricting,  in  the  hour  of  scarcity,  the  supply  of  food ! 

House  of  Commons,  Debate  on  Repeal  of  the  Corn  Laws,  Feb. 
1 6,  1846  (Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates,  Third  Series, 
LXXXIII,  1041-1043). 


414      The    Life   of  the    People 


By  WILLIAM 
EDWARD 
FORSTER 
(1818-1886), 
a  Quaker 
statesman 
and  philan- 
thropist   He 
entered  Par- 
liament in 
1861  as  a 
Liberal  mem- 
ber for  Brad- 
ford.   In 
1870  he 
became  a 
member  of 
Gladstone's 
first  cabinet, 
and  carried 
through  the 
Elementary 
Education 
Act    From 
1880  to  1882 
he  was  Chief 
Secretary  for 
Ireland 
under  Glad- 
stone, but  he 
opposed  the 
Home  Rule 
measures  of 
1886. 

In  1845  and 
1846  the 
potato  crop, 
almost  the 
only  food  of 
the  peas- 
antry, failed. 
Famine  fol- 
lowed in 
1846  and 
1847,  and  in 
spite  of  pri- 
vate and 
public  relief 
one-fourth  of 
the  popula- 
tion perished. 

The 
following 


137.    The  Irish  Famine   (1847) 

I  left  Dublin  by  mail  on  the  iyth  of  First-month,  1847, 
and  joined  my  father  and  his  companions  at  Westport  on 
the  following  evening. 

The  next  day  we  left  Westport,  on  our  way  to  Connemara, 
after  a  morning  of  much  pressure;  applications  for  aid 
coming  in  from  all  sides,  especially  from  Louisburgh,  a 
populous  and  most  distressed  parish  along  the  coast  to  the 
south;  the  surgeon  of  the  dispensary  there  describing  the 
people  as  swept  off  by  dysentery,  the  most  usual  form  of 
the  famine-plague,  by  ten  to  twenty  a  day.  The  town  of 
Westport  was  in  itself  a  strange  and  fearful  sight,  like  what 
we  read  of  in  beleaguered  cities,  its  streets  crowded  with 
gaunt  wanderers  sauntering  to  and  fro  with  hopeless  air  and 
hunger-struck  look;  a  mob  of  starved,  almost  naked  women, 
around  the  poor-house,  clamouring  for  soup-tickets;  our 
inn,  the  head-quarters  of  the  road-engineer  and  pay  clerks, 
beset  by  a  crowd  of  beggars  for  work. 

Early  next  morning,  we  proceeded  to  the  small  village  of 
Leenane,  where  we  found  a  large  body  of  men  engaged  in 
making  a  pier  under  the  Labour-rate  Act.  This  village 
appeared  to  me,  comparatively  speaking,  well  off,  having 
had  in  it  public  works  for  some  weeks,  and  the  wages  at 
pier-making  being  rather  better  than  those  earned  on  the 
roads.  Still,  even  here,  the  men  were  weak,  evidently 
wasting  away  for  want  of  sufficient  food. 

Bundorragha,  the  village  of  which  we  had  heard  so  bad 
an  account  the  previous  evening,  being  on  the  other  side 
of  the.  harbour,  I  took  a  boat  to  it,  and  was  much  struck  by 
the  pale,  spiritless  look  and  air  of  the  boatmen,  so  differ- 
ent from  their  wild  Irish  fun  when  I  had  made  the  same 
excursion  before.  Having  lately  walked  through  all  this 
district  of  Connemara,  I  had  an  opportunity  of  comparing 


The   Irish    Famine         415 

its  present  with  its  then  aspect,  and  of  noting  the  effects  extract  is 

produced  on  it  by  the  famine  :  in  this  village  of  Bundor- 

ragha,  the  change  was  peculiarly  striking.     In  my  previous  the  Society  of 

.    .  .     .  .  ,  .  ,  ,  111  Friends,  giv- 

visit,  it  struck  me  even  then  as  a  very  poor  place;  the  dark  inganac- 

thunder-cloud  was  brooding  over  it,  but  as  yet  the  tempest  count  of  the 

*  famine  in 

had  not  broken.     The   small  cottiers,  then  gathering  in  Ireland, 
their  few  potatoes,  were  in  great  fear  :  they  saw  the  quick, 


sure  approach  of  famine  :  death  stared  them  in  the  face,    efforts  to 

.  .      ,         ,  '     afford  relief. 

but  as  yet  his  hand  was  stayed.  One  poor  woman,  whose 
cabin  I  visited,  said,  "There  will  be  nothing  for  us  but  to 
lie  down  and  die."  I  tried  to  give  her  hope  of  English 
aid,  but,  alas  !  her  prophecy  has  been  but  too  true.  Out 
of  a  population  of  240,  I  found  13  already  dead  from  want. 
The  survivors  were  like  walking  skeletons;  the  men  stamped 
with  the  livid  mark  of  hunger;  the  children  crying  with 
pain;  the  women  in  some  of  the  cabins  too  weak  to  stand. 
When  there  before,  I  had  seen  cows  at  almost  every  cabin, 
and  there  were,  besides,  many  sheep  and  pigs  owned  in  the 
village.  But  now  all  the  sheep  were  gone;  all  the  cows,  all 
the  poultry  killed;  only  one  pig  left;  the  very  dogs  which 
had  barked  at  me  before  had  disappeared;  no  potatoes,  no 
oats.  We  ordered  a  ton  of  meal  to  be  sent  there  from 
Westport,  but  it  could  not  arrive  for  some  time.  I  tried  to 
get  some  immediate  help  for  those  who  were  actually  starv- 
ing; there  was  hardly  enough  of  meal  in  the  village  to  fill 
my  pockets,  and  I  was  compelled  to  send  a  boat  four  miles 
to  Leenane,  to  buy  a  small  quantity  there. 

I  here  met  with  a  striking  instance  of  the  patience  of 
these  sufferers.  The  Bundorragha  men  had  been  at  work 
for  three  weeks  on  the  roads,  and  the  men  at  a  neighbour- 
ing village  for  five  weeks;  owing  to  the  negligence  or  mis- 
take of  some  officers  of  the  works,  with  the  exception  of 
two  of  the  gangsmen,  who  had  gone  themselves  to  Westport 
the  end  of  the  previous  week,  no  wages  had  until  this  morn- 
ing been  received.  While  I  was  there,  the  pay  clerk  sent  a 


4i 6     The   Life   of  the   People 

messenger  over;  but  still  only  with  wages  for  a  few;  and  it 
was  wonderful,  but  yet  most  touching,  to  see  the  patient, 
quiet  look  of  despair  with  which  the  others  received  the 
news  that  they  were  still  left  unpaid.  I  doubt  whether  it 
would  have  been  easy  to  find  a  man  who  would  have  dared 
to  bear  the  like  announcement  to  starving  Englishmen. 

On  recrossing  the  water,  I  found  my  father  waiting  for 
me  on  a  car,  on  which  we  proceeded  to  Clifden,  which  we 
did  not  reach  till  after  night-fall.  Near  the  Kylemore  Lake, 
under  that  grand  chain  of  mountains,  the  Twelve  Pins,  we 
found  full  a  hundred  men  making  a  new  road.  After  long 
cross-questioning,  we  learned  that  their  wages  did  not 
average,  taking  one  week  with  another,  and  allowing  for 
broken  days,  more  than  four  shillings  and  sixpence  per  week 
per  head :  and  this  we  found  confirmed  by  our  enquiries  in 
other  districts;  in  fact,  for  the  most  distressed  localities 
in  Mayo  and  Galway,  I  should  consider  this  too  high  an 
average.  To  get  to  their  work,  many  of  the  men  have  to 

walk  five,  or  even  seven,  Irish  miles. 

****#** 

GALWAY,  25th  of  First-month,  1847. 

The  next  day  we  spent  chiefly  in  interviews  with  different 
gentlemen,  especially  the  Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic 
clergymen,  who  showed  great  zeal  in  their  efforts  to  give 
relief  in  their  town  and  neighbourhood.  We  found  deep 
distress,  resulting  in  greatly  increased  mortality  in  this 
town,  especially  in  the  Claddagh,  the  quarter  in  which  the 
fishermen  chiefly  reside ;  but  we  were  glad  to  have  reason  to 
believe  that  the  more  wealthy  inhabitants  were  grappling 
with  the  evil  according  to  their  ability;  and  it  was  com- 
forting to  observe  how  cordially  Roman  Catholics  and 
Protestants,  both  lay  and  clerical,  were  uniting  together  in 
common  efforts  to  save  their  poor  neighbours. 

Among  other  callers  at  our  hotel,  was  the  clergyman  of 
the  district  on  the  northern  side  of  Galway  Bay,  including 


The   Irish    Famine         417 

Spiddal  and  Lettermore,  and  also  the  isles  of  Arran.  This 
parish,  or  rather  portion  of  a  parish,  comprised,  he  stated, 
a  population  of  at  least  15,000  in  great  distress,  especially 
the  inhabitants  of  the  main  land,  and  of  Lettermore  and 
its  adjoining  group  of  islands. 

There  are  in  this  wide  tract,  so  thickly  peopled  in  pro- 
portion to  its  cultivation,  scarcely  any  resident  land-owners, 
and  no  store  for  the  sale  of  provisions;  and  many  of  his 
parishioners  had,  this  gentleman  told  us,  to  make  a  journey 
of  thirty  miles  to  Galvvay,  to  buy  a  stone  of  meal.  This  was 
one  among  many  cases,  in  which  was  brought  home  to  us 
the  great  need  for  the  establishment  of  small  depots  for 
provisions,  or  retail  stores.  In  many  of  the  more  remote 
and  distressed,  because  neglected  districts,  where  the 
inhabitants  have  hitherto  subsisted  upon  potatoes,  a  retail 
trade  in  provisions  is  altogether  novel  to  their  habits;  and 
so  complete  is  the  absence  of  capital,  that  there  is  no 
probability  (at  least  this  year)  of  its  overtaking  the  demand. 
Often  the  poor  people  have,  after  earning  their  wretched 
pittance  at  the  public  works,  to  walk  ten,  twenty,  or  even 
thirty  miles  to  the  nearest  store,  to  get  a  stone  of  meal;  or 
to  buy  it  from  the  small  hucksters,  at  an  advance  of  as 
much  as  thirty  per  cent,  above  the  market  price. 

.  .  .  The  impression  made  on  me  by  this  short  tour  can 
never  be  effaced.  Bad  as  were  my  expectations,  the  reality 
far  exceeded  them.  There  is  a  prevailing  idea  in  England, 
that  the  newspaper  accounts  are  exaggerated.  Particular 
cases  may  or  may  not  be  coloured,  but  no  colouring  can 
deepen  the  blackness  of  the  truth. 

When  we  entered  a  village,  our  first  question  was,  how 
many  deaths?  "The  hunger  is  upon  us,"  was  everywhere 
the  cry,  and  involuntarily  we  found  ourselves  regarding  this 
hunger  as  we  should  an  epidemic;  looking  upon  starvation 
as  a  disease.  In  fact,  as  we  went  along,  our  wonder  was 
not  that  the  people  died,  but  that  they  lived;  and  I  have 


4i 8      The   Life   of  the   People 

no  doubt  whatever  that,  in  any  other  country,  the  mortality 
would  have  been  far  greater;  thac  many  lives  have  been 
prolonged,  perhaps  saved,  by  the  long  apprenticeship  to 
want  in  which  the  Irish  peasant  has  been  trained,  and  by 
that  lovely,  touching  charity  which  prompts  him  to  share 
his  scanty  meal  with  his  starving  neighbour.  But  the 
springs  of  this  charity  must  rapidly  be  dried  up.  Like  a 
scourge  of  locusts,  "the  hunger"  daily  sweeps  over  fresh 
districts,  eating  up  all  before  it.  One  class  after  another 
is  falling  into  the  same  abyss  of  ruin.  There  is  now  but 
little  difference  between  the  small  farmer  and  the  squatter. 
We  heard  in  Galway  of  little  tradesmen  secretly  begging 
for  soup.  The  priest  cannot  get  his  dues,  nor  the  landlord 
his  rent.  The  highest  and  the  lowest  in  the  land  are  forced 
into  sympathy  by  this  all-mastering  visitation. 

The  misery  of  Ireland  must  increase  daily,  so  far  as 
regards  her  own  resources;  for  these  become  daily  less. 
To  England  must  she  this  year  look  to  save  the  lives  of  her 
children:  nor  will  the  need  for  English  aid  cease  this  year; 
it  will  be  long  before,  with  her  utmost  efforts,  she  can  re- 
cover from  this  blow,  or  be  able  to  support  her  own  popu- 
lation. She  must  be  a  grievous  burden  on  our  resources, 
in  return  for  long  centuries  of  neglect  and  oppression. 

I  trust  I  shall  be  excused,  if  I  express  my  earnest  desire 
that  the  members  of  our  Society  may  not  consider  that  their 
duty  to  Ireland  is  fulfilled,  by  their  effort  to  meet  its  present 
necessity.  Its  general  and  permanent  condition  is  a  sub- 
ject in  itself  almost  too  dreadful  to  contemplate.  Famine 
is  there  no  new  cry;  it  is  a  periodic  disease;  every  year 
there  have  been  districts  where  has  prevailed  somewhat  of 
that  misery  which  now  rules  the  land.  For  a  large  portion 
of  its  population,  all  the  great  purposes  of  existence  are 
forgotten  in  a  struggle  with  death. 

Transactions  of  the  Central  Relief  Committee  of  the  Society  of 
Friends  during  the  Famine  in  Ireland  in  1846  and  1847 
(Dublin,  1852),  153-160. 


The   Revolt   of  Hodge      419 


138.    The  Revolt  of  Hodge   (1872) 

I  had  spent  years  thinking  the  matter  well  out;  I  had 
pondered  over  it  when  at  work  in  the  wood  and  the  field;  I 
had  considered  the  question  when  I  was  hedging  and  ditch- 
ing; I  had  thrashed  it  right  out  in  my  mind  when  I  was 
tramping  to  and  from  my  day's  toil;  and  I  had  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  only  organised  labour  could  stand  up,  even 
for  a  single  day,  against  employers'  tyranny.  I  told  many 
a  man  that,  in  the  course  of  talk,  but  I  was  determined  not 
to  make  any  attempt  to  start  the  Union  myself.  I  saw  it 
was  bound  to  come;  but  I  also  saw  that  the  men  themselves 
must  ask  me  to  help  them.  My  part  was  to  sit  still  and 
wait;  about  that  I  was  clear;  so  I  waited.  .  .  . 

The  day  was  February  yth,  1872.  It  was  a  very  wet 
morning,  and  I  was  busy  at  home  on  a  carpentering  job;  I 
was  making  a  box.  My  wife  came  in  to  me  and  said, 
"Joe,  here's  three  men  come  to  see  you.  What  for,  I  don't 
know."  But  I  knew  fast  enough.  In  walked  the  three; 
they  turned  out  to  be  labourers  from  over  Wellesbourne 
way.  I  stopped  work,  and  we  had  a  talk.  They  said  they 
had  come  to  ask  me  to  hold  a  meeting  at  Wellesbourne  that 
evening.  They  wanted  to  get  the  men  together  and  start 
a  Union  directly.  I  told  them  that,  if  they  did  form  a 
Union,  they  would  have  to  fight  hard  for  it,  and  they  would 
have  to  suffer  a  great  deal;  both  they  and  their  families. 
They  said  the  labourers  were  prepared  both  to  fight  and 
suffer.  Things  could  not  be  worse;  wages  were  so  low,  and 
provisions  so  dear,  that  nothing  but  downright  starvation 
lay  before  them  unless  the  farmers  could  be  made  to  raise 
their  wages.  Asking  was  of  no  use;  it  was  nothing  but 
waste  of  breath;  so  they  must  join  together  and  strike,  and 
hold  out  till  the  employers  gave  in.  When  I  saw  that  the 
men  were  in  dead  earnest,  and  had  counted  the  cost  and 


By  JOSEPH 
ARCH 
(1826-       ), 
hedger,  the 
"  village 
Hampden," 
leader  of  the 
agricultural 
labourers, 
and  later, 
member  of 
Parliament, 
chosen  by  an 
enfranchised 
rural  con- 
stituency. 
This  extract, 
from 

Arch's  own 
story  of  his 
life,  describes 
the  beginning 
of  the 
National 
Agricultural 
Labourers 
Union,  the 
greatest 
movement 
among  the 
working 
classes  of  the 
country  since 
the  Peasants' 
Revolt 


420      The   Life   of  the    People 

were  determined  to  stand  shoulder  to  shoulder  till  they 
could  squeeze  a  living  wage  out  of  their  employers,  and 
that  they  were  the  spokesmen  of  others  likeminded  with 
themselves,  I  said  I  would  address  the  meeting  that  evening 
at  7  o'clock.  .  .  . 

I  remember  that  evening,  as  if  it  were  but  yesterday. 
When  I  set  out  I  was  dressed  in  a  pair  of  cord  trousers,  and 
cord  vest,  and  an  old  flannel-jacket.  I  have  that  jacket  at 
home  now,  and  I  put  a  high  value  on  it.  As  I  tramped 
along  the  wet,  muddy  road  to  Wellesbourne,  my  heart  was 
stirred  within  me,  and  questions  passed  through  my  mind 
and  troubled  me.  Was  it  a  false  start,  a  sort  of  hole-and- 
corner  movement,  which  would  come  to  nothing,  and  do 
more  harm  to  the  men  than  good?  If  a  Union  were  fairly 
set  afoot,  would  the  farmers  prove  too  strong  for  it? 

Then  I  thought  of  what  I  was  risking.  If  I  were  a  for- 
ward figure  in  this  business,  and  things  went  all  wrong  it 
might  be  the  ruin  of  me.  I  remembered  the  Labourers' 
Union  in  Dorsetshire,  started  in  the  thirties  —  what  had 
become  of  that?  Poor  Hammett  had  had  to  pay  a  heavy 
price  for  standing  up  with  his  fellow-labourers  against 
oppression.  He  and  five  others  had  been  tried  in  1834, 
and  sentenced  to  seven  years'  transportation.  The  law  had 
said  that,  when  forming  their  little  Agricultural  Labourers' 
Union,  they  had  administered  illegal  oaths.  The  plain 
truth  of  it  was  that,  for  daring  to  be  Unionists  they  had 
been  sent  to  the  hulks  in  Australia.  What  matter  though 
such  a  storm  of  anger  had  been  raised  by  the  shameful  pun- 
ishment that  a  free  pardon  had  been  granted  them  after 
about  two  years.  They  had  been  terribly  punished.  The 
disgrace  and  the  indignities  they  had  been  obliged  to  put 
up  with  could  never  be  wiped  out.  They  were  martyrs  in 
a  good  cause,  and  I  honoured  them;  but  I  did  not  want  to 
be  a  martyr,  I  wanted  to  win  alive  and  kicking.  The  law 
could  not  send  me  to  the  hulks;  but  there  are  more  ways  of 


The   Revolt   of  Hodge      421 

torturing  and  ruining  a  man  than  one,  and  I  knew  that  if 
the  law  could  catch  me  anyhow  it  would.  .' .  . 

What  if  the  Union  we  meant  to  start  in  this  corner  of 
Warwickshire  to-night  should  fall  to  bits  like  a  badly  made 
box?  There  was  no  saying  what  might  happen.  The  men 
might  be  in  earnest,  but  could  they  stay?  Could  they 
stand  it  out?  Had  they  grit  enough  in  them  to  face  the 
farmers  as  free  born  Englishmen  demanding  their  just  dues, 
when  they  had  been  cringing  to  them  so  long?  And  what 
was  a  handful  of  poverty-stricken,  half-starved,  agricultural 
labourers  going  to  do  against  so  many  of  these  powerful 
employers  and  rich  oppressors?  No  Union  I  was  sure  could 
do  any  real  good,  or  make  any  lasting  improvement  in  the 
men's  condition,  if  it  was  to  be  confined  to  a  few  men  in 
one  county.  It  would  have  to  be  a  thumping  big  Union, 
with  hundreds  in  it  heartening  one  another  for  the  glorious 
struggle  before  them.  It  would  have  to  be  a  Union  whose 
members  were  drawn  from  every  county  in  England,  and 
bound  into  one  great  unit  by  a  common  desire  and  a 
common  hope. 

The  off  chance  of  failure  was  present  with  me,  as  I 
trudged  forward  through  the  slush  that  chill  February 
evening.  But  soon  my  spirits  rose  again.  Was  not  the 
time  fully  ripe?  Yes,  I  knew  it  was.  In  my  heart  I 
felt  surely,  surely,  that  the  time  of  harvest  was  come.  .  .  . 

When  I  reached  Wellesbourne,  lo,  and  behold,  it  was  as 
lively  as  a  swarm  of  bees  in  June.  We  settled  that  I  should 
address  the  meeting  under  the  old  chestnut  tree;  and  I 
expected  to  find  some  thirty  or  forty  of  the  principal  men 
there.  What  then  was  my  surprise  to  see  not  a  few  tens 
but  many  hundreds  of  labourers  assembled;  there  were 
nearly  two  thousand  of  them.  The  news  that  I  was  going 
to  speak  that  night  had  been  spread  about;  and  so  the  men 
had  come  in  from  all  the  villages  round  within  a  radius  of 
ten  miles.  Not  a  circular  had  been  sent  out  nor  a  hand- 


422      The   Life   of  the    People 

bill  printed,  but  from  cottage  to  cottage,  and  from  farm  to 
farm  the  word  had  been  passed  on;  and  here  were  the 
labourers  gathered  together  in  their  hundreds.  Welles- 
bourne  village  was  there,  every  man  in  it;  and  they  had 
come  from  Moreton  and  Locksley  and  Charlecote  and 
Hampton  Lucy,  and  from  Barford,  to  hear  what  I  had  to 
say  to  them.  By  this  time  the  night  had  fallen  pitch  dark; 
but  the  men  got  bean  poles  and  hung  lanterns  on  them,  and 
we  could  see  well  enough.  It  was  an  extraordinary  sight, 
and  I  shall  never  forget  it,  not  to  my  dying  day.  I  mounted 
an  old  pig-stool,  and  in  the  flickering  light  of  the  lanterns 
I  saw  the  earnest  upturned  faces  of  these  poor  brothers  of 
mine  —  faces  gaunt  with  hunger  and  pinched  with  want  — • 
all  looking  towards  me  and  ready  to  listen  to  the  words 
that  would  fall  from  my  lips.  These  white  slaves  of  Eng- 
land stood  there  with  the  darkness  all  about  them,  like  the 
Children  of  Israel  waiting  for  some  one  to  lead  them  out 
of  the  land  of  Egypt.  I  determined  that,  if  they  made  a 
mistake  and  took  the  wrong  turning,  it  would  not  be  my 
fault,  so  I  stood  on  my  pig-stool  and  spoke  out  straight 
and  strong  for  Union.  My  speech  lasted  about  an  hour, 
I  believe,  but  I  was  not  measuring  minutes  then.  By  the 
end  of  it  the  men  were  properly  roused,  and  they  pressed 
in  and  crowded  up  asking  questions;  they  regularly  pelted 
o?thisSmove-  me  w*t'1  tnemj  ^  was  a  perfect  hailstorm.  We  passed  a 
ment  are  resolution  to  form  a  Union  then  and  there,  and  the  names 
as'fon'owsTy  of  the  men  could  not  be  taken  down  fast  enough;  we 
th.6  Countess  enrolled  between  two  and  three  hundred  members  that 

of  Warwick : 

"  First  organ-  night.  It  was  a  brave  start,  and  before  we  parted  it  was 
h^her  wales  arranged  that  there  should  be  another  meeting  at  the  same 
and  all  which  place  in  a  fortnight's  time.  I  knew  now  that  a  fire  had  been 

that  means.  ,  . 

and  then  the  kindled  which  would  catch  on,  and  spread,  and  run  abroad 
protection  jj^e  Sparks  jn  stubble;  and  I  felt  certain  that  this  night  we 

and  power  of  ° 

the  Parlia-       had  set  light  to  a  beacon,  which  would  prove  a  rallying 
vote.""7          point  for  the  agricultural  labourers  throughout  the  country. 
Joseph  Arch,  The  Story  of  his  Life  (London,  1898),  67-74. 


CHAPTER   XXII  — THE    EMPIRE 


139- 


The  Manchester  School  and  the 
Empire   (1830) 


THERE  are  only  three  ways  that  the  colonies  can  be 
of  any  advantage,  i.   In  furnishing  a  military  force; 
2.   In  supplying  the  parent  state  with  a  revenue;    3.   In 
affording  commercial  advantages. 

1.  Instead  of  furnishing  a  military  force,   the  colonies 
are  always  a  great  drain  upon  the  military  resources  of  the 
country,  particularly  in  war,  when  they  occupy  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  army  and  fleet  in  their  defence.     In  the  last 
war,  while  our  own  shores  were  threatened  with  invasion 
from  Boulogne   and    Brest,    our   means   of   defence   were 
greatly  crippled  by  the  number  of  troops  and  ships  we  were 
obliged  to  keep  in  the  colonies. 

2.  With  respect  to  revenue,  we  have  declared  by  the  Act 
of  the  1 8  Geo.  III.,  that  we  will  not  levy  any  taxes  or  duties 
in  the  colonies  except  for  their  use. 

3.  As  to  commercial  advantages,  if  the  colonial  trade 
were  quite  free,  our  commercial  relations  with  the  colonies 
would  resemble  the  intercourse  between  ourselves  and  inde- 
pendent countries;  and  therefore  whatever  advantages  we 
shall  derive  from  them  will  be  embraced  in  two  questions 
—  i st.  Whether  our  commerce  with   them  will   be  more 
beneficial  than  with  independent  countries?    2nd.  Whether 
the  capital   employed   in  them  will  be  more  beneficially 
employed  than  it  would  be,  if  employed  in  the  United 
Kingdom? 

423 


By  SIR 
HENRY 
PARNELL 

(1776-1842), 
chairman  of 
the  Parlia- 
mentary 
Committee 
on  the  state 
of  the  public 
revenue  and 
expenditure 
in  1828,  and 
Secretary  of 
War  in  Earl 
Grey's  cab- 
inet in  1831. 

The  views 
here  ex- 
pressed pre- 
vailed during 
the  first  half 
of  the  pres- 
ent century. 
They  were 
largely  the 
result  of  the 
influence  of 
the  commer- 
cial classes 
in  politics. 
Partly,  too, 
they  were 
due  to  a  feel- 
ing which 
arose  after 
the  American 
Revolution 
that  separa- 


424  The   Empire 


tion.  — Com-  With  respect  to  the  first  question,  it  is  one  easily  solved, 
because,  where  the  employment  of  capital  is  free,  the  net 
profit  that  may  be  obtained  by  the  employment  of  it  in 
commerce  with  independent  countries,  will  always  be  as 
great  as  if  it  were  employed  in  the  colonial  trade.  The 
trade  we  carry  on  with  the  United  States  proves  this. 

With  respect  to  the  second  question,  it  is  necessary  to 
trace  the  operations  of  capital  when  employed  in  the 
colonies,  and  when  employed  at  home.  In  the  West 
India  islands  it  goes  to  feed  and  clothe  slaves;  to  pay 
British  agents,  clerks,  and  managers;  to  employ  ships  and 
sailors;  and  although  the  gross  profit  upon  it  seems  very 
high  when  all  the  charges  and  risks  are  considered,  and 
also  the  effects  of  competition,  the  net  profit  cannot  be 
greater  than  it  is  on  capital  employed  at  home. 

When  capital  is  employed  in  the  United  Kingdom  —  for 
instance,  on  manufactures  —  it  pays  wages  to  English 
workmen  instead  of  buying  clothes  and  food  for  slaves;  it 
employs  agents,  clerks,  and  managers;  it  employs  ships  and 
sailors  to  import  raw  materials,  and  to  export  the  finished 
goods,  and  the  rate  of  net  profit  on  it  is  full  as  high  as  that 
on  capital  employed  in  the  colonies.  The  incomes  derived 
by  West  India  proprietors  from  their  profits  are  spent  like 
incomes  derived  from  rent,  and  add  nothing  to  the  national 
wealth;  but  the  profits  made  on  capital  employed  at  home 
are  added  to  capital,  and  thus  promote  the  constant 
accumulation  of  it.  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that,  on  the 
whole,  the  public  derives  no  commercial  advantage  from 
the  colonies,  which  it  might  not  have  without  them. 

They  do  not  even  afford  any  advantage,  as  some  persons 
suppose,  by  enlarging  the  field  for  the  employment  of  capi- 
tal; for  there  are  still  means  enough  for  employing  capital 
with  profit  at  home;  and  if  new  means  were  wanting,  they 
would  be  more  effectually  obtained  by  removing  restrictions 
on  trade  and  revising  the  taxes,  than  by  increased  trade  in 
the  colonies. 


The   Manchester   School      425 

This  general  reasoning,  which  the  principles  of  trade 
suggest,  in  refutation  of  the  imaginary  advantages  of  colo- 
nies, is  completely  borne  out  by  the  experience  of  facts. 
The  history  of  the  colonies  for  many  years  is  that  of  a 
series  of  loss,  and  of  the  destruction  of  capital ;  and  if  to 
the  many  millions  of  private  capital,  which  have  been  thus 
wasted,  were  added  some  hundred  millions  that  have  been 
raised  by  British  taxes,  and  spent  on  account  of  the  colo- 
nies, the  total  loss  to  the  British  public  of  wealth,  which 
the  colonies  have  occasioned,  would  appear  to  be  quite 
enormous. 

The  only  conditions  on  which  it  can  be  wise  and  politic 
for  us  to  continue  to  keep  colonial  possessions  are,  that  the 
number  of  them  should  be  greatly  reduced;  and  that  those 
which  we  retain  should  contribute  the  whole  expense  in- 
curred in  their  defence.  Even  with  such  conditions,  no 
advantage  would  be  gained,  now  or  at  any  other  time,  unless 
the  planters  should  prosper  and  accumulate  wealth,  and  thus 
add  to  the  general  stock  of  public  wealth.  It  is  in  order 
to  secure  this  object  that  the  public  is  particularly  inter- 
ested in  giving  to  the  colonies  the  full  benefit  of  that  per- 
fect system  of  free  trade,  which  everything  connected  with 
colonial  reform  and  retrenchment  shews  to  be  wise  and 
politic. 

Dr.  Chalmers,  in  referring  to  the  peace  of  1763,  says, 
"The  true  objection  to  this  peace  was,  not  that  we  had 
retained  too  little,  but  that  we  had  retained  too  much;" 
namely,  Canada,  Louisiana,  Florida,  Granada,  Tobago,  St. 
Vincent,  Dominica,  and  Senegal.  "Millions,"  he  adds, 
"of  productive  capital  were  withdrawn  from  the  agri- 
culture, manufactures,  and  trade  of  Great  Britain  to  culti- 
vate the  ceded  islands  in  the  other  hemisphere :  domestic 
occupations  were  obstructed  and  circulation  stopped,  in 
proportion  to  the  stock  withdrawn,  to  the  industry  enfeebled, 
and  to  the  ardour  turned  to  less  salutary  objects." 


426  The   Empire 

In  settling  the  conditions  of  the  last  treaty  of  peace,  it 
was  most  unwise  to  retain  so  many  of  the  conquered  colo- 
nies. Trinidad,  Demerara,  Essequibo,  and  Tobago,  were 
but  little  advanced  in  cultivation;  a  large  transfer  of  capi- 
tal was  necessary  for  their  cultivation,  and  there  was  little 
or  no  local  revenue  belonging  to  them. 

At  the  close  of  the  war,  the  East  India  Company  was 
anxious  to  be  allowed  to  have  the  Island  of  Ceylon,  and  it 
is  not  too  late  to  give  it  up  to  them;  but,  as  large  sums  of 
public  money  have  been  expended  since  the  war  in  adding 
to  its  value,  the  Company  should  repay  a  large  part  of 
them,  as  the  condition  of  becoming  masters  of  this  island. 

As  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  the  Mauritius  are  of  no 
use  except  for  the  defence  of  the  East  India  Company's 
possessions,  the  Company  ought  to  be  called  on  to  defray 
all  the  expense  of  their  military  protection;  and  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  opportunity,  which  the  expiration  of  the 
Charter  of  the  Company  will  offer,  will  lead  to  an  arrange- 
ment which  will  secure  all  these  objects. 

When  peace  was  made  in  1814,  the  English  government 
wished  to  let  Austria  have  the  Ionian  Islands,  but  France 
woi'M  not  agree  to  this  arrangement.  There  can  be  no  real 
use  in  keeping  these  islands,  with  Malta  and  Gibraltar  in 
our  hands. 

The  settlement  of  Sierra  Leone  and  the  military  posts 
on  the  west  coast  of  Africa  should  be  given  up.  The  pub- 
lic derives  no  benefit  from  these  possessions,  either  in  a 
commercial  or  military  point  of  view;  and  with  respect  to 
the  slave  trade,  the  use  they  are  of  in  contributing  to  put 
it  down  is  so  questionable,  as  not  to  justify  the  waste  of 
money,  and  of  human  life,  which  they  occasion. 

With  respect  to  Canada,  (including  our  other  possessions 
on  the  continent  of  North  America,)  no  case  can  be  made 
out  to  shew  that  we  should  not  have  every  commercial 
advantage  we  are  supposed  now  to  have,  if  it  were  made  an 


Light   Brigade   at   Balaklava      427 

independent  state.  Neither  our  manufactures,  foreign 
commerce,  nor  shipping,  would  be  injured  by  such  a 
measure.  On  the  other  hand,  what  has  the  nation  lost 
by  Canada?  Fifty  or  sixty  millions  have  already  been 
expended;  the  annual  charge  on  the  British  treasury  is 
full  600, ooo/.  a  year;  and  we  learn  from  the  Second 
Report  of  the  Committee  of  Finance,  that  a  plan  of  forti- 
fying Canada  has  been  for  two  or  three  years  in  progress, 
which  is  to  cost  3, ooo,  ooo/. 

Sir  Henry  Parnell,  On  Financial  Reform  (London,  1830),  250- 
257. 


(•854) 


140.    The  Light  Brigade  at  Balaklava      SIR  WILL- 

IAM HOW- 
ARD RUSSELL 
(1820-       ), 
the  first  great 

.  .  .  Supposing  the  spectator,  then,  to  take  his  stand  on  war  cprre- 

one  of  the  heights  forming  the  rear  of  our  camp  before  Se-  He  has  acted 

bastopol,  he  would  have  seen  the  town  of  Balaklava,  with  its  correspon- 

scanty  shipping,  its  narrow  strip  of  water,  and  its  old  forts,  dent  of  the 

on  his  right  hand;  immediately  below  he  would  have  beheld  Times  in 

the  valley  and  plain  of  coarse  meadow  land,  occupied  by  mostofthe 

'     important 

our  cavalry  tents,  and  stretching  from  the  base  of  the  ridge  wars  since 
on  which  he  stood  to  the  foot  of  the  formidable  heights  at  cnniean 


the  other  side;  he  would  have  seen  the  French  trenches  War,  the 

.....  .  .  Indian  Mu- 

hned  with  Zouaves  a  few  feet  beneath,  and  distant  from  tiny,  the 

him,  on  the  slope  of  the  hill;  a  Turkish  redoubt  lower  Civf/War 

down,  then  another  in  the  valley,  then,  in  a  line  with  it,  the  war  be- 

some  angular  earthworks;  then,   in  succession,  the  other  triaTnd 

two  redoubts  up  to  Canrobert's  Hill.  Prussia,  the 

Franco- 

At  the  distance  of  two  or  two  and  a  half  miles  across  the  German 

valley  is  an  abrupt  rocky  mountain  range  of  most  irregular  soutr/Africa 

and  picturesque  formation,  covered  with  scanty  brushwood  m  l879.  in 

here  and  there,  or  rising  into  barren  pinnacles  and  plateaux  jgg's.    His 


428 


The   Empire 


Letters  and 
Diaries 
afford  a  clear 
and  vivid 
record  of 
these  various 
contests. 


See  Tenny- 
son's poem, 
The  Charge 
of  the  Light 
Brigade. 


Captain 
Nolan  was 
killed  in  the 
charge. 


Lord  Raglan 
was  com- 


of  rock.  In  outline  and  appearance  this  portion  of  the 
landscape  was  wonderfully  like  the  Trosachs.  A  patch  of 
blue  sea  was  caught  in  between  the  overhanging  cliffs  of 
Balaklava  as  they  closed  in  the  entrance  to  the  harbour  on 
the  right.  The  camp  of  the  Marines,  pitched  on  the  hill 
sides  more  than  1000  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  was 
opposite  to  the  spectator  as  his  back  was  turned  to  Sebas- 
topol  and  his  right  side  towards  Balaklava.  .  .  . 

Soon  after  occurred  the  glorious  catastrophe  which  filled 
us  all  with  sorrow.  It  appeared  that  the  Quartermaster- 
General,  Brigadier  Airey,  thinking  that  the  Light  Cavalry 
had  not  gone  far  enough  in  front  when  the  enemy's  horse 
had  fled,  gave  an  order  in  writing  to  Captain  Nolan,  i5th 
Hussars,  to  take  to  Lord  Lucan,  directing  his  Lordship  "to 
advance  "  his  cavalry  nearer  to  the  enemy.  A  braver  soldier 
than  Captain  Nolan  the  army  did  not  possess.  ...  I  had 
the  pleasure  of  his  acquaintance,  and  I  know  he  entertained 
the  most  exalted  opinions  respecting  the  capabilities  of  the 
English  horse  soldier.  Properly  led,  the  British  Hussar 
and  Dragoon  could  in  his  mind  break  square,  take  batteries, 
ride  over  columns  of  infantry,  and  pierce  any  other  cavalry 
in  the  world  as  if  they  were  made  of  straw.  He  thought 
they  had  not  had  the  opportunity  of  doing  all  that  was  in 
their  power,  and  that  they  had  missed  even  such  chances  as 
had  been  offered  to  them  —  that  in  fact,  they  were  in  some 
measure  disgraced.  A  matchless  horseman  and  a  first-rate 
swordsman,  he  held  in  contempt,  I  am  afraid,  even  grape 
and  canister.  He  rode  off  with  his  orders  to  Lord  Lucan. 

.  .  .  When  Lord  Lucan  received  the  order  from  Cap- 
tain Nolan,  and  had  read  it,  he  asked,  we  are  told,  "  Where 
are  we  to  advance  to?"  Captain  Nolan  pointed  with  his 
finger  to  the  line  of  the  Russians,  and  said,  "There  are  the 
enemy,  and  there  are  the  guns,"  or  words  to  that  effect, 
according  to  the  statements  made  after  his  death. 

It  must  be  premised  that  Lord  Raglan  had  in  the  morn- 


Light   Brigade   at   Balaklava    429 

ing  only  ordered  Lord  Lucan  to  move  from  the  position  he   mander-in- 

had  taken  near  the  centre  redoubt  to  "  the  left  of  the  second  Briifshfor'ces. 

line  of  redoubts  occupied  by  the  Turks."     Seeing  that  the 

93rd  and  invalids  were  cut  off  from  the  aid  of  the  cavalry, 

Lord  Raglan  sent  another  order  to  Lord  Lucan  to  send  his 

heavy  horse  towards  Balaklava,  and  that  officer  was  executing 

it  just  as  the  Russian  horse  came  over  the  ridge.    The  Heavy 

Cavalry  charge  took  place,  and  afterwards  the  men  dis- 

mounted on  the  scene  of  it.     After  an  interval  of  half  an 

hour,  Lord  Raglan  again  sent  an  order  to  Lord  Lucan  — 

"  Cavalry  to  advance  and  take  advantage  of  any  opportunity 

to  recover  the  heights.    They  will  be  supported  by  infantry, 

which  has  been  ordered   to   advance   upon   two   fronts." 

Lord  Raglan's  reading  of  this  order  is,  that  the  infantry 

had  been  ordered  to  advance  on  two  fronts;  but  no  such 

interpretation  is  borne  out  by  the  wording  of  the  order. 

It  does  not  appear  either  that  the  infantry  had  received 

orders  to  advance,  for  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  and  Sir  G. 

Cathcart  state  they  were  not  in  receipt  of  such  instruction. 

Lord   Lucan  advanced  his  cavalry  to  the  ridge,  close  to 

No.    5   redoubt,   and  while  there  received  from  Captain 

Nolan  an  order  which  is,  verbatim,  as  follows:  —  "Lord   This  is  the 

Raglan  wishes  the  cavalry  to  advance  rapidly  to  the  front,    ^tecHo'0' 

follow  the  enemy,  and  try  to  prevent  the  enemy  carrying   General 

.,  r   TT  A    4.-ii  Airey,  and 

away  the  guns;  troops  of  Horse  Artillery  may  accompany,  carried  by 

French  cavalry  is  on  your  left.     Immediate."  £a?tain 

Lord  Lucan  with  reluctance  gave  the  order  to  Lord  Car- 

digan to  advance  upon  the  guns,  conceiving  that  his  orders  whichTord 

compelled  him  to  do  so,   ...     It  is  a  maxim  of  war,  that  Raslan 

meant  were 

"  cavalry  never  act  without  a  support,  "  that  "  infantry  should  those  recently 

be  close  at  hand  when  cavalry  carry  guns,  as  the  effect  is  fro^the  Eng- 

only  instantaneous,"  and  that  it  is  necessary  to  have  on  the  lish-    The 

flank  of  a  line  of  cavalry  some  squadrons  in  column,  the  which  Lord 


attack  on  the  flank  being  most  dangerous.     The  only  sup-   o 

port  our  light  cavalry  had  was  the  reserve  of  heavy  cavalry   advance  were 


43°  The   Empire 


a  Russian        at  a  great  distance  behind  them,   the   infantry  and  guns 

poshion.n        being  far  in  the  rear.     There  were  no  squadrons  in  column 

at  all,   and  there  was  a  plain  to  charge  over,  before  the 

enemy's  guns  could  be  reached,  of  a  mile  and  a  half  in 

length. 

At  ten  minutes  past  eleven  our  Light  Cavalry  Brigade 
advanced.  The  whole  Brigade  scarcely  made  one  effective 
regiment,  according  to  the  numbers  of  continental  armies; 
and  yet  it  was  more  than  we  could  spare.  As  they  rushed 
towards  the  front,  the  Russians  Opened  on  them  from  the 
guns  in  the  redoubt  on  the  right,  with  volleys  of  musketry 
and  rifles.  They  swept  proudly  past,  glittering  in  the 
morning  sun  in  all  the  pride  and  splendour  of  war.  We 
could  scarcely  believe  our  senses !  Surely  that  handful  of 
men  were  not  going  to  charge  an  army  in  position?  .  .  . 
They  advanced  in  two  lines,  quickening  their  pace  as  they 
closed  towards  the  enemy.  A  more  fearful  spectacle  was 
never  witnessed  by  those  who,  without  power  to  aid, 
beheld  their  heroic  countrymen  rushing  to  the  arms  of 
death.  At  the  distance  of  1200  yards,  the  whole  line  of  the 
enemy  belched  forth,  from  thirty  iron  mouths,  a  flood  of 
smoke  and  flame,  through  which  hissed  the  deadly  balls. 
Their  flight  was  marked  by  instant  gaps  in  our  ranks,  by 
dead  men  and  horses,  by  steeds  flying  wounded  or  rider- 
less across  the  plain.  The  first  line  was  broken  —  it  was 
joined  by  the  second,  they  never  halted  or  checked  their 
speed  an  instant.  With  diminished  ranks,  thinned  by 
those  thirty  guns,  which  the  Russians  had  laid  with  the 
most  deadly  accuracy,  with  a  halo  of  flashing  steel  above 
their  heads,  and  with  a  cheer  which  was  many  a  noble 
fellow's  death-cry,  they  flew  into  the  smoke  of  the  batteries; 
but  ere  they  were  lost  from  view,  the  plain  was  strewed  with 
their  bodies  and  with  the  carcasses  of  horses.  They  were 
exposed  to  an  oblique  fire  from  the  batteries  on  the  hills  on 
both  sides,  as  well  as  to  the  direct  fire  of  musketry. 


Aberdeen   and  Crimean  War     431 

Through  the  clouds  of  smoke  we  could  see  their  sabres 
flashing  as  they  rode  up  to  the  guns  and  dashed  between 
them,  cutting  down  the  gunners  as   they  stood.     We   saw 
them  riding  through  the  guns,  as  I  have  said;  to  our  delight 
we  saw  them  returning,  after  breaking  through  a  column  of 
Russian  infantry,  and  scattering  them  like  chaff,  when  the 
flank   fire  of    the  battery  on  the   hill   swept  them  down. 
Wounded  men  and  dismounted  troopers  flying  towards  us 
told  the  sad  tale  —  demi-gods  could  not  have  done  what 
they  had  failed  to  do.     At  the  very  moment  when   they 
were  about  to  retreat  a  regiment  of   Lancers  was  hurled 
upon  their  flank.     Colonel   Shewell,  of  the  8th  Hussars, 
whose  attention  was  drawn  to  them  by  Lieutenant  Phillips, 
saw  the  danger,  and  rode  his  few  men  straight  at  them, 
cutting  his  way  through  with  fearful  loss.  .  .   .     It  was  as   Of  the  673 
much  as  our  Heavy  Cavalry  Brigade  could  do  to  cover  the   wentTnto 
retreat  of  the  miserable  remnants  of  that  band  of  heroes  as  action  more 
they  returned  to  the  place  they  had  so  lately  quitted  in  all   third  were 
the  pride  of  life.     At  thirty-five  minutes  past  eleven  not  a  ^nded. 
British  soldier,  except  the  dead  and  dying,  was  left  in  front 
of  these  bloody  Muscovite  guns. 

Sir  William  Russell.  Letters  from  the  Crimea  (London,  1858), 
183,  189-192. 


141.    Lord  Aberdeen  and  the  Crimean 

War   (1855) 

I  have  never  entertained  the  least  doubt  of  the  justice  of  statesman, 

the  war  in  which  we  are  at  present  engaged.     It  is  unques-  J^  waT"" 

tionably  just,  and  it  is  also  strongly  marked  by  a  character  Secretary  for 

of  disinterestedness.     But  although  just  and  disinterested,  AffaTrf^-ith 

the  policy  and  the  necessity  of  this  war  may  perhaps  be  less  Wellington 

.  , . ,  and  Peel. 

certain.     It  is  possible  that  our  posterity  may  form  a  dif-  His  policy 


432 


The   Empire 


was  one  of 
non-interven- 
tion. Notably 
in  relation 
with  the 
United  States 
his  conduct 
of  foreign 
affairs  was 
conciliatory 
and  cour- 
teous.    In 
1852  he  be- 
came prime 
minister  with 
a  cabinet 
which  in- 
cluded Rus- 
sell. Palm- 
erston,  and 
Gladstone. 
The  outbreak 
of  trouble  in 
the  East 
brought  this 
brilliant  min- 
istry to  an 
untimely  end. 
Anxious  to 
maintain 
peace  Aber- 
deen was 
forced  into 
the  Crimean 
war  by  cir- 
cumstances 
and  the 
pressure  of 
the  war  party 
led  by 
Palmerston. 
The  ministry 
was  unfairly 
blamed  for 
disasters  due 
chiefly  to  a 
defective 
military  sys- 
tem, and  in 
1855  it  re- 
signed.—  For 
Aberdeen, 
see  Sir 
Arthur  Gor- 
don, The 
Ear  I  of 


ferent  estimate  on  this  head  from  that  at  which  we  have 
arrived. 

The  policy,  or  necessity,  of  any  war  must  always  be, 
more  or  less,  the  subject  of  doubt,  and  must  vary  accord- 
ing to  a  change  of  circumstances.  This  is  not  matter  of 
immutable  principle,  but  may  be  affected  by  an  infinite 
variety  of  considerations.  It  is  true  that  every  necessary 
war  must  also  really  be  a  just  war;  but  it  does  not  abso- 
lutely follow  that  every  just  war  must  also  be  a  necessary 
war. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  a  vast  majority 
of  the  people  of  this  country  entertain  no  doubt  on  the 
subject,  but  are  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  war  is  both 
just  and  necessary,  and,  as  such,  are  prepared  to  give  it 
their  cordial  support. 

Now,  with  the  existence  of  so  strong  and  general  a  feel- 
ing, it  seems  almost  to  partake  of  arrogance  to  demur  in 
any  degree  to  these  conclusions,  and  to  resist  the  weight  of 
the  popular  voice. 

But  a  reference  to  history  may  prevent  us  from  subscrib- 
ing implicitly  to  such  demonstrations  of  opinion.  It  is 
enough  to  recall  to  recollection  that,  when  Sir  Robert  Wai- 
pole  was  reluctantly  drawn  into  his  Spanish  war,  the  coun- 
try was  quite  as  unanimous  as  —  perhaps  more  so  than  —  at 
the  present  moment.  Yet,  in  spite  of  such  unanimity, 
there  is  no  man  who  would  now  hesitate  to  declare  that  the 
war  in  question  was  both  unjust  and  unnecessary. 

The  national  feeling  at  that  period  was  excited  under  cir- 
cumstances in  some  degree  similar  to  the  present.  At  that 
period  a  peace  of  thirty  years  had  rendered  the  minds  of 
men  more  easy  to  be  roused  by  appeals  which  had  all  the 
character  of  novelty;  and  at  the  present  day  I  believe  that 
our  forty  years'  peace  has  rendered  the  nation  more  ready 
to  receive  the  excitement  and  to  encounter  the  unknown 
evils  of  a  state  of  war.  I  am  very  far  from  meaning  to 


A    Poet's   View 


433 


assert  that  the  people  did  not  entertain  a  strong  feeling  of 
indignation  against  injustice  and  of  sympathy  for  the 
oppressed.  Their  natural  feelings  are  always  generous; 
but  I  doubt  if  this  impulse  would  have  led  to  the  same 
results  if  it  had  been  called  into  action  at  an  earlier  period 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  late  war.  Indeed,  I  have  had 
personal  experience  of  the  truth  of  this  opinion;  for  in 
the  war  which  Russia  declared  against  Turkey  in  the  year 
1828,  although  equally  unjust  and  unprovoked,  the  people 
of  this  country  saw  the  Russian  troops  advance  almost  to 
the  gates  of  Constantinople  with  comparative  indifference; 
and  the  Government  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  who  wished 
to  uphold  the  interests  of  the  Porte,  met  with  no  response 
from  Parliament  or  the  people,  but  were  thought  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  tyranny,  ignorance,  and  barbarism. 

The  Earl  of  Aberdeen  (Sir  Arthur  Gordon,  The  Earl  of  Aber- 
deen, London,  1893,  303,  304). 


142. 


A   Poet's  View  of  the  Crimean 
War  (1855) 


And  it  was  but  a  dream,  yet  it  lighten'd  my  despair 
When  I  thought  that  a  war  would  arise  in  defence  of  the 

right, 

That  an  iron  tyranny  now  should  bend  or  cease, 
The  glory  of  manhood  stand  on  his  ancient  height, 
Nor  Britain's  one  sole  God  be  the  millionaire: 
No  more  shall  commerce  be  all  in  all,  and  Peace 
Pipe  on  her  pastoral  hillock  a  languid  note, 
And  watch  her  harvest  ripen,  her  herd  increase, 
Nor  the  cannon-bullet  rust  on  a  slothful  shore, 
And  the  cobweb  woven  across  the  cannon's  throat 
Shall  shake  its  threaded  tears  in  the  wind  no  more. 


Aberdeen. 
See  also 
P- 447- 
Th  e  note 
here  given 
was  written 
by  Lord 
Aberdeen  in 
1855- 

Lord  Aber- 
deen was  at 
the  time 
Secretary  of 
State  for 
Foreign 
Affairs. 


By  ALFRED, 
LORD 
TENNYSON 
(1809-1892), 
poet  laureate. 
This  extract 
is  from  the 
dramatic 
monologue, 
Maud,  which 
appeared  in 
1855,  and 
excited 
hardly  less 
criticism  for 
the  political 
sentiments  it 
contained 
than  admira- 
tion for  its 
poetical 
beauty. 
Whether  or 
no  it  ex- 


434 


The   Empire 


pressed  the 
poet's  own 
views,  it 
spoke  the 
popular  feel- 
ing towards 
the  Crimean 
War. 


And  as  months  ran  on  and  rumour  of  battle  grew, 

'It  is  time,  it  is  time,  O  passionate  heart,'  said  I 

(For  I  cleaved  to  a  cause  that  I  felt  to  be  pure  and  true), 

'It  is  time,  O  passionate  heart  and  morbid  eye, 

That  old  hysterical  mock-disease  should  die.' 

And  I  stood  on  a  giant  deck  and  mix'd  my  breath 

With  a  loyal  people  shouting  a  battle  cry, 

Till  I  saw  the  dreary  phantom  arise  and  fly 

Far  into  the  North,  and  battle,  and  seas  of  death. 

Let  it  go  or  stay,  so  I  wake  to  the  higher  aims 

Of  a  land  that  has  lost  for  a  little  her  lust  of  gold, 

And  love  of  a  peace  that  was  full  of  wrongs  and  shames, 

Horrible,  hateful,  monstrous,  not  to  be  told; 

And  hail  once  more  to  the  banner  of  battle  unroll'd! 

Tho'  many  a  light  shall  darken,  and  many  shall  weep 

For  those  that  are  crush'd  in  the  clash  of  jarring  claims. 

Yet  God's  just  wrath  shall  be  wreak'd  on  a  giant  liar; 

And  many  a  darkness  into  the  light  shall  leap, 

And  shine  in  the  sudden  making  of  splendid  names, 

And  noble  thought  be  freer  under  the  sun, 

And  the  heart  of  a  people  beat  with  one  desire; 

For  the  peace,  that  I  deem'd  no  peace,  is  over  and  done, 

And  now  by  the  side  of  the  Black  and  the  Baltic  deep, 

And  deathful-grinning  mouths  of  the  fortress,  flames 

The  blood-red  blossom  of  war  with  a  heart  of  fire. 

Let  it  flame  or  fade,  and  the  war  roll  down  like  a  wind, 
We  have  proved  we  have  hearts  in  a  cause,  we  are  noble 

still, 

And  myself  have  awaked,  as  it  seems,  to  the  better  mind; 
It  is  better  to  fight  for  the  good  than  to  rail  at  the  ill; 
I  have  felt  with  my  native  land,  I  am  one  with  my  kind, 
I  embrace  the  purpose  of  God,  and  the  doom  assign 'd. 

Alfred,  Lord   Tennyson,  Maud,    Works  (London,   1899),   VII. 
228-230. 


The   Outbreak   at   Lucknow     435 


143.    The  Outbreak  at  Lucknow  (1857) 

Tuesday,  May  26. 

Yesterday,  at  3  o'clock  A.M.,  we  were  roused  by  C.  tell- 
ing us  to  get  up  and  dress  ready  for  flight  at  the  shortest 
notice.  He  had  been  sent  for  to  the  brigadier's,  and  great 
alarm  prevailed,  as  the  different  guards  were  going  to  be 
changed,  and  then  a  rising  was  feared.  Of  course,  we  got 
up  and  dressed  as  expeditiously  as  possible,  waiting  C.'s 
return  in  fear  and  trembling.  He  came  back  at  five  with 
the  longest  and  gravest  face,  announcing  that  it  was 
Sir  H.  L. 's  most  peremptory  order  that  every  woman  and 
child  should  leave  cantonments  immediately,  and  take 
refuge  in  the  city  Residency-house,  which  is  fortified,  bar- 
ricaded, and  provisioned  for  a  regular  siege.  C.  said  the 
precaution  was  most  necessary,  as  we  were  in  frightful 
danger,  and  the  horrors  of  Meerut  and  Delhi  might  at  any 
moment  overtake  us,  so  we  were  not  to  delay.  Poor 
Emmie  was,  as  you  may  imagine,  dreadfully  upset  at  the 
idea  of  being  sent  away,  and  leaving  Charlie  to  encounter 
such  peril.  The  officers  of  the  native  regiments  are  to 
remain  in  the  lines,  and  do  all  they  can  to  keep  their  men 
quiet;  but,  if  the  outbreak  takes  place,  they  are  to  retreat 
with  the  32nd  on  the  Residency;  and  here  we  are  to  try 
and  hold  out  as  long  as  possible,  till  European  troops  come 
to  our  rescue.  I  do  feel  so  sorry  for  E.  and  C.,  and  so 
thankful  that  my  dear  husband's  duty  does  not  separate 
him  from  me.  We  put  together  all  the  things  we  had  with 
us,  and  Emmie  all  her  valuables,  as  quickly  as  we  could, 
and  came  down  here  at  once.  On  arriving  we  found  all  in 
such  confusion  at  the  Residency,  all  the  unfortunate  ladies 
and  children  hunting  for  quarters,  that  we  were  most  thank- 
ful to  accept  an  invitation  from  kind  Dr.  Fayrer  to  come  to 
his  house  in  the  Residency  compound;  and  here  we  are  an 


By  MRS. 
G.  HARRIS. 

The  siege  of 
Lucknow 
was  one  of 
the  famous 
episodes  of 
the  Indian 
Mutiny. 
As  here 
described, 
towards  the 
end  of  May 
the  English 
in  Lucknow 
took  refuge 
in  the  Resi- 
dency, leav- 
ing the  town 
in  the  hands 
of  the  Se- 
poys.   The 
actual  siege 
began  a 
month  later, 
and  was  not 
raised  until 
the  arrival  of 
Sir  Colin 
Campbell  on 
the  I7th  of 
November, 
1857.     Luck- 
now  was  not 
taken  until 
March,  1858. 

H.  L.  =  Sir 
Henry  Law- 
rence, one  of 
the  most 
famous  of 
Indian  ad- 
ministrators, 
and  at  this 
time  in 
charge  of 
Oudh.    He 
was  killed 
early  in  the 
siege.     Four- 
teen years 
before  the 
mutiny  Law- 
rence had 


436 


The   Empire 


immense  party  of  unprotected  females,  Mrs.  Fayrer  and 
I  being  the  only  ladies  who  have  the  comfort  of  our 
husbands.  .  .  . 

There  are  two  civilians,  Mr.  Gubbins  and  Mr.  Ommaney, 
whose  houses  attached  to  the  Residency  are  also  full  to 
overflowing,  and  all  the  other  ladies,  about  thirty  in  num- 
ber, with  children  innumerable,  are  in  the  Residency,  which 
also  contains  the  sick  and  women  and  children  of  the  32nd. 
We  have  two  companies  of  the  32nd  and  a  battery  of  artil- 
lery to  defend  us,  besides  barricades  erected  at  all  the 
entrances  and  guns  mounted  all  round  the  walls.  E.  and 
I  have  a  small  room  together,  and  think  ourselves  most 
lucky  in  being  so  comfortable.  In  the  Residency  there  are 
as  many  as  eight  and  nine  ladies  with  a  dozen  children  in 
one  room,  and  the  heat  is  awful.  J.  sleeps  in  Dr.  Fayrer 's 
study.  The  reason  of  our  all  being  packed  off  here  in  such 
a  tremendous  hurry  was  that  the  news  from  Cawnpore  and 
other  stations  round  was  so  alarming.  An  outbreak  was 
expected  every  moment,  and  the  effect  of  revolt  at  Cawn- 
pore would  be  instantaneous  mutiny  at  Lucknow.  Sir  H. 
L.  did  not  impart  all  he  knew,  and  we  were  kept  in  utter 
ignorance  of  what  is  going  on  in  other  parts  of  the  country, 
but  I  believe  our  condition  is  frightful,  and  God  only  knows 
what  the  end  of  it  will  be.  The  panic  in  Calcutta  they  say 
is  terrible.  Native  regiments  there  and  at  Barrackpore  are 
mutinous  to  the  heart's  core;  and  if  European  troops  do 
not  soon  come  to  our  relief,  there  will  be  none  perhaps  left 
alive  to  tell  the  tale.  Every  station  in  the  country  is  in 
equal  danger.  At  Allyghur  the  gth  Native  Infantry  had  the 
consideration  to  spare  their  officers'  lives.  They  were  per- 
mitted to  escape,  leaving  all  their  property  behind  them. 
Lady  Outram  (the  wife  of  Sir  James,  who  is  in  Persia) 
was  staying  with  her  son  at  Allyghur,  and  obliged  to  run 
several  miles,  fleeing  for  her  life.  We  are  all  most 
anxiously  looking  for  news  from  Delhi :  the  army  must  have 


John   Company's    Farewell      437 

arrived  yesterday,  and  we  trust  such  a  signal  vengeance  will 
be  taken  on  the  desperate  wretches  who  have  shut  them- 
selves up  there  as  shall  intimidate  any  from  attempting  to 
follow  their  example.  This  seems  to  be  our  only  hope; 
and  if  General  Anson  does  not  act  with  vigour,  we  shall  be 
at  the  mercy  of  our  enemies.  Oh,  my  darling  sister !  you 
can  little  imagine  what  an  awful  position  we  are  in,  but 
God  can  help  us.  He  only  can.  Since  we  left  canton- 
ments there  has  been  no  disturbance.  C.  came  over  this 
morning  to  see  E.,  and  reported  all  quiet  and  news  good 
from  Cawnpore.  They  were  in  hope  the  rising  there  would 
not  take  place;  the  troops  had  not  actually  mutinied, 
though  in  a  very  excited  state.  Part  of  the  84th  (Queen's) 
will  arrive  this  evening,  and  that  gives  us  fresh  hope  and 
courage.  The  ladies  at  Cawnpore  have  taken  refuge  in  the 
church,  which  is  the  only  stone  building,  consequently  not 
so  easily  set  on  fire.  Oh !  the  accounts  of  the  massacre 
and  burnings  at  Meerut  are  something  too  horrible  and 
make  one's  blood  run  cold.  .  .  .  The  Punjab  seems  quiet, 
and  no  alarm  felt  there,  —  at  least  so  the  papers  say. 

Mrs.  G.  Harris,  A  Lady^s  Diary  of  the  Siege  of  Luc  know  (Lon- 
don, 1858),  20-24. 


At  the  time 
of  the  out- 
break the 
Sepoys 
numbered 
350,000;  the 
European 
garrison  in 
India  was 
about  25,000. 


On  the  15th 
of  July  all 
the  European 
women  and 
children  at 
Cawnpore 
were 
massacred. 

Sir  John 
Lawrence, 
brother  of 
Henry  Law- 
rence, kept 
the  Punjab 
from  revolt. 


144.    John   Company's  Farewell  to  John 
Bull   (1858) 

MY  DEAR  JOHN,  —  In  this  solemn  hour  of  my  dissolu- 
tion, as  Time,  the  traveller,  crosses  the  bridge  between  two 
great  epochs,  I  bequeath  to  you,  in  a  few  hasty,  but  I  trust 
coherent,  sentences,  the  legacy  of  my  advice.  .  .  . 

There  is  one  thing,  among  others,  John,  against  which  I 
would  warn  you  —  and  that  is,  what  you  are  wont  sometimes 
to  call  your  "good  English  spirit."  I  like  your  patriotism, 


ANONY- 
MOUS.   The 
East  India 
Company, 
which  was 
incorporated 
in  1600,  was 
a  close  trad- 
ing company. 
Originally  it 
was  indepen- 
dent of  all 
control,  but 
by  Pitt's 
India  Bill  in 
1783  a  Board 


438 


The   Empire 


of  Control 
was  estab- 
lished for  the 
supervision 
of  the  policy 
and  adminis- 
tration of  the 
Company  in 
India,     In 
1813  it  lost 
the  monopoly 
of  the  Indian 
trade,  and  in 
1833  that  of 
the  China 
trade.    The 
rule  of  great 
territories  by 
a  trading 
company  had 
long  been 
felt  to  be  an 
anomaly, 
and  the 
outbreak  of 
the  Sepoy 
Rebellion 
made  a 
change  in- 
evitable.    In 
1858  Parlia- 
ment passed 
the  India 
Act,  remodel- 
ling the 
government 
of  India,  and 
September  I 
was  the  day 
set  for  the 
termination 
of  the  Com- 
pany's rule. 
Henceforth, 
India  was 
governed  by 
a  Secretary 
of  State  for 
India,  acting 
through  a 
Viceroy  and 
two  Indian 
Councils. 

The  origin  of 
the  term 
John  Corn- 


John  —  I  like  your  pluck.  You  have  many  good  and  noble 
qualities,  and  I  would  not  wish  you  to  think  meanly  of 
yourself.  The  self-respect  of  nations  is  a  great  thing,  but 
it  has  a  tendency  to  inflate  itself  into  presumption;  and 
there  is  often  an  arrogance  in  your  tone,  and  an  exclusive- 
ness  in  your  manner,  which  would  be  ridiculous  if  they 
were  not  dangerous.  You  sometimes  think,  I  am  afraid, 
John,  that  all  the  world  was  made  for  you.  You  go  among 
a  strange  people,  and  you  are  angry  because  their  ways  are 
not  your  ways;  you  think  that  they  are  little  better  than 
brute  beasts,  because  their  customs  differ  from  your  own. 
If  you  carried  a  hump  upon  your  back,  John,  you  would 
think  every  man  deformed  without  a  similar  excrescence. 
If  you  had  but  one  eye,  John,  you  would  treat  binocular 
vision  as  a  national  offence.  If  you  wore  a  tail,  you  would 
regard  it  as  the  type  of  an  exceptional  civilisation. 

It  is  this  intense  self-appreciation,  John,  which  makes 
you  so  indifferent  a  citizen  of  the  world.  Whilst  your 
unappeasable  enterprise  and  your  indomitable  energy  make 
for  you  new  homes  in  every  corner  of  the  globe,  you  can 
seldom  make  yourself  at  home  without  first  expelling  the 
old  inmates  of  your  new  dwelling-place.  Where  you 
colonise,  the  aborigines  disappear.  In  India,  you  do  not 
attempt  to  colonise;  and  you  never  make  yourself  at  home. 
But  you  carry  the  same  exclusive,  absorbing  spirit  of  self- 
assertion  with  you.  The  millions  by  whom  you  are  sur- 
rounded exist  in  your  imagination  only  for  your  use. 
There  they  are,  so  many  "niggers,"  John  —  so  many 
"black  fellows"  to  work  for  you,  to  fight  for  you,  to  die 
for  you,  to  render  up  their  substance  to  you,  to  be  shaped 
according  to  the  rule  and  plummet  of  your  home-bred 
notions.  All  that  belongs  to  them  is  wrong,  all  that  belongs 
to  you  is  right.  You  cannot  for  a  moment  divest  yourself 
of  your  individuality,  and  look  at  the  questions  before  you 
from  any  other  than  your  own  point  of  view.  "  India  for 


John   Company's    Farewell      439 

the  English  "  is  your  cry.     The  children  of  the  soil  have  PanY.  is  ob- 

long been  in  your  estimation  so  many  stocks  and  stones,  may^ea* 

Men  fresh  from  England,  with  hot  English  blood  in  them,  native  cor~ 

'  ruption  of 

are  prone  to  violence;  and  hundreds,  who  would  not  lift  Hon.  Com- 
up  their  hands  against  an  English  beggar  in  the  street,  have 


been  wont  to  strike  their  Mohammedan  and  Hindoo  ser-   ationofthe 

.          .      .  ,  ,   ,        .  .  official  title, 

vants  as  though  they  were  beasts  of  burden  or  mere  insen-   The  Honour- 

sate  machines.     They  who  are  ordinarily  considerate  in 

their  language  and  their  demeanour  towards  the  natives  of   pany. 

India,  are  men  who  have  resided  long  in  India,  who  know 

the  people,  and  who  speak  their  language;  or  those  who, 

lacking  much  Indian  experience,  are  moved  by  the  tra- 

ditions at  which,  John,  you  are  prone  to  sneer.     You  talk 

about  offices  in  India  being  heirlooms  in  certain  families; 

you  say  that  you  wish  to  see  new  names  in  the  lists  of  the 

Indian  services;  and  that  you  would  fain  see  those  services 

overborne  by  an  independent  European  community.     My 

exclusiveness  has  often  excited  your  vehement  indignation. 

Your  theory  was  right,  John.     But,  practically,  this  exclu- 

siveness had  its  uses.     There  was  a  traditional  interest  in 

India  —  a  traditional  kindness  for  the  people  kept  alive  in 

many  families.     It  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  a  young  see  R.  Kip- 

civilian  or  a  young  soldier,  on  landing  in  India,  to  be  met  ^xonibs^of  his 

by  one  of  the  native  servants  who  had  dandled  him  in  his  Ancestors. 

boyhood,  eager  to  see  "Harry  baba,"  and,  perhaps,  to  fol- 

low his  fortunes.     Youths  of  this  stamp,  born  in  India,  and 

taught  to  look  to  India  as  their  future  home,  if  not  some- 

what denationalised,  John,  were  at  all  events  less  encum- 

bered with  the  national  self-love  of  which  I  have  been 

speaking.     Their  good  English  spirit  did  not  teach  them 

to  hate  or  to  despise  the   "niggers."     They  had  learned 

better  thoughts  and  better  feelings  from  their  parents.     It 

is  not  from  the  mouth  of  the  "old  Indian,"  even  now,  that 

you  will  hear  the  people  of  India,  as  a  nation,  sweepingly 

condemned. 


44°  The   Empire 

Now,  what  I  am  afraid  of,  John,  is,  that  under  the  new 
system  a  new  race  of  men,  without  any  of  these  old  tradi- 
tions and  family  ties,  will  make  their  way  to  India,  with 
new  English  notions,  and  that  of  these  notions  one  of  the 
most  prominent  will  be  that  a  common  detestation  of  the 
natives  is  the  paramount  duty  of  every  Englishman.  It  is 
true  that  many  dire  atrocities  have  been  committed  during 
the  past  calamitous  year.  It  is  natural  that  we  should  hate 
these  iniquities,  or  even  the  perpetrators  of  these  iniquities; 
but  to  hate  a  whole  nation  is  a  very  different  thing.  When 
we  consider  the  immense  population  of  India,  and  the 
small  proportion  that  has  actually  risen  against  us,  we  can- 
not but  regard  the  active  hostility,  out  of  which  these  atroci- 
ties have  proceeded,  as  of  an  exceptional  character  —  why, 
then,  should  it  influence  our  feelings  towards  the  great 
mass  of  the  people?  I  confess,  John,  that,  in  spite  of  all 
that  has  happened,  I  have  a  kindness  towards  the  people 
of  India;  and  a  profound  conviction  that,  if  you  do  not 
entertain  similar  feelings  of  kindness,  you  will  never  be 
able  to  govern  the  country.  .  .  .  Mistrust  yourself,  then, 
John.  Think  whether  all  this  would  have  happened  in  India 
if  you  had  been  the  faultless  monster  which  you  believe 
yourself  to  be. 

But  I  am  not  going  to  open  old  sores,  John.  You  may 
have  been  to  blame  —  I  may  have  been  to  blame.  What 
it  most  behoves  us  now  to  regard  is  the  Future.  There  is 
an  evil,  and  a  remedy  must  be  applied.  But  what  is  that 
remedy  to  be?  I  know  that  you  are  ready  with  an  answer, 
John  —  "Anglicism;"  —  on  a  large  scale,  Anglicism;  — 
English  troops;  English  law;  English  language;  English 
religion;  English  everything.  Turn  your  millions  of  Hin- 
dostanee  subjects  into  Englishmen,  and  all  will  go  well. 
My  dear  John,  you  cannot  turn  them  into  Englishmen. 
You  must  be  content,  for  many  a  long  year,  to  see  them 
what  they  now  are.  Keep  back  from  Anglicism.  The  less 


John    Company's    Farewell      441 

obtrusive,  in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  that  you  make  it, 
the  better.  English  troops  you  must  have;  but  you  can 
never  hold  India  by  the  brute  force  of  English  troops.  It 
is  not  the  physical  strength,  it  is  the  moral  impression  of 
the  dominant  race  to  which  you  must  trust  for  the  retention 
of  your  hold  upon  the  country.  Nobly,  John  —  gloriously, 
John  —  have  you  shown  them,  during  this  last  calamitous 
year,  what  a  handful  of  this  dominant  race  can  do  against 
teeming  thousands  of  subject  mutineers.  Never  have  the 
fortitude,  the  perseverance,  the  indomitable  energy,  the 
mighty  patience  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  been  so  signally 
demonstrated  in  the  face  of  such  gigantic  difficulties.  And 
the  triumph,  which,  under  Providence,  will  ere  long  be 
complete,  may  make  you,  if  you  use  the  opportunity  wisely, 
even  stronger  than  before. 

Use  it,  then,  wisely.  Throw  away  utterly  the  thought  of 
ever  ruling  such  a  country  by  an  overawing  display  of  mili- 
tary force.  Having  exhausted  your  mother  country,  John, 
you  may  indent  upon  your  colonies  for  the  raw  material  of 
soldiers;  and  you  may  exert  yourself  to  keep  up  an  unex- 
tinguishable  hatred  between  race  and  race;  but,  relying 
upon  this,  John,  you  must  at  last  be  driven  into  the  sea. 
Keep  up  such  an  European  force  in  India  as  the  exigencies 
of  your  own  country  will  allow  you  to  do,  but  only  that 
your  clemency  may  not  be  misinterpreted  into  weakness. 
You  can  best  afford  to  be  merciful,  you  can  best  afford  to 
be  tolerant  and  conciliatory,  when  you  stand  in  such  an 
attitude  of  strength  that  mildness  cannot  be  mistaken  for 
cowardice,  or  forbearance  for  indecision.  Having  shown 
what  you  can  do,  John,  you  may  gain  credit  for  not  doing 
it  any  more.  Therefore,  I  say,  keep  up  your  military 
strength,  but  use  it  only  under  great  provocation.  .  .  . 

Now,  after  your  English  hatred,  John,  I  must  talk  to  you 
of  your  English  greed.  This  is  of  two  kinds  —  national 
and  personal.  I  grieve  to  say,  that  of  late  years,  under  my 


The   Empire 


rule,  there  has  sprung  up  a  class  of  Anglo-Indian  poli- 
ticians, hot  for  the  annexation,  the  absorption  of  the  native 
states,  who  believe  that  the  security  of  England  in  India 
lies  in  the  continual  extension  of  her  frontier.  Unhappily, 
John,  many  of  the  members  of  this  school  are  very  able 
men,  and  some,  too,  are  very  good  ones.  But,  believe  me, 
it  is  a  bad  school.  Its  theories  must  be  exploded,  its 
practice  must  be  reversed,  if  you  would  long  retain  your 
empire  in  the  East.  If  the  wishes  of  this  school  had  been 
fulfilled  —  if  its  advice  had  been  followed  —  no  human 
power  would  have  enabled  you  successfully  to  resist  the 
mutiny  of  the  Bengal  army.  Humanly  speaking,  John,  you 
have  been  saved  by  your  alliances  with  the  few  remaining 
native  states.  Let  the  few  which  now  remain,  remain  for 
ever.  Do  not  seek  to  weaken,  but  to  strengthen  them. 
Let  them  feel  that  the  main  source  of  their  stability  is  the 
permanence  of  your  rule.  Respect  their  rights;  tolerate 
their  failures;  and,  above  all,  do  not  test  them  with  the 
gauge  of  your  own  exclusive  theories.  .  .  . 

Stifle  that  cry  of  "  India  for  the  English."  Do  not  suffer 
the  doctrine  which  it  expresses  to  make  way,  any  more  in 
its  personal  than  in  its  national  acceptation.  Do  not  think 
that  the  country  was  given  to  us  only  as  an  outlet  for  Eng- 
lish enterprise  and  a  field  for  English  industry.  These 
things,  in  due  moderation,  may  be  advantageous  to  India; 
but  your  first  care  should  ever  be,  John,  the  employment 
of  the  people.  .  .  .  But  what  is  now  the  cry,  John? 
More  Englishmen.  Everywhere,  more  Englishmen  in  the 
public  service;  more  Englishmen  in  the  law-courts;  more 
Englishmen  to  develop  the  commercial  resources  of  the 
country,  and  even  to  become  possessors  of  the  soil.  But 
do  you  think,  John,  that  the  people  of  India  are  more  likely 
to  reconcile  themselves  to  your  rule,  when  they  find  that 
the  recent  crisis  has  only  given  an  increased  impulse  to  the 
usurpations  of  the  white  man;  that  the  subsiding  of  the 


John    Company's    Farewell      443 

waters  of  rebellion  will  be  followed  by  a  flooding  in  of 
hungry  Englishmen?  .  .  . 

And  now,  John,  hear  my  last  words.  I  commit  to  your 
hands  a  mighty  trust,  a  gigantic  responsibility.  The  task 
which  lies  before  you  is  self-imposed;  and  therefore  the 
greater  the  disgrace  of  failure.  You  have  forcibly  wrested 
from  me  the  empire  which  I  won  in  spite  of  myself.  No 
one,  with  any  knowledge  of  my  antecedents,  believes  that 
I  ever  desired  to  be  the  master  of  two  hundred  millions  of 
Asiatics.  In  the  old  times,  my  instructions  ever  were, 
"Do  not  fortify,  do  not  fight."  Circumstances  over  which 
I  had  no  control  compelled  my  servants  to  fortify  and  to 
fight,  and  so,  little  by  little,  my  empire  has  sprung  up,  and 
my  Government^  has  been  the  growth  of  circumstances. 
If  I  did  not  rule  my  empire  successfully,  there  was  little 
shame  in  my  want  of  success.  I  did  my  best  as  a  ruler, 
though  it  was  my  ambition  to  be  simply  a  trader.  You 
took  from  me  my  trade,  and  told  me  only  to  govern.  For 
a  quarter  of  a  century  I  have  given  myself  up  undividedly 
to  the  work  of  government;  and  now,  because  -that  has 
happened  to  me  which  has  happened  to  every  Indian  Gov- 
ernment, you  have  been  pleased  to  say  that  I  have  failed.* 
If  I  had  failed,  we  should  not  be  masters  of  India.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  The  empire  of  the  East  India  Company  is  a  great 
fact,  which  generation  after  generation,  in  every  quarter  of 
the  globe,  will  contemplate  with  reverential  wonder.  You 
may  keep  it,  or  you  may  lose  it,  John;  but  you  cannot  take 
from  me  the  glory  of  having  been,  under  Providence,  the 
founder  of  that  empire.  The  Past  is  everything  to  me;  the 
Future  is  everything  to  you.  Think  solemnly  upon  that 
Future.  Be  resolute;  be  calm.  Above  all,  resist  popular 
clamours  —  or  rather,  the  clamours  of  selfish  classes.  Do 
not  suffer  India  to  be  governed  by  a  series  of  concessions 
to  interested  cries.  You  have  a  hard  part  to  play,  John. 
Play  it  bravely.  Your  work,  for  some  time  to  come,  must 


444 


The   Empire 


be  a  work  of  continued  resistance.  Think,  in  quiet  hours, 
of  what  I  have  said  to  you ;  and  if  you  regard  my  counsel 
as  honestly  as  it  is  given  to  you,  be  sure  that  some  day  you 
will  bless  the  memory  of 

JOHN  COMPANY. 

Magazine,  September,  1858,  338-351  passim. 


By  JOHN 
BRIGHT 
(1811-1889), 
the  great 
peace  states- 
man of  the 
century,  and 
the  firs't  Prot- 
estant non- 
conformist 
to  become  a 
Minister  of 
the  crown 
since  the 
Restoration. 
Bright  did 
not  hesitate 
to  set  himself 
in  opposition 
to  the  pas- 
sions and 
prejudices  of 
his  country- 
men.    He 
entered  pub- 
lic life  in 
connection 
with  the 
Anti-Corn 
Law  League, 
he  opposed 
the  Crimean 
War,  he  up- 
held the 
North  in  the 
American 
Civil  War. 
"  He  was  the 
greatest 
master  of 
English  ora- 
tory that  this 


145.    The  "Trent"  Affair   (1861) 

Now  I  am  obliged  to  say  —  and  I  say  it  with  the  utmost 
pain  —  that  if  we  have  not  done  things  that  are  plainly 
hostile  to  the  North,  and  if  we  have  not  expressed  affection 
for  slavery,  and,  outwardly  and  openly,  hatred  for  the 
Union,  —  I  say  that  there  has  not  been  that  friendly  and 
cordial  neutrality  which,  if  I  had  been  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  I  should  have  expected;  and  I  say  further, 
that,  if  there  has  existed  considerable  irritation  at  that,  it 
must  be.  taken  as  a  measure  of  the  high  appreciation  which 
the  people  of  those  States  place  upon  the  opinion  of  the 
people  of  England.  If  I  had  been  addressing  this  audi- 
ence ten  days  ago,  so  far  as  I  know,  I  should  have  said  just 
what  I  have  said  now;  and  although,  by  an  untoward  event, 
circumstances  are  somewhat,  even  considerably,  altered, 
yet  I  have  thought  it  desirable  to  make  this  statement,  with 
a  view,  so  far  as  I  am  able  to  do  it,  to  improve  the  opinion 
of  England,  and  to  assuage  feelings  of  irritation  in  America, 
if  there  be  any,  so  that  no  further  difficulties  may  arise  in 
the  progress  of  this  unhappy  strife. 

But  there  has  occurred  an  event  which  was  announced  to 
us  only  a  week  ago,  which  is  one  of  great  importance,  and 
it  may  be  one  of  some  peril.  It  is  asserted  that  what  is 
called  'international  law'  has  been  broken  by  the  seizure 
of  the  Southern  Commissioners  on  board  an  English  trad- 


The   "Trent"   Affair       445 

ing  steamer  by  a  steamer  of  war  of  the  United  States,   generation 
Now,  what  is  international  law?     You  have  heard  that  the     ev 


opinions  of  the  law  officers  of  the  Crown  are  in  favour  of  erations  — 
this  view  of  the  case  —  that  the  law  has  been  broken.  I  _ 
am  not  at  all  going  to  say  that  it  has  not.  It  would  be 
imprudent  in  me  to  set  my  opinion  on  a  legal  question 
which  I  have  only  partially  examined,  against  their  opinion 
on  the  same  question,  which  I  presume  they  have  carefully 
examined.  But  this  I  say,  that  international  law  is  not  to 
be  found  in  an  act  of  Parliament  —  it  is  not  in  so  many 
clauses.  You  know  that  it  is  difficult  to  find  the  law.  I 
can  ask  the  Mayor,  or  any  magistrate  around  me,  whether 
it  is  not  very  difficult  to  find  the  law,  even  when  you  have 
found  the  act  of  Parliament,  and  found  the  clause.  But 
when  you  have  no  act  of  Parliament,  and  no  clause,  you 
may  imagine  that  the  case  is  still  more  difficult. 

Now,  maritime  law,  or  international  law,  consists  of 
opinions  and  precedents  for  the  most  part,  and  it  is  very 
unsettled.  The  opinions  are  the  opinions  of  men  of  dif- 
ferent countries,  given  at  different  times;  and  the  prece- 
dents are  not  always  like  each  other.  The  law  is  very 
unsettled,  and,  for  the  most  part,  I  believe  it  to  be  exceed- 
ingly bad.  In  past  times,  as  you  know  from  the  histories 
you  read,  this  country  has  been  a  fighting  country;  we  have 
been  belligerents,  and,  as  belligerents,  we  have  carried 
maritime  law,  by  our  own  powerful  hand,  to  a  pitch  that 
has  been  very  oppressive  to  foreign,  and  especially  so,  .to 
neutral  nations.  Well,  now,  for  the  first  time  unhappily, 
—  almost  for  the  first  time  in  our  history  for  the  last  two 
hundred  years,  —  we  are  not  belligerents,  but  neutrals; 
and  we  are  disposed  to  take,  perhaps,  rather  a  different 
view  of  maritime  and  international  law. 

Now,  the  act  which  has  been  committed  by  the  American 
steamer,  in  my  opinion,  whether  it  was  legal  or  not,  was 
both  impolitic  and  bad.  That  is  my  opinion.  I  think  it 


The   Empire 


The  Ameri- 
can Govern- 
ment disa- 
vowed the  act 
of  the  captain 
of  the  San 
yacinto,  and 
released  the 
captives. 


may  turn  out,  almost  certainly,  that,  so  far  as  the  taking 
of  those  men  from  that  ship  was  concerned,  it  was  an  act 
wholly  unknown  to,  and  unauthorized  by,  the  American 
Government.  And  if  the  American  Government  believe, 
on  the  opinion  of  their  law  officers,  that  the  act  is  illegal,  I 
have  no  doubt  they  will  make  fitting  reparation;  for  there 
is  no  Government  in  the  world  that  has  so  strenuously 
insisted  upon  modifications  of  international  law,  and  been 
so  anxious  to  be  guided  always  by  the  most  moderate  and 
merciful  interpretation  of  that  law. 

Now,  our  great  advisers  of  The  Times  newspaper  have 
been  persuading  people  that  this  is  merely  one  of  a  series 
of  acts  which  denote  the  determination  of  the  Washington 
Government  to  pick  a  quarrel  with  the  people  of  England. 
Did  you  ever  know  anybody  who  was  not  very  nearly  dead 
drunk,  who,  having  as  much  upon  his  hands  as  he  could 
manage,  would  offer  to  fight  everybody  about  him  ?  Do  you 
believe  that  the  United  States  Government,  presided  over 
by  President  Lincoln,  so  constitutional  in  all  his  acts,  so 
moderate  as  he  has  been  —  representing  at  this  moment 
that  great  party  in  the  United  States,  happily  now  in  the 
ascendancy,  which  has  always  been  especially  in  favour  of 
peace,  and  especially  friendly  to  England  —  do  you  believe 
that  such  a  Government,  having  now  upon  its  hands  an 
insurrection  of  the  most  formidable  character  in  the  South, 
would  invite  the  armies  and  the  fleets  of  England  to  com- 
bine with  that  insurrection,  and,  it  might  be,  to  render  it 
impossible  that  the  Union  should  ever  again  be  restored? 
I  say,  that  single  statement,  whether  it  came  from  a  public 
writer  or  a  public  speaker,  is  enough  to  stamp  him  for  ever 
with  the  character  of  being  an  insidious  enemy  of  both 
countries. 

Well,  now,  what  have  we  seen  during  the  last  week? 
People  have  not  been,  I  am  told  —  I  have  not  seen  much 
of  it  —  quite  as  calm  as  sensible  men  should  be.  Here  is 


The   "Trent"    Affair       447 

a  question  of  law.  I  \vi\\  undertake  to  say  that  when  you 
have  from  the  United  States  Government — if  they  think 
the  act  legal  —  a  statement  of  their  view  of  the  case,  they 
will  show  you  that,  fifty  or  sixty  years  ago,  during  the  wars 
of  that  time,  there  were  scores  of  cases  that  were  at  least  as 
bad  as  this,  and  some  infinitely  worse.  And  if  it  were  not 
so  late  to-night,  and  I  am  not  anxious  now  to  go  into  the 
question  further,  I  could  easily  place  before  you  cases  of 
extreme  outrage  committed  by  us  when  we  were  at  war,  and 
for  many  of  which,  I  am  afraid,  little  or  no  reparation  was 
offered.  But  let  us  bear  this  in  mind,  that  during  this 
struggle  incidents  and  accidents  will  happen.  Bear  in 
mind  the  advice  of  Lord  Stanley,  so  opportune  and  so 
judicious.  Do  not  let  your  newspapers,  or  your  public 
speakers,  or  any  man,  take  you  off  your  guard,  and  bring 
you  into  that  frame  of  mind  under  which  your  Government, 
if  it  desires  war,  may  be  driven  to  engage  in  it;  for  one 
may  be  almost  as  fatal  and  as  evil  as  the  other. 

What  can  be  more  monstrous  than  that  we,  as  we  call  our- 
selves, to  some  extent,  an  educated,  a  moral,  and  a  Chris- 
tian nation  —  at  a  moment  when  an  accident  of  this  kind 
occurs,  before  we  have  made  a  representation  to  the  Ameri- 
can Government,  before  we  have  heard  a  word  from  it  in 
reply  —  should  be  all  up  in  arms,  every  sword  leaping  from 
its  scabbard,  and  every  man  looking  about  for  his  pistols 
and  his  blunderbusses?  I  think  the  conduct  pursued  — 
and  I  have  no  doubt  just  the  same  is  pursued  by  a  certain 
class  in  America  —  is  much  more  the  conduct  of  savages 
than  of  Christian  and  civilized  men.  No,  let  us  be  calm. 
You  recollect  how  we  were  dragged  into  the  Russian  war  — 
how  we  'drifted  '  into  it.  You  know  that  I,  at  least,  have 
not  upon  my  head  any  of  the  guilt  of  that  fearful  war.  You 
know  that  it  cost  one  hundred  millions  of  money  to  this 
country;  that  it  cost  at  least  the  lives  of  forty  thousand  speeches 

,          ,  ,       against  the 

Englishmen;  that   it  disturbed  your  trade;  that  it  nearly   Crimean 


448  The   Empire 


War,  and        doubled  the  armies  of  Europe;  that  it  placed  the  relations 
lost  his  seat     of  jrurope  On  a  much  less  peaceful  footing  than  before ; 

in  Parliament 

because  of      and  that  it  did  not  effect  one  single  thing  of  all  those  that 
ion'        it  was  promised  to  effect. 

I  recollect  speaking  on  this  subject,  within  the  last  two 
years,  to  a  man  whose  name  I  have  already  mentioned,  Sir 
James  Graham,  in  the  House  of  Commons.  He  was  a 
Minister  at  the  time  of  that  war.  He  was  reminding  me 
of  a  severe  onslaught  which  I  had  made  upon  him  and  Lord 
Palmerston  for  attending  a  dinner  at  the  Reform  Club  when 
Sir  Charles  Napier  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
Baltic  fleet;  and  he  remarked,  'What  a  severe  thrashing '  I 
had  given  them  in  the  House  of  Commons!  I  said,  'Sir 
James,  tell  me  candidly,  did  you  not  deserve  it?  '  He  said, 
'Well,  you  were  entirely  right  about  that  war;  we  were 
entirely  wrong,  and  we  never  should  have  gone  into  it ! ' 
And  this  is  exactly  what  everybody  will  say,  if  you  go  into 
a  war  about  this  business,  when  it  is  over.  When  your 
sailors  and  soldiers,  so  many  of  them  as  may  be  slaughtered, 
are  gone  to  their  last  account;  when  your  taxes  are  in- 
creased, your  business  permanently  —  it  may  be  —  injured, 
and  when  embittered  feelings  for  generations  have  been 
created  between  America  and  England  —  then  your  states- 
men will  tell  you  that  Sve  ought  not  to  have  gone  into  the  war.' 

But  they  will  very  likely  say,  as  many  of  them  tell  me, 
'What  could  we  do  in  the  frenzy  of  the  public  mind?' 
Let  them  not  add  to  the  frenzy,  and  let  us  be  careful  that 
nobody  drives  us  into  that  frenzy.  Remembering  the  past, 
remembering  at  this  moment  the  perils  of  a  friendly  people, 
and  seeing  the  difficulties  by  which  they  are  surrounded, 
let  us,  I  entreat  of  you,  see  if  there  be  any  real  moderation 
in  the  people  of  England,  and  if  magnanimity,  so  often  to 
be  found  amongst  individuals,  is  absolutely  wanting  in  a 
great  nation.  .  .  . 
John  Bright,  Speech  on  the  "  Trent "  Affair  at  a  Public  Banquet, 


A    Recantation 


449 


Rochdale,  Dec.  4,  1861  (James  E.  Thorold  Rogers,  Speeches 
on  Questions  of  Public  Policy  by  John  Bright,  M.  P.,  London, 
1868,  188-193). 


146.    A  Recantation   (1865) 

You  lay  a  wreath  on  murdered  Lincoln's  bier, 
You,  who  with  mocking  pencil  wont  to  trace, 

Broad  for  the  self-complacent  British  sneer, 

His  length  of  shambling  limb,  his  furrowed  face, 

His  gaunt,  gnarled  hands,  his  unkempt,  bristling  hair, 
His  garb  uncouth,  his  bearing  ill  at  ease, 

His  lack  of  all  we  prize  as  debonair, 

Of  power  or  will  to  shine,  of  art  to  please. 

You  whose  smart  pen  backed  up  the  pencil's  laugh, 
Judging  each  step,  as  though  the  way  were  plain : 

Reckless,  so  it  could  point  its  paragraph, 
Of  chief's  perplexity,  or  people's  pain. 

Beside  this  corpse,  that  bears  for  winding-sheet 
The  Stars  and  Stripes  he  lived  to  rear  anew, 

Between  the  mourners  at  his  head  and  feet, 
Say,  scurril-jester,  is  there  room  for  you  ? 

Yes,  he  had  lived  to  shame  me  from  my  sneer, 
To  lame  my  pencil  and  confute  my  pen  — 

To  make  me  own  this  hind  of  princes  peer, 
This  rail-splitter  a  true-born  king  of  men. 

My  shallow  judgment  I  had  learnt  to  rue, 
Noting  how  to  occasion's  height  he  rose, 

How  his  quaint  wit  made  home-truth  seem  more  true, 
How,  iron-like,  his  temper  grew  by  blows. 

2G 


ANONY- 
MOUS.   The 
London 
Punch,  like 
many  of  the 
English 
papers, 
underwent 
several 
changes  of 
feeling  in  the 
course  of  the 
American 
Civil  War. 
At  the  outset 
it  was  dis- 
posed to  be 
friendly  to 
the  North. 
Later  it  took 
an  attitude 
that  was  un- 
sympathetic 
toward  both 
sides.   What- 
ever words  of 
praise  it  had 
to  bestow 
were  for  the 
South.    For 
the  North  it 
had  nothing 
but  contempt 
and  criticism. 
Its  attacks 
were  directed 
especially 
against  Lin- 
coln.    Before 
the  close  its 
'tone  began 
to  change. 
Its  final  posi- 
tion is  well 
shown  here. 


45 o  The   Empire 

How  humble  yet  how  hopeful  he  could  be : 

How  in  good  fortune  and  in  ill  the  same : 
Nor  bitter  in  success,  nor  boastful  he, 

Thirsty  for  gold,  nor  feverish  for  fame. 

He  went  about  his  work  —  such  work  as  few 
Ever  had  laid  on  head  and  heart  and  hand  — 

As  one  who  knows,  where  there's  a  task  to  do, 

Man's  honest  will  must  Heaven's  good  grace  command; 

Who  trusts  the  strength  will  with  the  burden  grow, 
That  God  makes  instruments  to  work  his  will, 

If  but  that  will  we  can  arrive  to  know, 

Nor  tamper  with  the  weights  of  good  and  ill. 

So  he  went  forth  to  battle,  on  the  side 

That  he  felt  clear  was  Liberty's  and  Right's, 

As  in  his  peasant  boyhood  he  had  plied 

His  warfare  with  rude  Nature's  thwarting  mights  — 

The  uncleared  forest,  the  unbroken  soil, 

The  iron-bark,  that  turns  the  lumberer's  axe, 

The  rapid,  that  o'erbears  the  boatman's  toil, 

The  prairie,  hiding  the  mazed  wanderer's  tracks, 

The  ambushed  Indian,  and  the  prowling  bear  — 
Such  were  the  needs  that  helped  his  youth  to  train : 

Rough  culture  —  but  such  trees  large  fruit  may  bear 
If  but  their  stocks  be  of  right  girth  and  grain. 

So  he  grew  up,  a  destined  work  to  do, 

And  lived  to  do  it :  four  long-suffering  years' 

Ill-fate,  ill-feeling,  ill-report,  lived  through, 
And  then  he  heard  the  hisses  change  to  cheers, 


A    Recantation  45  i 

The  taunts  to  tribute,  the  abuse  to  praise, 

And  took  both  with  the  same  unwavering  mood : 

Till,  as  he  came  on  light,  from  darkling  days, 

And  seemed  to  touch  the  goal  from  where  he  stood, 

A  felon  hand,  between  the  goal  and  him, 

Reached  from  behind  his  back,  a  trigger  prest,  — 

And  those  perplexed  and  patient  eyes  were  dim, 
Those  gaunt,  long-labouring  limbs  were  laid  to  rest ! 

The  words  of  mercy  were  upon  his  lips, 
Forgiveness  in  his  heart  and  on  his  pen, 

When  this  vile  murderer  brought  swift  eclipse 
To  thoughts  of  peace  on  earth,  good-will  to  men. 

The  Old  World  and  the  New,  from  sea  to  sea, 
Utter  one  voice  of  sympathy  and  shame ! 

Sore  heart,  so  stopped  when  it  at  last  beat  high, 
Sad  life,  cut  short  just  as  its  triumph  came. 

A  deed  accurst !     Strokes  have  been  struck  before 
By  the  assassin's  hand,  whereof  men  doubt 

If  more  of  horror  or  disgrace  they  bore; 

But  thy  foul  crime,  like  Cain's,  stands  darkly  out, 

Vile  hand,  that  brandest  murder  on  a  strife, 

Whate'er  its  grounds,  stoutly  and  nobly  striven; 

And  with  the  martyr's  crown  crownest  a  life 
With  much  praise,  little  to  be  forgiven! 

Anonymous,  Punch,  May  6,  1865. 


45 2  The   Empire 


BytheRT.  1 47.    Imperial   Federation   (1875) 

FORSTER. 

See  No.  137.  .  e  e  My  answer  is  this,  —  I  believe  that  our  union  with 
punng  the  our  Colonies  will  not  be  severed,  because  I  believe  that  we 

last  twenty- 
five  years  the   and  they  will  more  and  more  prize  this  union,  and  become 

fora^doser  convinced  that  it  can  be  preserved  only  by  looking  forward 
union  be-  to  association  on  equal  terms;  in  other  words,  I  believe 

tween  Eng-  *-.'«•  «•«-!•  -n  i          -i  i 

land  and  her  that  our  Colonial  Empire  will  last,  because,  no  longer  striv- 
CteadiieS  baS  *n&  to  ru^e  our  Colonies  as  dependencies  when  they  become 
gained  strong  enough  to  be  independent,  we  shall  welcome  them 

this'subject,11  as  our  partners  in  a  common  and  mighty  Empire.  But  if 
see  G.  Par-  this  be  all  I  have  to  say,  why,  I  may  be  asked,  come  here 
Federation.  at  all?  Who  talks  now  of  casting  off  the  Colonies?  What 
more  popular  cry  at  present  than  the  preservation  of  our 
Colonial  Empire?  Some  twelve  years  ago,  it  is  true,  a 
voice  from  Oxford  declared  this  Empire  to  be  an  illusion 
for  the  future  —  a  danger  to  the  present;  but  Professor 
Goldwin  Smith  has  gone  to  Canada,  and  his  eloquent  argu- 
ments for  disruption  have  as  little  convinced  the  Canadians 
as  ourselves.  .  .  .  There  are  some  persons,  perhaps  not 
so  many  as  a  few  years  ago,  who  both  desire  and  expect 
separation.  But  are  there  not  very  many  who,  though  they 
do  not  desire  it,  expect  that  it  will  come,  first  or  last, 
sooner  or  later  —  the  later,  indeed,  the  better;  but  who  look 
forward  to  Canada  choosing  to  leave  us  — •  to  Australia  and 
New  Zealand  and  South  Africa,  one  after  the  other,  declar- 
ing their  independence;  who,  in  a  word,  believe  that  the 
children,  when  grown  to  full  manhood,  will  set  up  house 
for  themselves  ?  .  .  .  I  could  quote  many  authorities  in 
support  of  this  assertion  had  I  time  or  were  it  necessary  to 
do  so,  but  I  think  it  will  hardly  be  disputed  that  this 
expectation  does  generally  underlie  the  discussions  between 
those  who  would  and  those  who  would  not  take  immediate 
steps  to  hasten  its  fulfilment.  For  instance,  Mr.  Goldwin 


Imperial    Federation       453 

Smith,  in  the  book  in  which  he  republishes  his  letters  on 
this  subject  to  the  Daily  News,  is  able  to  show  that  The 
Times  in  one  of  its  leaders,  concludes  an  able  reply  to  his 
argument  for  disruption  by  telling  the  people  of  the  Colo- 
nies that  "  we  do  not  pretend  to  deny  that  the  time  must 
come  when  they  will  no  longer  require  our  aid,  and  when 
it  will  be  better  for  both  that  they  should  set  up  for  them- 
selves." .  .  .  This  expectation  is  no  new  notion.  It  was 
well  expressed  in  1856  by  Mr.  Arthur  Mills,  in  his  preface 
to  his  informing  "Outlines  of  Colonial  Constitutions." 
"To*  ripen  these  Constitutions,"  he  says  —  that  is,  our 
Colonies  —  "  to  the  earliest  possible  maturity,  social,  politi- 
cal, and  commercial  —  to  qualify  them,  by  all  the  appli- 
ances within  the  reach  of  the  parent  State,  for  present 
self-government  and  eventual  independence  —  is  now  the 
universally  admitted  aim  of  our  Colonial  policy."  .  .  . 

The  duty  of  the  day  to  our  Colonial  fellow-men  is  clear 
enough;  but  to  me,  at  least,  it  is  easier  to  fulfil  this  duty 
in  a  hopeful  rather  than  in  a  desponding  spirit;  and  if  I 
agreed  with  the  writer  of  The  Times  in  his  anticipations  I 
admit  that  I  should  lend  a  willing  ear  to  the  arguments 
which  that  writer  was  answering.  And,  indeed,  this  is  one 
of  those  anticipations,  one  of  those  prophecies,  which 
fulfil  themselves.  Ideas  are  the  rulers  of  the  world.  First 
or  last  they  realize  themselves,  and  become  the  facts  of 
history.  If,  then,  it  is  to  be  the  prevalent  idea  in  the 
minds  of  English-speaking  men  at  home  and  abroad,  that 
each  Colony  must  become  an  independent  nation  when  it  has 
become  powerful  enough  to  protect  itself,  we  may  at  once 
try  to  reconcile  ourselves  to  the  inevitable;  give  up  the  hope 
of  continuing  to  girdle  the  world  with  our  possessions; 
strive  to  convince  ourselves  that  this  hope  is  a  foolish 
dream,  that  this  boasted  rule  is  but  a  vain  show  —  a  sacri- 
fice of  the  reality  of  power  to  the  pretence  of  prestige,  and 
concentrate  all  our  endeavours  in  the  attempt  to  propitiate 


454  The   Empire 

the  new  nations,  and  obtain  from  them  friendly  considera- 
tion, as  one  by  one  they  assert  their  independence,  or,  as 
it  were,  take  up  their  nationality.  But  suppose  that,  in 
place  of  this  idea,  there  comes  to  prevail  another  and  a 
very  different  idea  —  namely,  this:  that  our  Colonies,  when 
strong  enough  to  be  independent,  will  yet  be  stronger, 
more  rich,  more  intelligent,  able  to  be  better,  if  still  in 
union  with  ourselves;  that  their  inhabitants  will  have 
greater  opportunities,  a  wider  scope,  a  possibility  of  a 
higher  career,  if  continuing  our  fellow-countrymen;  that 
in  order  to  fulfil  all  the  duties  of  free  and  civilized  and 
self-governing  men  they  need  not  cease  to  be  British  citi- 
zens; that  they  may  have  all  the  advantages  of  a  nation- 
ality without  disowning  their  allegiance,  and  that  as  they 
increase  in  strength  and  power  so  also  shall  we.  If  this, 
I  say,  become  the  prevalent  idea,  then  this  will  be  the  idea 
that  will  realize  itself,  and  our  Colonial  Empire  may  and 
will  last.  .  .  . 

And  this  brings  us  to  the  practical  question  —  are  there 
any  means  by  which  it  is  possible  that  these  future  Com- 
monwealths when  no  longer  dependent,  can  be  united  with 
us  and  with  one  another?  I  may  hasten  at  once  to  try  to 
answer  this  question;  for  if  it  can  be  answered,  that  argu- 
ment will  be  also  met  which  I  have  already  mentioned  — 
namely,  that  separation  would  stimulate  the  colonies  to 
greater  progress  and  would  increase  their  self-reliance. 
Surely  it  cannot  be  denied  that  if  it  be  possible  to  replace 
dependence  by  association,  each  member  of  the  federation 
would  find  in  the  common  nationality  at  least  as  much 
scope  for  its  aspirations,  as  much  demand  for  the  patriot- 
ism and  the  energy  and  the  self-reliance  of  its  citizens,  as 
it  would  if  trying  to  obtain  a  distinct  nationality  for 
itself. 

But  is  this  federation  possible?  There  are  many  even  of 
those  who  desire  it  who  think  that  it  is  not.  This  opinion 


Imperial    Federation       455 

chiefly  depends  upon  the  difficulties  of  distance.  If,  how- 
ever, these  difficulties  have  not  prevented  the  government  of 
a  colony  from  England,  why  must  they  prevent  the  associa- 
tion of  self-governing  communities  with  England?  .  .  . 
But  the  geographical  argument,  I  am  well  aware,  cannot  be 
quite  so  easily  disposed  of.  It  would  not  be  stating  it 
fairly  to  make  it  depend  solely  upon  the  length  of  interven- 
ing miles  between  the  several  regions.  It  is  said  that  the 
difference  in  local  circumstances  will  produce  such  a  disa- 
greement in  institutions  and  social  arrangements  as  would 
make  any  political  connexion  undesirable.  To  this  remark 
I  can  only  reply  that  as  yet  this  disagreement  is  not  appar- 
ent, that  the  enormous  majority  of  colonists  themselves  dis- 
claim it,  and  that  I  can  see  no  ground  for  believing  in  any 
irresistible  tendency  to  its  development.  .  .  . 

And  now,  if  any  one  of  you  has  followed  me  thus  far  in 
the  line  of  thought  which  I  have  taken,  he  will,  I  think,  be 
ready  with  the  question,  If  you  think  the  future  association 
possible,  if  you  see  no  insuperable  physical  or  moral  bar 
to  prevent  it,  in  what  way  do  you  expect  it  to  be  formed; 
what  kind  of  federation  do  you  propose  ?  My  reply  is,  I 
am  ready  with  no  proposition.  I  believe  any  precise 
proposition  would  be  premature;  and  for  this  reason  —  that 
as  yet  no  change  in  our  relations  is  necessary.  As  Mr. 
Arthur  Mills  stated  in  the  passage  I  have  already  quoted, 
"The  present  principle  of  our  colonial  policy  is  to  ripen 
these  communities  to  the  earliest  possible  maturity;  "  and 
when  they  have  obtained  this  maturity  it  will  be  for  us  and 
for  them  to  consider  what,  under  the  circumstances  then 
existing,  will  be  the  best  bond  of  union.  All  that  is 
required  now  is  to  imbue  them  and  ourselves  with  the 
desire  that  the  union  should  last,  with  the  determination 
that  the  Empire  shall  not  be  broken  up;  to  replace  the  idea 
of  eventual  independence,  which  means  disunion,  by  that 
of  association  on  equal  terms,  which  means  union.  If  this 


456 


The   Empire 


be  done  we  need  not  fear  that,  at  the  fitting  time,  this  last 
idea  will  realize  itself.  .  .  . 

Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Forster,  Address  to  the  Edinburgh  Philosophi- 
cal Institution,  London  Times,  Nov.  6,  1875. 


By  GEORGE 
WARRING- 
TON  STEEV- 
ENS  (1869- 
1900) ,  jour- 
nalist and 
war  corre- 
spondent. 
His  short, 
brilliant 
career  ended 
at  Ladysmith, 
where  he  died 
of  fever  dur- 
ing the  siege, 
leaving  his 
last  work, 
From  Cape- 
town to 
Ladysmith, 
to  be  given  to 
the  world  by 
another 
hand. 


148.    The  Sirdar   (1898) 

Major-General  Sir  Horatio  Herbert  Kitchener  is  forty- 
eight  years  old  by  the  book;  but  that  is  irrelevant.  He 
stands  several  inches  over  six  feet,  straight  as  a  lance,  and 
looks  out  imperiously  above  most  men's  heads;  his  motions 
are  deliberate  and  strong;  slender  but  firmly  knit,  he  seems 
built  for  tireless,  steel-wire  endurance  rather  than  for  power 
or  agility:  that  also  is  irrelevant.  Steady,  passionless  eyes 
shaded  by  decisive  brows,  brick-red  rather  full  cheeks,  a 
long  moustache  beneath  which  you  divine  an  immovable 
mouth;  his  face  is  harsh,  and  neither  appeals  for  affection 
nor  stirs  dislike.  All  this  is  irrelevant  too :  neither  age, 
nor  figure,  nor  face,  nor  any  accident  of  person,  has  any 
bearing  on  the  essential  Sirdar.  You  could  imagine  the 
character  just  the  same  if  all  the  externals  were  different. 
He  has  no  age  but  the  prime  of  life,  no  body  but  one  to 
carry  his  mind,  no  face  but  one  to  keep  his  brain  behind. 
The  brain  and  the  will  are  the  essence  and  the  whole  of  the 
man  —  a  brain  and  a  will  so  perfect  in  their  workings  that, 
in  the  face  of  extremest  difficulty,  they  never  seem  to  know 
what  struggle  is.  You  cannot  imagine  the  Sirdar  otherwise 
than  as  seeing  the  right  thing  to  do  and  doing  it.  His 
precision  is  so  inhumanly  unerring,  he  is  more  like  a 
machine  than  a  man.  You  feel  that  he  ought  to  be  patented 
and  shown  with  pride  at  the  Paris  International  Exhibition. 
British  Empire :  Exhibit  No.  i,  hors  concours,  the  Sudan 
Machine. 


The   Sirdar  457 

It  was  aptly  said  of  him  by  one  who  had  closely  watched 
him  in  his  office,  and  in  the  field,  and  at  mess,  that  he  is 
the  sort  of  feller  that  ought  to  be  made  manager  of  the 
Army  and  Navy  Stores.  The  aphorist's  tastes  lay  perhaps 
in  the  direction  of  those  more  genial  virtues  which  the 
Sirdar  does  not  possess,  yet  the  judgment  summed  him  up 
perfectly.  He  would  be  a  splendid  manager  of  the  Army 
and  Navy  Stores.  There  are  some  who  nurse  a  desperate 
hope  that  he  may  some  day  be  appointed  to  sweep  out  the 
War  Office.  He  would  be  a  splendid  manager  of  the  War 
Office.  He  would  be  a  splendid  manager  of  anything. 

But  it  so  happens  that  he  has  turned  himself  to  the  man- 
agement of  war  in  the  Sudan,  and  he  is  the  complete  and 
the  only  master  of  that  art.  Beginning  life  in  the  Royal 
Engineers  —  a  soil  reputed  more  favourable  to  machinery 
than  to  human  nature  —  he  early  turned  to  the  study  of  the 
Levant.  He  was  one  of  Beaconsfield's  military  vice- 
consuls  in  Asia  Minor;  he  was  subsequently  director  of 
the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
Sudan  troubles  he  appeared.  He  was  one  of  the  original 
twenty-five  officers  who  set  to  work  on  the  new  Egyptian 
army.  And  in  Egypt  and  the  Sudan  he  has  been  ever  since 
—  on  the  staff  generally,  in  the  field  constantly,  alone  with 
natives  often,  mastering  the  problem  of  the  Sudan  always. 
The  ripe  harvest  of  fifteen  years  is  that  he  knows  everything 
that  is  to  be  learned  of  his  subject.  He  has  seen  and 
profited  by  the  errors  of  others  as  by  their  successes.  He 
has  inherited  the  wisdom  and  the  achievements  of  his 
predecessors.  He  came  at  the  right  hour,  and  he  was  the 
right  man. 

.  .  .  The  Sirdar  is  never  in  a  hurry.  With  immovable 
self-control  he  holds  back  from  each  step  till  the  ground  is 
consolidated  under  the  last.  The  real  fighting  power  of 
the  Sudan  lies  in  the  country  itself  —  in  its  barrenness 
which  refuses  food,  and  its  vastness  which  paralyses  trans- 


458  The   Empire 

port.  The  Sudan  machine  obviates  barrenness  and  vast- 
ness  :  the  bayonet  action  stands  still  until  the  railway  action 
has  piled  the  camp  with  supplies  or  the  steamer  action  can 
run  with  a  full  Nile.  Fighting  men  may  chafe  and  go 
down  with  typhoid  and  cholera :  they  are  in  the  iron  grip 
of  the  machine,  and  they  must  wait  the  turn  of  its  wheels. 
Dervishes  wait  and  wonder,  passing  from  apprehension  to 
security.  The  Turks  are  not  coming:  the  Turks  are  afraid. 
Then  suddenly  at  daybreak  one  morning  they  see  the  Sirdar 
advancing  upon  them  from  all  sides  together,  and  by  noon 
they  are  dead.  Patient  and  swift,  certain  and  relentless, 
the  Sudan  machine  rolls  conquering  southward. 

In  the  meantime,  during  all  the  years  of  preparation  and 
achievement,  the  man  has  disappeared.  The  man  Herbert 
Kitchener  owns  the  affection  of  private  friends  in  England 
and  of  old  comrades  of  fifteen  years'  standing;  for  the  rest 
of  the  world  there  is  no  man  Herbert  Kitchener,  but  only 
the  Sirdar,  neither  asking  affection  nor  giving  it.  His 
officers  and  men  are  wheels  in  the  machine :  he  feeds  them 
enough  to  make  them  efficient,  and  works  them  as  merci- 
lessly as  he  works  himself.  He  will  have  no  married  officers 
in  his  army  —  marriage  interferes  with  work.  Any  officer 
who  breaks  down  from  the  climate  goes  on  sick  leave  once : 
next  time  he  goes,  and  the  Egyptian  army  bears  him  on  its 
strength  no  more.  Asked  once  why  he  did  not  let  his 
officers  come  down  to  Cairo  during  the  season,  he  replied, 
"If  it  were  to  go  home,  where  they  would  get  fit  and  I 
could  get  more  work  out  of  them,  I  would.  But  why  should 
I  let  them  down  to  Cairo?"  It  is  unamiable,  but  it  is 
war,  and  it  has  a  severe  magnificence.  And  if  you  suppose, 
therefore,  that  the  Sirdar  is  unpopular,  he  is  not.  No 
general  is  unpopular  who  always  beats  the  enemy.  When 
the  columns  move  out  of  camp  in  the  evening  to  march  all 
night  through  the  dark,  they  know  not  whither,  and  fight  at 
dawn  with  an  enemy  they  have  never  seen,  every  man  goes 


The   Funeral   of  Gordon      4.59 

forth  with  a  tranquil  mind.  He  may  personally  come  back 
and  he  may  not;  but  about  the  general  result  there  is  not  a 
doubt.  .  .  .  Other  generals  have  been  better  loved,  none 
was  ever  better  trusted. 

...  So  far  as  Egypt  is  concerned  he  is  the  man  of 
destiny  —  the  man  who  has  been  preparing  himself  sixteen 
years  for  one  great  purpose.  For  Anglo-Egypt  he  is  the 
Mahdi,  the  expected;  the  man  who  has  sifted  experience 
and  corrected  error;  who  has  worked  at  small  things  and 
waited  for  great;  marble  to  sit  still  and  fire  to  smite; 
steadfast,  cold,  and  inflexible;  the  man  who  has  cut  out 
his  human  heart  and  made  himself  a  machine  to  retake 
Khartum. 

G.  W.  Steevens,  With  Kitchener  to  Khartum  (Edinburgh  and 
London,  1898),  45-52. 


140.    The  Funeral  of  Gordon   (1808)       By  GEORGE 

WARRING- 
TON  STEEV- 
...  It  was  Sunday  morning,  and  that  furious  Friday   ENS.    See 

seemed  already  half  a  lifetime  behind  us.    The  volleys  had      °' I4  ' 
dwindled  out  of  our  ears,  and  the  smoke  out  of  our  nostrils; 
and  to-day  we  were  going  to  the  funeral  of  Gordon.     After 
nearly  fourteen  years  the  Christian  soldier  was  to  have  - 
Christian  burial. 

On  the  steamers  there  was  a  detachment  of  every  corps, 
white  or  black  or  yellow,  that  had  taken  part  in  the  ven- 
geance. Every  white  officer  that  could  be  spared  from  duty 
was  there,  fifty  men  picked  from  each  British  battalion, 
one  or  two  from  each  unit  of  the  Egyptian  army.  That  we 
were  going  up  to  Khartum  at  all  was  evidence  of  our 
triumph;  yet,  if  you  looked  about  you,  triumph  was  not 
the  note.  The  most  reckless  subaltern,  the  most  barbarous 
black,  was  touched  with  gravity.  We  were  going  to  per- 


460 


The   Empire 


Killed 
December, 
1899,  at 
Magers- 
fontein. 


form  a  necessary  duty,  which  had  been  put  off  far,  far  too 
long. 

Fourteen  years  next  January  —  yet  even  through  that 
humiliating  thought  there  ran  a  whisper  of  triumph.  We 
may  be  slow ;  but  in  that  very  slowness  we  show  that  we  do 
not  forget.  Soon  or  late,  we  give  our  own  their  due. 
Here  were  men  that  fought  for  Gordon's  life  while  he 
lived,  —  Kitchener,  who  went  disguised  and  alone  among 
furious  enemies  to  get  news  of  him;  Wauchope,  who  poured 
out  his  blood  like  water  at  Tamai  and  Kirbekan;  Stuart- 
Wortley,  who  missed  by  but  two  days  the  chance  of  dying 
at  Gordon's  side.  And  here,  too,  were  boys  who  could 
hardly  lisp  when  their  mothers  told  them  that  Gordon  was 
dead,  grown  up  now  and  appearing  in  the  fulness  of  time 
to  exact  eleven  thousand  lives  for  one.  Gordon  may  die 
—  other  Gordons  may  die  in  the  future  —  but  the  same 
clean-limbed  brood  will  grow  up  and  avenge  them. 

.  .  .  The  Guards  were  playing  the  Dead  March  in 
"Saul."  Then  the  black  band  was  playing  the  march 
from  Handel's  "Scipio,"  which  in  England  generally  goes 
with  "Toll  for  the  Brave";  this  was  in  memory  of  those 
loyal  men  among  the  Khedive's  subjects  who  could  have 
saved  themselves  by  treachery,  but  preferred  to  die  with 
Gordon.  Next  fell  a  deeper  hush  than  ever,  except  for 
the  solemn  minute-guns  that  had  followed  the  fierce  salute. 
Four  chaplains  —  Catholic,  Anglican,  Presbyterian,  and 
Methodist  —  came  slowly  forward  and  ranged  themselves, 
with  their  backs  to  the  palace,  just  before  the  Sirdar.  The 
Presbyterian  read  the  Fifteenth  Psalm.  The  Anglican  led 
the  rustling  whisper  of  the  Lord's  Prayer.  Snow-haired 
Father  Brindle,  best  beloved  of  priests,  laid  his  helmet  at 
his  feet,  and  read  a  memorial  prayer  bare-headed  in  the 
sun.  Then  came  forward  the  pipers  and  wailed  a  dirge, 
and  the  Sudanese  played  "Abide  with  me."  Perhaps 
lips  did  twitch  just  a  little  to  see  the  ebony  heathens  fer- 


A  Warning  461 

vently  blowing  out  Gordon's  favourite  hymn;  but  the  most 
irresistible  incongruity  would  hardly  have  made  us  laugh 
at  that  moment.  And  there  were  those  who  said  the  cold 
Sirdar  himself  could  hardly  speak  or  see,  as  General  Hunter 
and  the  rest  stepped  out  according  to  their  rank  and  shook 
his  hand.  What  wonder?  He  has  trodden  this  road  to 
Khartum  for  fourteen  years,  and  he  stood  at  the  goal  at  last. 
Thus  with  Maxim-Nordenfeldt  and  Bible  we  buried  Gor- 
don after  the  manner  of  his  race.  The  parade  was  over, 
the  troops  were  dismissed,  and  for  a  short  space  we  walked 
in  Gordon's  garden.  Gordon  has  become  a  legend  with 
his  countrymen,  and  they  all  but  deify  him  dead  who 
would  never  have  heard  of  him  had  he  lived.  But  in  this 
garden  you  somehow  came  to  know  Gordon  the  man,  not 
the  myth,  and  to  feel  near  to  him.  Here  was  an  English- 
man doing  his  duty,  alone  and  at  the  instant  peril  of  his 
life;  yet  still  he  loved  his  garden.  .  .  . 

G.  W.  Steevens,  With  Kitchener  to  Khartum  (Edinburgh  and 
London,  1898),  310-315. 


ico.    A  Warning   (1800)  BytheRr. 

HON.  JOHN 

MORLEY 

...   I  ask,  with  the  experience  of  India  before  you,  do   (1838-       ), 
you  suppose  for  one  moment  that  you  will  be  able  to  keep  editor.'and 
your  dominions  as  if  they  were  enclosed  in  a  ring  fence?  foremost  of 
We  have  all  been  reading  within  the  last  few  days  about  statesmen, 
the  movements  of  the  Khalifa.     You  will  see  that  circum- 
stances make  it  almost  impossible  for  you  to  remain  within 
your  ring  fence.     It  is  no  secret  that  there  are  powerful 
men  in  more  than  one  quarter  who  announce  that  they 
would  like  to  go  south  of  Khartoum.     It  is  no  secret  that 
there  are  some  who  would  like  to  go  as  far  as  Uganda. 
[Ministerial  cheers,  and  cries  of  "To  Cape  Town  !  "]    Yes, 


462  The   Empire 


Sir  Michael  that  is  excellent !  I  notice  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
10  '  does  not  cheer  and  barely  smiles.  If  you  surfer  a  good 
deal  from  a  Forward  Party  in  India,  do  you  suppose  you 
are  not  going  to  have  a  Forward  Party  in  Africa?  You 
have  it  now.  I  should  like  to  remind  these  Gentlemen 
who  are  looking  forward  with  such  enthusiasm  to  going  to 
Uganda  and  to  carrying  the  Queen's  dominions  there,  that 
we  shall  be  responsible  for  the  administration  of  Uganda. 
They  say  —  "  If  we  have  done  well  in  India,  why  should  we 
not  do  equally  well  in  Africa?"  [Ministerial  cheers.] 
Those  cheers  show  how  necessary  it  is  for  even  responsible 
politicians  to  discriminate.  I  would  like  to  point  out 
three  distinct  differences  between  India  and  this  new 
Empire  that  you  prppose  to  set  up  at  the  Equator.  You 
have  not  a  strong  natural  frontier  as  India  has.  I  do  not 
quite  know  whether  we  shall  be  told  what  the  Government 
reckons  their  frontier  to  be,  but  I  will  undertake  to  say  it 
is  not  a  strong  natural  frontier  such  as  India  possesses. 
You  have  not,  in  the  second  place,  a  comparatively  civilised 
and  settled  population,  but  you  have  vast  hordes  of  savages; 
and,  thirdly,  your  dominions  would  be  coterminous  at  point 
after  point  with  Powers  who  may  or  may  not  be  your  friends. 
You  will  have  the  most  difficult  of  tasks  in  keeping  the 
peace  on  your  boundaries  and  frontiers,  and  everybody  who 
gives  the  slightest  consideration  to  it  will  perceive  that  the 
conditions  under  which  the  Government  of  India  subsists 
and  carries  on  its  beneficent  work  are  not  one  of  them 
realised  in  the  case  of  the  new  India  you  are  going  to  set 
up  at  the  Equator.  You  take  Uganda.  You  are  going  to 
undertake  reponsibilities  for  Uganda.  As  for  that  transac- 
tion I  have  not  the  slightest  desire  to  avoid  my  own  share, 
for  it  was  done  by  the  Cabinet  of  which  I  had  the  honour 
to  be  a  Member.  But  what  has  happened?  At  this 
moment  there  is  an  Estimate  before  the  House  for 
^500.000  or  something  like  that,  for  Uganda.  Do  you 


A   Warning    ••  463 

suppose  that  next  year  you  will  not  be  coming  down  with 
another  Supplementary  Estimate  for  the  trouble  —  if  you 
are  going  to  pay  for  it — in  your  newly  acquired  dominion? 
Our  experience  in  Uganda  and  the  experience  of  the  King 
of  the  Belgians  in  the  Congo  States  show  that  all  these 
anticipations  that  you  will  have  quiet  in  your  ring  fence  in 
civilising  and  humanising  these  wretched  savages  is  a 
dream  of  the  most  fatuous  kind.  I  am  going  to  quote 
from  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  a  passage  as  to 
which  I  am  in  profound  accord  with  him  — 

"  I  think  we  shall  be  wiser  if  we  attempt  rather  to  develop  what  we 
have  already  acquired  than  to  attempt  to  add  still  further  to  the  extent  of 
our  Empire.  Every  extension  of  our  Empire  means  an  extension  of  our 
Army  and  possibly  of  our  Navy.  Our  Navy  may  be  increased  indefinitely, 
subject  to  the  supply  of  seamen,  but  our  Army  is  not  capable  under  our 
present  system  of  indefinite  extension.  Therefore,  we  are  endeavour- 
ing, as  far  as  we  can,  to  utilise  our  subject  races.  That  is  an  excellent 
and  successful  policy,  but  it  is  not  a  policy  which  is  capable  of  indefi- 
nite expansion,  because  it  will  be  a  bad  day  for  this  country  if  we  trust 
for  the  maintenance  of  our  Empire  and  our  power  to  foreign  mer- 
cenaries rather  than  to  our  own  troops." 

That  was  a  speech  delivered  a  day  or  two  before  this  new 
annexation,  and  I  quote  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
not  in  any  way  to  annoy  him,  but  because  he  says  better 
and  with  more  authority  than  I  have  exactly  what  I  think. 
I  wonder  what  we  are  doing  in  Uganda?  Are  those  British 
troops?  They  are  our  own  troops  in  one  sense,  but  are 
they  not  exactly  the  kind  of  troops  the  right  honourable 
Gentleman  meant  when  he  spoke  of  "foreign  merce- 
naries"? I  consider  that  will  be,  indeed,  a  bad  day,  as 
the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  said.  Even  those  who 
know  less  history  than  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
does,  are  aware  that  if  there  is  one  lesson  that  history 
teaches  more  constantly  and  more  impressively  than  an- 
other it  is  that  when  an  empire  or  kingdom  relies,  not  upon 
its  own  people,  but  on  bands  of  foreign  mercenaries,  its 


464  The   Empire 

decline  and  fall  may  not  be  rapid,  but  it  is  sure.  There 
is  one  other  remark  1  should  like  to  make  touching  a  simi- 
lar point,  and  I  do  not  think  it  is  unworthy  the  attention  of 
such  a  practical  body  as  the  House  of  Commons  is.  Is  it 
good  to  extend  these  areas  of  your  dominion  which  are 
only  capable  of  being  governed  by  despotic  rulers?  I 
cannot  think  that  it  is  good.  It  cannot  be  good  for  the 
ruler;  it  cannot  be  good  for  national  character;  it  cannot 
be  good  for  the  maxims  and  principles  of  free  government. 
When  you  annex  this  great  new  territory  you  must  recog- 
nise the  fact  that  you  cannot  set  up  a  Parliament  in  the 
Soudan.  You  must  govern  it  by  a  ruler  practically  despotic, 
though,  I  hope,  with  pretty  firm  and  stiff  instructions  and 
supervision  from  this  country.  But  however  all  this  may 
be,  by  the  step  that  you  have  taken,  depending  as  it  does 
upon  despotic  rule,  calling  as  it  does  for  enormous  expen- 
diture, involving  as  it  does  the  use  of  troops  which  are  not 
British,  you  are  unconsciously  —  and  history  will  mark  us 
as  having  done  it  —  transforming  the  faces  and  conditions 
of  your  Empire.  There  is  one  other  point.  Last  night 
the  Under  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  addressed 
a  political  gathering.  He  said  that  in  1896  the  Opposi- 
tion was  entirely  against  Soudan  advance,  but  that  now, 
with  few  exceptions,  the  Opposition  joined  the  government 
in  regard  to  the  effects  of  that  advance.  I  am  not  so  sure 
of  that.  Then  the  right  honourable  Gentleman  went  on  to 
say  — 

"  What  the  members  of  such  a  club  as  he  was  addressing  could 
well  do  in  the  constituencies  was  to  make  the  people  understand  that 
Imperialism  could  not  be  run  on  the  cheap." 

I  would  say  that  these  sixty  gentlemen  who  constitute 
the  club  in  question  could  probably  do  no  more  foolish  or 
unwise  thing  in  the  world  than  go  down  to  the  constitu- 
encies and  tell  them  they  had  a  Government  which  was  an 


Quid   Leone   Fortius       465 

Imperialist  Government,  but  that  they  were  to  understand 
it  was  not  to  be  run  on  the  cheap.  I  would  venture  to  say 
that  the  sixty  gentlemen  would  not  have  to  work  very  hard, 
because  the  tax  collector  is  a  more  telling  missionary  of 
that  gospel,  and  they  will  learn  from  the  tax  collector, 
before  they  are  much  older,  that  Imperialism  cannot  be  run 
on  cheap  lines.  The  right  honourable  Gentleman  in  the 
same  speech  said  — 

"  If  we  pay  for  it  now,  we  might  depend  upon  it  that  posterity  would 
reap  the  benefit." 

I  am  quite  sure  if  the  sixty  gentlemen  should  go  to  the 
constituencies  with  the  lesson  which  the  right  honourable 
Gentleman  has  put  into  their  lips,  they  will  return  to 
London  in  a  much  less  festive  humour  than  they  were  in, 
apparently,  last  night.  Political  friends  of  my  own  are 
constantly  discussing  what  is  to  be  the  issue  at  the  next 
election.  Some  say  it  will  be  on  the  Irish  question,  others 
on  the  House  of  Lords,  and  others  on  Protestantism. 
My  own  idea  is  becoming  very  clear  that  it  will  be 
expenditure.  .  .  . 

Rt.  Hon.  John  Morley,  Debate  on  the  Army  Supplementary 
Estimates,  House  of  Commons,  February  24,  1899  (Hansard, 
Parliamentary  Debates,  LXVII,  466-469). 


i  c  i .    Quid  Leone  Fortius  ?Y  R.  j. 

•j  ALEX- 

The  night  is  full  of  darkness  and  doubt, 

The  stars  are  dim  and  the  Hunters  out :  ecywas^il- 

The  waves  begin  to  wrestle  and  moan;  filled  in  the 

The  Lion  stands  by  his  shore  alone  response  of 

And  sends,  to  the  bounds  of  Earth,  and  Sea,  jn  tne  gouth 

First  low  notes  of  the  thunder  to  be.  African  crisis. 

Then  East  and  West,  through  the  vastness  grim, 
The  whelps  of  the  Lion  answer  him. 
The  London  Spectator,  May  21,  1898. 


INDEX 


[The  names  of  the  authors  of  extracts  are  in  boldface.     The  titles  of  the  pieces  are  in 
SMALL  CAPITALS.    The  titles  of  books  cited  are  in  italics.} 


A  BEATS  of  the  Cistercian  Order,  78. 

•**•  Aberdeen,  Lord.  See  Gordon,  Sir 
Arthur. 

Absalom  and  Achitophel,  quoted  from,  277. 

Agriculture,  among  the  early  Germans,  n; 
in  the  tenth  century,  28 ;  the  failure  of 
crops  under  Stephen,  53 ;  again  in  1257, 
83;  the  manorial  system  under  Edward  II, 
ico ;  injured  by  wool-growing,  188  ;  legis- 
lation for  its  protection,  190;  in  the  Reign 
of  Queen  Mary,  197;  in  the  Virginia 
Colony,  217;  in  1629,  223. 

A  Histoty  of  England,  xx. 

Alexander,  R.  J.,  QUID  LEONE  FORTIUS, 
contributed  to  the  London  Spectator,  May 
21,  1898,465. 

ALFRED  AND  THE  DANES  (871-878),  21. 

ALFRED'S  DOOMS,  17. 

Alfred  in  the  Chronicles,  xxiii. 

American  Government  and  the  "  Trent  " 
affair  (1861),  446. 

ANARCHY,  the,  51. 

Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  England,  20. 

Angles  and  Normans  compared,  41-43. 

Annual  Parliaments,  petitioned  for  by  the 
Chartists,  389. 

Anonymous.  THE  LAMENT  OF  EARL 
SIMON,  86;  Political  Songs,  89;  THE 
LIBEL  OF  ENGLISH  POLICY,  112;  Polit- 
ical Poems  and  Songs,  113;  THE  BATTLE 
OF  TOWTON  (1461),  121 ;  Archalogia, 
122;  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION 
UNDER  EDWARD  VI  (1547),  146;  Chron- 
icle of  the  Grey  Friars  of  London,  148 ; 


HENRY  VII  AND  THE  EARL  OF  KIL- 
DARE,  186;  Book  of  Howth,  188;  A 
FAMOUS  SCENE  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  COM- 
MONS (1629),  219;  Archalogia,  222;  THE 
RIVALRY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  HOLLAND 
(1653),  254;  Collection  of  Mate  Papers, 
256;  THE  MASSACRE  OF  GLENCOE, 
(1692),  292;  Clarendon  Historical  Society 
Publications,  297;  A  BURLESQUE  BILL  OF 
COSTS  FOR  A  TORY  ELECTION,  715 ;  The 

Flying  Post,  715  ;  DUNNING'S  MOTION  ON 

THE  POWER  OF  THE  CROWN  (1780),  308; 
The  New  Annual  Register,  313 ;  BURKE 
AND  THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION  (1791), 
363;  Parliamentary  History,  365;  JOHN 
COMPANY'S  FAREWELL  TO  JOHN  BULL 
(1858),  437;  Blackwood's  Magazine,  444  ; 
A  RECANTATION  (1865),  449;  Punch,  451. 

Anthony,  Lord  Ashley,  later  Earl  of 
Shaftesbury,  THE  CHILDREN  IN  THE 
COAL  MINES  (1842),  401 ;  Speeches,  406. 

APOLOGY  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS 

(1604),    212. 

Apulia,  the  kingdom  of,  82. 

Arber,  English  Reprints,  xxii. 

Arch,  Joseph,  THE  REVOLT  OF  HODGE, 
(1872),  419;  The  Story  of  his  Life, 
422. 

Archbishop,  of  Canterbury,  52 ;  at  the  time 
of  the  Peasants'  Rising,  108  ;  of  Messina, 
sent  by  the  Pope  to  extort  moneys  from  re- 
ligious houses,  79;  of  York,  35,  131. 

Army,  the,  its  early  equivalent,  3 ;  among 
the  Germans,  58  ;  of  Alfred,  23 ;  of  Ethel- 


467 


468 


Index 


red,  31 ;  of  Harold,  39;  of  Henry  II,  64; 
the  Barons',  74 ;  of  Edward,  85  ;  of  Earl 
Simon,  85 ;  of  Scotland,  92;  at  Crecy,  93  ; 
at  Towton,  121;  at  Barnet,  126;  main- 
tenance of,  in  France,  137;  in  1554,  151; 
lacks  a  leader,  153 ;  of  Mary  Queen  of 
Scots,  163;  the  Self-denying  Ordinance, 
242;  at  Naseby,  245;  at  Blenheim,  339; 
in  India,  342;  in  Canada,  345;  in  New 
England,  355 ;  at  Waterloo,  375,  378 ;  at 
Balaklava,  428-431 ;  in  India,  435,  442;  in 
the  Sudan,  456,  459;  and  expansion,  463. 

Asser,  ALFRED  AND  THE  DANES,  21 ; 
De  Rebus  Gestis  sElfredi  Magni,  24. 

Athelstan,  in  the  battle  of  Brunanburh,  24. 

ATTEMPTED  ARREST  OF  THE  FIVE  MEM- 
BERS (1642),  237. 

B/EDA,  THE  COMING  OF  THE  ANGLES 
AND  SAXONS,  12;  CONVERSION  OF 
EDWIN,  KING  OF  THE  NORTHUMBRIANS, 
14;  Historla  Ecclesiastica  Gentis  Anglo- 
rum,  13,  16. 

Baillie,  Robert,  THE  IMPEACHMENT  OF 
STRAFFORD  (1640-1641),  232;  Letters 
and  "Journals,  235. 

Ball,  John,  leader  in  the  Peasants'  Rising,  107. 

Barlow,  William,  JAMES  I  AT  THE  HAMP- 
TON COURT  CONFERENCE  (1604),  209; 
The  Summe  and  Substance  of  the  Confer- 
ence at  Hampton  Court,  211. 

Barons,  the,  at  St.  Edmund's,  72;  demand 
confirmation  of  the  Charter  of  Henry  I, 
72;  at  Winchester,  73;  truce,  73;  at 
Brackley,  74;  siege  of  Northampton,  75; 
supported  by  London,  75 ;  in  conference 
with  the  king,  77 ;  cession  of  Charter  to, 
77 ;  return  to  London,  78. 

Barnard,  P.,  THE  CONQUEST  OF  IRELAND 
IN  THE  REIGN  OF  HENRY  THE  SECOND, 
62;  Strong-bow's  Conquest  of  Ireland  (horn 
the  Latin  of  Cambrensis),  65. 

Barnet,  the  battle  of,  126. 

Barons'  War,  the,  74,  84. 

BATTLE  OF  BARNET,  THE  (1471),  126. 

BATTLE  OF  BLENHEIM,  THE  (1704),  339. 

BATTLE  OF  BRUNANBURH  (937),  24;  Anglo- 
Saxon  Chronicle,  28. 


!  BATTLE  OF  CRECY,  THE  (1346),  93. 
BATTLE  OF  EVESHAM  (1265),  84. 
BATTLE  OF  QUEBEC,  THE  (1759),  345. 
BATTLE  OF  TOWTON,  THE  (1461),  121. 
j  BATTLE  OF  WATERLOO  (1815),  375. 
Battles, other, Balaklava  (1854),  427;  Naseby 

(1645),  245. 

Beauchamp,  William  de,  75. 
Becket,  Thomas,  and  King  Henry,  59 ;  and 

the  Primacy,  60. 

BEGINNING  OF  STRIFE  (1454),  118. 
Bengal,  Clive's  Policy  in,  342;  criticism  of, 

362. 
Bible  in  English,  contradictory  orders  as  to, 

144,  145. 

Bibliographies  of  Sources,  xx. 
Birmingham  Riots,  the  (1791),  365. 
Bishop  of  Ely,  the,  rejected  by  Henry  III, 

79- 

Bishops  and  prelates,  witnesses  to  the  Charter 
of  Henry  1, 51 ;  imprisoned  and  robbed  by 
Stephen,  52 ;  in  the  Barons'  War,  72-78  ; 
make  a  large  grant  to  Henry  III,  82;  in 
Parliament,  90;  the  Cardinal  of  York,  130; 
preach  against  images,  146 ;  at  the  Hamp- 
ton Court  Conference,  209;  attempt  to 
force  the  English  Service  Book  on  Scot- 
land, 228,  230;  Petition  of  the  Seven 
Bishops,  284;  Trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops, 
285. 

Black  Prince,  the,  93. 

Blakman,  John,  KING  HENRY  VI,  114; 
De  Virtutibus  et  Mlraculis  Henrici  VI, 
116. 

Bohn  Library,  The,  xxii. 

Bonaparte,    Napoleon,    372;    at   Waterloo, 

375- 

Border  robbers,  Queen  Margaret's  adven- 
tures among,  124. 

Bosham,  Herbert,  THOMAS  AND  THE  PRI- 
MACY, 60;  among  Materials  for  the 
History  of  Thomas  Becket,  61. 

Bowles,  Sir  George,  THE  BATTLE  OF 
WATERLOO  (1815),  375;  Letters  of  the 
First  F.arl  of  Malmesbury,  379. 

Bright,  John,  The  "Trent"  Affair  (1861), 
W\  ;  Speeches  on  Questions  of  Public  Policy, 
449- 


Asser  —  Clans 


469 


Britain,  its  boundaries,  etc.,  i ;  origin  of  its 
inhabitants,  2 ;  military  customs,  3 ;  climate 
and  products,  3 ;  Roman  governors  of,  4 ; 
neglect  of,  by  Rome,  4. 

BRITISH  ISLES  IN  THE  FIRST  CENTURY,  i. 

BURGHLEY    TO   ELIZABETH   ON    MATTERS 

OF  STATE  (circ.  1583),  169. 

Burke,  Edmund,  THE  POSITION  OF  A  REP- 
RESENTATIVE (1774),  305;  Speech  to 
the  Electors  of  Bristol,  308;  his  "  Remon- 
strance," 355 ;  BURKE  AND  THE  FRENCH 
REVOLUTION  (1791),  363;  breaks  with 
Fox,  364;  quoted  by  Gladstone,  392. 

BURLESQUE  BILL  OF  COSTS  FOR  A  TORY 
ELECTION  (1715),  298. 

Burnet,  Gilbert,  THE  FIVE  MILE  ACT 
(1665),  268;  History  of  his  Own  Times, 
270. 

Burt,  Capt.  Edmund,  THE  HIGHLANDERS 
(circ.  1730),  329;  Letters  from  the  North 
of  Scotland,  333. 

pAMBRENSIS,  GIRALDUS,  THE  CON- 
^  QUEST  OF  IRELAND  IN  THE  REIGN  OF 

HENRY  THE  SECOND,  62;   Expugnatio 

HibernicB,  65.     See  Barnard. 
Cambridge  and  Eton,  endowment  of  colleges 

at,  114. 
Canada   during  the  American  Revolution, 

358. 

Canute,  a  letter  from,  to  the  English  church 
and  people,  35 ;  his  visit  to  Rome,  35. 

Cardinal  Wolsey,  xxii. 

Carew,  Sir  Edmond,  193 ;  Sir  Peter,  193 ;  Sir 
William,  193. 

Cassell's  National  Library ,  xxii. 

Catherine,  Empress  of  Russia,  refuses  to  aid 
George  III  during  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, 358. 

CATHOLIC  EMANCIPATION  (1808),  314. 

Catholics,  and  the  Cavalier  Parliament,  276; 
satirized  by  Dryden,  279;  Emancipation 

of,  314-  393- 

Cavalier  Parliament,  the,  276. 

Cecil,  Lord  Burghley,  BURGHLEY  TO 
ELIZABETH  ON  MATTERS  OF  STATE, 
169;  Advice  to  Queen  Elizabeth  in  Mat- 
ters of  Religion  and  State,  172. 


Charles  of  Bohemia,  95. 

Charles  I,  THE  EARL  OF  STRAFFORD,  235 ; 
The  Earl  of  Strafford's  Letters  and  De- 
spatches, 236;  letter  to  the  House  of  Lords, 
236;  Attempt  to  arrest  the  Five  Members, 
238 ;  at  the  battle  of  Naseby,  245 ;  his 
death-warrant,  249. 

Charles  II,  the  Restoration  of,  265  ;  his  dogs, 
268 ;  during  the  Great  Fire  in  London, 
272 ;  alluded  to,  275 ;  address  of  the  Cava- 
lier Parliament  to,  276 ;  satirized  by  Dry- 
den,  278. 

Charles  IV,  Emperor,  95. 

Charles  V,  Emperor,  alluded  to,  136,  139, 
144. 

CHARTER  OF  HENRY  I  (noo),  known  as 
the  Charter  of  Liberties,  49,  72-74. 

CHARTIST  PETITION,  A  (1838),  387. 

Chastellain,  George,  QUEEN  MARGARET'S 
STORY  OF  HER  ADVENTURES  (1463), 
123 ;  Chronicle,  125. 

Chatham,  defences  of,  against  the  Dutch,  274. 

CHILDREN  IN  THE  COAL  MINES  (1842), 
401. 

Chronicles  as  valuable  sources,  xxii. 

Church,  the  English,  established  by  Paulinus, 
14 ;  spread  by  Alfred,  24 ;  named  in 
Ethelred's  Coronation  Oath,  30;  its  in- 
fluence in  1027,  35,  36;  its  property  in  the 
Great  Survey,  44 ;  respected  by  William, 
47 ;  its  rights  under  the  charter  of  Henry  I, 
49;  importance  of  the  See  of  St.  Paul, 
London,  65 ;  levies  on  by  Pope  and  king 
in  1257,  78-81 ;  Wycliffe's  answer  to  the 
Pope's  summons,  no;  contradictory 
legislation  as  to  the  use  of  the  Bible  by, 
145 ;  Protestant  Revolution  under  Edward 
VI  in,  146 ;  opposing  the  growth  of  Popery, 
276;  Catholic  Emancipation,  314;  John 
Wesley,  333. 

Churchill,  John,  A  FAREWELL  LETTER  TO 
THE  KING  (1688),  288;  A  Collection  of 
Papers  Relating  to  the  Present  Juncture 
of  Affairs  in  London,  vS,*)-,  THE  BATTLE 
OF  BLENHEIM  (1704),  339;  Memoirs  of 
the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  341. 

Churchill,  Lord  Randolph,  alluded  to,  399. 

Clans  of  Scotland,  the,  329. 


470 


Index 


CLARE  ELECTION,  THE  (1828),  381. 

Clergy,  the  English,  letter  of  Canute  to,  35 ; 
state  of,  at  the  Norman  Conquest,  42  ;  their 
part  in  the  winning  of  the  Magna  Carta, 
72-78;  the  Cistercian  Abbats  and  Henry 
III,  78;  the  monks  of  Ely,  79;  of  St. 
Albans, 79;  granted  full  Episcopal  powers 
during  the  Plague,  103;  at  the  Hampton 
Court  Conference,  209 ;  the  Five  Mile  Act, 
269;  cooperation  during  the  Famine  in 
Ireland,  416. 

Clive,  Robert,  later  Lord  Clive,  PLASSEY 
(1757),  342;  Memoirs  of  Lord  Clive,  345. 

CLOTH  MARKET  AT  LEEDS,  THE  (1725), 
321. 

Cobden,  Richard,  and  the  Anti-Corn  Law 
League,  407. 

Coifi,  conversion  of,  15. 

College  Endowments  by  Henry  VI,  114. 

Collieries  and  Mines,  labourers  in  (1842), 
401-403;  condition  of  these  labourers, 
403-406. 

Colonial  Constitutions,  by  Arthur  Mills,  453. 

Colonial  Policy,  England's  true,  454. 

COLONIAL  SCHEME  OF  OLIVER  CROM- 
WELL, A  (1656),  260. 

Colonies,  the  value  of,  423  ;  no  advantage 
to  the  parent  country,  424 ;  sources  of  loss 
rather  than  gain,  426  ;  another  view,  452 ; 
constitutions  of,  453;  duties  of  England 
to,  454;  dangers  of  expansion  in,  461. 

COMING  OF  THE  ANGLES  AND  SAXONS 
(circ.  450),  12. 

COMMONWEALTH  AND  EUROPE,  THE 
(1654),  257. 

Comparison  of  English  and  Normans  at  the 
Conquest,  43. 

CONCERNING  THE  KEEPING  OF  THE 
QUEEN  OF  SCOTS  (1569),  164. 

Conciliation  of  American  Colonies  sup- 
ported by  William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham, 
350. 

Concord,  attack  on  British  troops  at,  356. 

CONFESSION  OF  DEFEAT,  A  (1782),  359. 

CONQUERED  AND  CONQUERORS  (1066),  41. 

CONQUEST  OF  IRELAND  IN  THE  REIGN  OF 
HENRY  II,  62. 

Conrad  the  Emperor,  35. 


Consecration  of  William  the  Norman,  41. 

CONVERSION  OF  EDWIN,  KING  OF  THE 
NORTHUMBRIANS,  14. 

Cooper,  Anthony  Ashley.     See  Shaftesbury. 

Corboil,  William,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 52. 

Correr,  Giovanni,  MARY  STUART'S  ESCAPE 
FROM  LOCHLEVEN  (1568),  161 ;  Giovanni 
Correr,  Venetian  Ambassador  in  Prance  to 
the  Signory  {Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Venetian),  164. 

CORN  LAWS,  THE,  406. 

Costume  and  occupations  of  Henry  VI, 
"S, 

Cottier's  Services  in  the  tenth  century,  29. 

Council  of  the  Birmingham  Union,  A 
CHARTIST  PETITION  (1838),  387;  History 
of  the  Chartist  Movement,  391. 

Crecy,  the  battle  of,  93. 

CRITICISM  OF  ENGLISH  POLICY  IN  INDIA 
(1783),  360. 

CROMWELL  AND  THE  LONG  PARLIAMENT 
(1653),  251 ;  CROMWELL  (1658),  263. 

Cromwell,  Gregory,  195. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  TOLERATION  IN  THE 
ARMY  (1643),  240;  THE  COMMON- 
WEALTH AND  EUROPE  (1654),  257; 
Letters  and  Speeches,  241,  260;  his  Self- 
denying  Ordinance,  243;  at  Naseby,  246; 
in  the  Long  Parliament,  251 ;  Marvel's 
Ode  to,  263;  satirized  by  Dryden,  278. 

Cromwell,  Thomas,  A  DISCUSSION  OF 
ENGLAND'S  FOREIGN  POLICY  (1523), 
136;  A  Speech  Delivered  in  Parliament, 
140;  father  of  Gregory,  196. 

CUSTOMARY  TENANT  IN  THE  REIGN  OF 
EDWARD  II,  A,  100. 

DANES   in  conflict  with  Alfred,  21;  with 
Ethelred,  31. 

David  the  Bruce,  at  Neville's  Cross,  97. 
DEATH  OF  CHARLES  I  (1649),  250. 
DEATH-WARRANT  OF   CHARLES   I,   THE 

(1649),  249. 
DEBATE  ON  THE  "WILKES"  CASE  (1764), 

299. 
Debenham,   Tymperley,    White,    Jenney, 

TAMPERING  WITH  JURIES  AND  ELEC- 


Clare  —  Edwin 


471 


TIONS   UNDER    HENRY    VI,    117;    Paston 

Letters,  118. 

Decay  of  the  English  before  the  Conquest,  42. 
DECLARATION  OF  REBELLION,  A   (1688), 

289. 
DEFENCES  OF  ENGLAND   (1554),  151;  in 

1603,  208. 
Defoe,  Daniel,  THE  CLOTH  MARKET  AT 

LEEDS  (1725),  321;    Tour  through.   Great 

Britain,  324. 
Diaries  and  Personal   Records  as  valuable 

sources,  xxii. 
Diary  of  Samuel  Pepys,  xxii. 

DISCUSSION  OF  ENGLAND'S  FOREIGN  POL- 
ICY (1523),  136. 

Discussions  of  Source  Study,  xviii. 

DISSOLUTION  OF  PARLIAMENT  (1831), 384; 
in  1629,  222. 

Documents  Contemporary,  TREATY  BE- 
TWEEN CHARLES  THE  GREAT  AND  OFFA 
(circ.  795),  16;  ALFRED'S  DOOMS,  17; 
CORONATION  OATH  OF  ETHELRED  II 
(979),  30;  THE  CHARTER  OF  HENRY  I 
(noo),  49;  SUMMONS  TO  THE  PARLIA- 
MENT OF  1295,  89;  A  CUSTOMARY  TEN- 
ANT IN  THE  REIGN  OF  EDWARD  II,  100; 
A  POLITICAL  FAST  (1562),  153;  EXECU- 
TION OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  SCOTS,  173 ;  A 

LAW  AGAINST  THE   KEEPING  OF  SHEEP 

(1534),  190;  A  PRAYER  FOR  LANDLORDS, 
193 ;  APOLOGY  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  COM- 
MONS (1604),  212;  THE  DEATH-WAR- 
RANTOFCHARLESl  (1649), 249;  CHARLES 
II  AND  HIS  DOGS  (1660),  268;  PARLIA- 
MENT AND  THE  CATHOLICS  (1673),  276; 
RECORD  OF  THE  POPISH  PANIC  (1679), 
283 ;  PETITION  OF  THE  SEVEN  BISHOPS 
(1688) ,  284 ;  A  DECLARATION  OF  REBEL- 
LION (1688),  289;  A  CONFESSION  OF 
DEFEAT  (1782)  ;  Parliamentary  History, 
360. 

Documents  of  the  Puritan  Rebellion,  xxi. 

Dowes,  Henry,  to  Cromwell,  195. 

D'Oyley,  Col.  Charles,  at  Naseby,  248. 

Drake,  Hawkins,  and  Howard,  THE  FIGHT 
WITH  THE  ARMADA  (1588),  178;  State 
Papers  relating  to  the  Defeat  of  the  Spanish 
Armada,  184. 


Drake,  Sir  Francis,  to  Secretary  Walsyng- 
ham  about  the  Armada,  179;  alluded  to, 
1 80. 

Dryden,  John,  THE  WHIGS  AND  THE  EX- 
CLUSION BILL  (1680),  277;  Absalom  and 
Achitophel,  Poetical  Works,  282. 

Dudley,  Lord  Robert,  Earl  of  Leicester,  155. 

DUES  AND  SERVICES  FROM  THE  LAND  IN 
THE  TENTH  CENTURY,  28. 

Dunkirk,  naval  battle  off  of,  254. 

Dunning,  John,  later  Lord  Ashburton,  309. 

DUNNING'S  MOTION  ON  THE  POWER  OF 
THE  CROWN  (1780),  308. 

DUTCH  IN  THE  THAMES,  THE  (1667),  274. 

CARLY  GERMANS,  THE,  4. 

L*  East  India  Company,  alluded  to,  230, 
426;  its  farewell  to  John  Bull,  437-444. 

Eclipse  of  the  sun,  51. 

Edmund,  in  the  battle  of  Brunanburh,  24. 

Edmund,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  90. 

Edmund,  son  of  Henry  III,  80. 

Edric,  of  Mercia,  32. 

Education,  of  the  early  German  youth,  12; 
schools  in  London  (1173),  67;  endow- 
ment of  colleges  by  Henry  VI,  114;  of 
schoolboys  in  Tudor^  times,  193,  195;  in 
1629,  224 ;  winning  the  Degree  of  Bachelor 
of  Arts,  335. 

Edward,  Prince  of  Wales,  son  of  Henry  VI, 
118;  alluded  to  in  Queen  Margaret's 
story,  123. 

Edward,  the  laws  and  liberties  of,  73. 

Edward  I,  son  of  Henry  III,  84;  supports 
his  father  in  the  Barons'  War,  85;  SUM- 
MONING OF  PARLIAMENT  OF  1295,  89: 
Select  Charters  (Stubbs),  91. 

Edward  II,  A  Tenant  in  the  Reign  of,  100. 

Edward  III,  in  the  battle  of  Crecy,  95 ; 
alluded  to,  97, 100, 108 ;  his  proclamations 
to  labourers,  104. 

Edward  IV,  son  of  Richard,  Duke  of  York, 
alluded  to  as  Earl  of  March,  119;  as  Rose 
of  Rone,  121 ;  in  the  battle  of  Barnet,  126. 

Edward  VI,  the  Protestant  Revolution  under, 
146;  his  queen,  148;  alluded  to,  210. 

Edwin,  King  of  the  Northumbrians,  his  con- 
version, 14. 


472 


Index 


Egbert,  the  stone  of,  23. 

Elections,  tampering  with,  under  Henry  VI, 
117. 

Eliot,  Sir  John,  leader  in  the  Second  Parlia- 
ment of  Charles  I,  220. 

Eliott,  Sir  Thomas,  ambassador  to  the 
Emperor  Charles  V,  144. 

Elizabeth  and  Mary  Stuart  (1564),  155; 
compared  by  Sir  James  Melville,  158;  the 
arguments  for  and  against  keeping  Mary 
Stuart  prisoner,  164-168. 

Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,  A  SPEECH 
OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH  (1566),  160;  Speech 
of  Queen  Elizabeth  to  Parliament  (1566), 
161;  alluded  to,  164,  229;  a  letter  to, 
from  Lord  Burghley,  169. 

Elizabethan  and  Jacobean  Pamphlets,  xxi. 

ELIZABETHAN  HOMES,  201. 

Empire,  responsibilities  of  the  extension  of, 
462. 

England  and  the  Danes,  21 ;  under  Angevin 
rule,  56,  66;  under  the  Conqueror,  44;  in 
1257,  78;  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary, 
197. 

English  History  by  Contemporary  Writers, 
xxi,  xxii. 

Epistolce  of  Peter  of  Blois,  58. 

Equality,  the  doctrine  of,  preached  by  John 
Ball,  107. 

Erasmus,  Desiderius,  SIR  THOMAS  MORE, 
132 ;  Letter  from  Erasmus  to  Ulrich  von 
Hutten,  136. 

ESTRANGEMENT  OF  THE  KING  AND  THE 
NATION,  209. 

Ethelred,  his  Coronation  Oath,  30;  and  the 
Danes,  31. 

Evelyn,  John,  THE  DUTCH  IN  THE  THAMES 
(1667),  274;  THE  TRIAL  OF  THE  SEVEN 
BISHOPS  (1668),  285;  Diary  and  Corre- 
spondence, 275,  288. 

EXECUTION  OF  SIR  THOMAS  MORE,  THE 
(1535),  140. 

EXECUTION  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  SCOTS,  THE 
(1586)  173. 

Expugnatio  Hibernice,  62,  65. 

Extortion,  of  money  from  the  English 
church  by  the  Pope,  36,  79;  of  taxes 
under  William  I,  46. 


FAIRFAX,  SIR  THOMAS,  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  New  Model  Army,  245. 

Fairness,  judicial,  fostered  by  source  study, 
xviii. 

Famine,  the,  of  1087,  45;  in  Ireland  (1846 
and  1847) ,  414. 

FAMOUS  SCENE,  A,  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  COM- 
MONS (1629),  219. 

FAREWELL  LETTER  TO  THE  KING,  A 
(1688),  288. 

Federation,  Colonial,  454. 

FIGHT  WITH  THE  ARMADA  (1588),  178. 

Fire  in  London,  the  Great,  270;  the  monu- 
ment to,  ascribing  it  to  a  Popish  Plot,  283. 

Fitz-Stephen,  William,  THE  FRIENDSHIP 
OF  KING  HENRY  AND  HIS  CHANCELLOR, 
59 ;  among  Materials  for  the  History  of 
Thomas  Becket,  60 ;  A  PICTURE  OF  LON- 
DON (circ.  1173),  65;  Descriptio  Nobilis- 
simcB  Civitatis  London(B,  71. 

Fitz-Walter,  Robert,  Commander  of  the 
forces  of  the  Barons,  75. 

FIVE  MILE  ACT,  THE  (1665),  268. 

Florence  of  Worcester,  A  LETTER  FROM 
CANUTE  TO  THE  ENGLISH  PEOPLE, 
Chronicle,  38. 

Fletcher,  Dr.,  Dean  of  Peterborough,  at  the 
execution  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  175. 

Foreign  Foes,  151. 

Foreign  Policy,  of  England,  16;  the  Con- 
quest of  Ireland  under  Henry  II,  62;  the 
Libel  of  English  Policy,  112;  Criticism  of 
Foreign  Policy  (1523),  136;  the  Defences 
of  England  (1554),  151 ;  Lord  Burghley  to 
Elizabeth  on  Matters  of  State,  169. 

Forster,  Wm.  Edward,  THE  IRISH  FAMINE 
(1847),  414;  Transactions  of  the  Central 
Relief  Committee  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
during  the  Famine  in  Ireland  in  1846  and 
1847,418;  IMPERIAL  FEDERATION  (1875), 
452 ;  Address  to  the  Edinburgh  Philosophi- 
cal Institution,  London  Times,  Nov.  6, 
1875,  456. 

FOUL  DEATH,  THE  (1349),  102. 

Fox,  Charles  James,  alluded  to,  355;  the 
break  of  his  friendship  for  Burke,  364 ; 
OPPOSITION  TO  THF.  FRENCH  WAR 
(1800),  370;  Speeches,  375;  THE  CORN 


Elections  —  Henry 


473 


LAWS  (1843),  406;    The  Times,  March  jo, 

1843,  410. 

Francis  I,  alluded  to,  129,  136,  139. 
Freeholders  in  Scotland,  in  1831,  319. 
Free  Trade,  advocated  by  Sir  Robert  Peel, 

411. 
French  Revolution,  Burke  and  the  (1791), 

363- 

FRIENDSHIP  OF  KING  HENRY  AND  HIS 
CHANCELLOR,  THE,  59. 

Froissart,  Jehan,  THE  SCOTS  IN  WAR,  92; 
THE  BATTLE  OF  CRECY  (1346),  93;  THE 
PEASANTS'  RISING  OF  1381,  106;  Chroni- 
cles, 93,  97,  109. 

FUNERAL  OF  GORDON,  THE  (1898),  459. 

GAGE,  GEN.,  alluded  to,  357. 
Gambling,  passion  of  early  Germans  for, 
ii. 

Garrard,  G.,  A  NEWSLETTER  TO  WENT- 
WORTH  (1637),  228;  The  Earle  of  Straf- 
forde's  Letters  and  Despatches,  231. 

Gebur's  Services  in  the  Tenth  Century,  29. 

Geneat's  Services  in  the  Tenth  Century,  28. 

George  I,  WALPOLE  AND  THE  COLONIES 
(1721) ,  341 ;  The  Kings  Speech  on  Opening 
the  Session  of  Parliament,  Cobbett's  Par- 
liamentary History,  342. 

George  II,  alluded  to,  311. 

George  III,  to  Lord  North,  313;  alluded  to, 
318,  350,  354,  358 ;  his  Royal  Speech  in 
1782,  359- 

Ger mania,  II. 

Germans,  the  early,  4 ;  physical  characteris- 
tics, 4;  arms,  etc.,  5;  government,  6; 
councils,  5 ;  training  of  the  youth,  12 ;  in 
war,  8  ;  in  peace,  9 ;  arrangement  of  their 
towns,  9 ;  food,  10 ;  sports,  1 1 ;  occupa- 
tion of  land  by,  n. 

Gesta  Regum  Anglorum,  44. 

Gibbon,  Edward,  A  GREAT  HISTORIAN 
AND  THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  AMERICAN 
REVOLUTION  (1775),  354;  Private  Letters 
of  Edward  Gibbon,  359. 

Giustinian,  Sebastian,  HENRY  VIII  AND 
WOLSEY  (1519),  129;  Report  of  England 
made  to  the  Senate,  Sept.  10,  1519  {Calen- 
dar of  State  Papers,  Venetian). 


Gladstone,  Wm.  Ewart,  HOME  RULE  FOR 
IRELAND  (1886),  391;  Parliamentary  De- 
bates, 395. 

Glencoe,  292. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  A  COLONIAL  SCHEME  OF 
OLIVER  CROMWELL  (1656),  260;  in 
Thurloe's  Collection  of  State  Papers,  262. 

Gordon,  George  Hamilton,  Earl  of  Aberdeen, 
WELLINGTON  AND  PARLIAMENTARY 
REFORM  (1830),  384;  LORD  ABERDEEN 
AND  THE  CRIMEAN  War  (1855),  431; 
The  Earl  of  Aberdeen,  384,  433. 

Government,  of  early  Britain,  4;  of  the  early 
Germans,  6 ;  under  Alfred,  17 ;  in  the 
Tenth  Century,  28;  under  Canute,  36; 
under  William  the  Great,  44 ;  under  Henry 
I,  49;  under  Stephen,  53;  of  London  in 
the  Twelfth  Century,  68. 

Graham,  Sir  James,  alluded  to  by  John 
Bright,  448. 

GREAT  FIRE,  THE  (1666),  270. 

GREAT  HISTORIAN,  A,  AND  THE  OUT- 
BREAK OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 

(i775).  354- 

Great  Indian  Mutiny,  its  outbreak  in  Luck- 
now,  435. 

GREAT  WAR,  THE,  363. 

GREAT  YEAR  IN  ENGLAND'S  HISTORY,  A 
(1066)  ,39. 

Grey,  Earl,  alluded  to  in  the  debate  on  Par- 
liamentary reform,  382,  384. 

HAROLD,  KING,  in  the  battle  of  Hast- 
ings, 39;  his  death,  40. 

Hainault,  Sir  John  of,  at  Crecy,  96. 

Hampton  Court  Conference,  the,  209. 

Harris,  Mrs.  G.,  THE  OUTBREAK  AT  LUCK- 
NOW  (1857),  435;  A  Lady's  Diary  of  the 
Siege  of  Lucknow,  437. 

Harrison,  Maj.  Gen.,  in  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment, 252. 

Harrison,  William,  ELIZABETHAN  HOMES, 
201 ;  The  Description  of  England,  206. 

Hawkyns,  Sir  John  to  Secretary  Walsyng- 
ham  about  the  Armada,  180. 

Henry,  Baron  Brougham,  DISSOLUTION  OF 
PARLIAMENT  (1831),  384;  The  Life  and 
Times  of  Lord  Brougham,  387. 


474 


Index 


Henry  I,  son  of  William  the  Great,  46;  his 
Charter  of  Liberties,  49,  72 ;  his  death,  51. 

Henry  II.,  Green,  56. 

Henry  II,  56;  his  treaty  with  Stephen,  55; 
appearance  and  unstable  character,  57; 
his  friendship  for  his  Chancellor,  59;  the 
Conquest  of  Ireland  during  his  reign,  62. 

Henry  III,  and  the  Cistercian  abbats,78; 
and  the  monks  of  Ely,  79 ;  and  the  Great 
Parliament,  80;  money  grants  to,  81;  his 
expedition  to  Wales,  82. 

Henry  V  and  English  Policy,  112. 

Henry  VI,  and  the  endowment  of  Cam- 
bridge and  Eton,  114;  his  character,  115; 
tampering  with  juries  and  elections  under, 
117;  his  insanity,  118  ;  alluded  to  in  Queen 
Margaret's  Story,  123;  taken  prisoner  by 
Edward  IV,  126.' 

HENRY  VII  AND  THE  EARL  OF  KILDARE, 
186;  alluded  to,  138. 

HENRY  VIII  AND  WOLSEY  (1519),  129; 
and  the  English  Bible,  144. 

Henry,  King  of  Navarre,  and  later  of  France, 
alluded  to,  170. 

Herschell,  Lord  Chancellor,  395-400. 

HIGHLANDERS,  THE  (circ.  1730),  329. 

Historic,  Ecclesiastica  Gentis  Anglorum,  13, 
16. 

History  of  England,  Roger  of  Wendover,  51. 

Holland,  at  war  with  England  (1653),  254, 

257- 

Holiday  sports  in  London  (circ.  1173),  69. 

HOME  RULE  FOR  IRELAND  (1886),  391. 

Hooker.     See  Vowell,  Sir  John. 

House  of  Commons,  speech  in  (1523),  136; 
Queen's  speech  in  (1556),  160;  apology  i 
of,  to  James  I,  212;  a  famous  scene  in 
(1629),  219 ;  attempted  arrest  of  five  mem-  | 
bers  (1642),  237;  the  Self-denying  Ordi- 
nance, 242-245;  of  the  Long  Parliament, 
251 ;  address  against  the  growth  of  Popery 
(1673),  276;  the  Exclusion  Bill,  277 ;  bur- 
lesque bill  of  costs  of  an  election,  298 ; 
debate  on  the  "  Wilkes  "  case,  299;  pur- 
chase of  seats  in,  302-304;  position  of  a 
representative,  305 ;  debate  on  the  power 
of  the  Crown  in,  308;  Sydney  Smith  on 
the  exclusion  of  Catholics  from,  315; 


Scotland  and  the  Reform  Bill,  318  ;  Royal 
Speech  in  1721,  341 ;  American  debate, 
355-  3591  Royal  Speech  of  1782,  359; 
Burke  and  the  French  Revolution,  363 ; 
Fox  on  the  French  War,  370;  the  Clare 
Election,  381 ;  Wellington  and  Reform, 
382;  Dissolution  of  in  1629,  222;  in  1831, 
384 ;  a  Chartist  petition  to,  387 ;  Home 
Rule,  391 ;  speech  on  Child  Labour 
(1842),  401;  debate  on  Corn  Laws,  406; 
Repeal  of  Corn  Laws,  411 ;  debate  on  the 
"  Trent "  Affair,  445,  448. 

House  of  Lords,  Pitt's  Warning  to,  350; 
and  Home  Rule,  395 ;  a  possible  election 
issue,  465. 

Houses  and  furnishings  in  Elizabethan 
times,  201-206. 

Howard,  Lord  Charles,  to  Walsyngham 
about  the  Armada,  178,  182. 

HUNDRED  YEARS'  WAR,  THE,  92. 

Hutchinson,  Col.  John,  his  portrait  as  a 
typical  Puritan,  225. 

Hutchinson,  Lucy,  A  PURITAN  GENTLE- 
MAN, 225 ;  Memoirs  of  Colonel  Hutchin- 
son, 227. 

Hutchinson,  Thomas,  Colonial  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  alluded  to.  354,  356,  357. 

Button,  William, THE  BIRMINGHAM  RIOTS 
(1791),  365;  A  Narrative  of  the  Riots  in 
Birmingham;  The  Life  of  \  \  "illiam  Hutton, 
370. 

IMPEACHMENT    OF   STRAFFORD,   THE 

A    (1640-1641),  232. 

IMPERIAL  FEDERATION  (1875),  452- 

Imperialism,  the  cost  of,  465. 

Impressions,  increased  depth  of,  in  the  study 

of  sources,  xvii. 
India,  Clive  in,  343,  360 ;  the  mutiny  in,  435 ; 

English     treatment    of   natives    of,    438 ; 

the  proper  policy  for,  441 ;  the  Empire  of 

the   East    India    Company   in,   343,   360, 

426,  443;  as   a  precedent,  461,  464. 
Interest  aroused  by   the  study  of  sources, 

xviii. 

International  law,  444. 
Introduction  to  the  study  of  English  History, 

xx. 


Henry  —  Libel 


475 


Ireland,  the  appointment  of  a  Lord  Deputy 
over,  187. 

Ireland,  its  Conquest  in  the  Reign  of  Henry 
Second,  62 ;  resistance  of  the  natives,  at  first 
thrown  into  confusion,  62 ;  weaknesses  in 
following  up  the  invasion,  63 ;  inability  of 
John  to  cope  with  either  the  enemy  or  his 
own  unruly  army  in,  64;  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century  as  seen  by  Dean  Swift,  324. 

Ireton  at  Naseby,  246. 

IRISH  FAMINE,  THE,  414. 

JAMES  I  AT  THE  HAMPTON  COURT 
CONFERENCE  (1604),  209. 

James  VI  of  Scotland,  later  I  of  England, 
alluded  to,  170,  209,  217,  229 ;  at  the 
Hampton  Court  Conference,  209;  Apol- 
ogy of  the  House  of  Commons  to,  212. 

James,  Duke  of  York,  brother  of  Charles  II, 
265,  272,  274;  later  king  as  James  II, 
addressed,  284;  alluded  to,  285,  290. 

Jeffrey,  Francis,  SCOTLAND  IN  THE  UNRE- 
FORMED  PARLIAMENT  (1831),  318;  Par- 
liamentary Debates,  320. 

Jenney,  John,  118. 

johan,  Walter,  a  tenant,  under  Edward  II, 

ICO. 

John,  King  of  Bohemia,  95. 

JOHN  COMPANY'S  FAREWELL  TO  JOHN 
BULL  (1858),  437. 

John,  son  of  Henry  the  Second,  in  Ireland, 
63 ;  his  later  struggle  as  king  with  the 
Barons,  73-77;  grants  the  Magna  Carta, 

77- 

JOHN  WESLEY  IN  CORNWALL  (1743),  333. 
Jonson,  Ben,  alluded  to,  228. 
Juries,  tampering  with,  under  Henry  VI,  117. 

T7EMBLE,   Coronation   Oath  of  Ethelred 
"•    11,30;  Saxons  in  England,  30. 
Khartum,  Gordon's  funeral  at,  459. 
Kildare,  the  Earl  of,  and  Henry  VII,  186; 

made  Lord  Deputy  of  Ireland,  188. 
Kimberley,  Lord,  alluded  to,  397. 
King  Alfred,  xxii. 
KING  ETHELRED  AND  THE  DANES  (1006- 

1010),  31. 
King  Henry  VI,  114. 


Kingston,  Sir  William,  Constable  of  the 
Tower,  140. 

Kitchener,  Sir  Horatio  Herbert,  described 
by  G.  W.  Steevens,  456;  in  the  Sudan, 
457- 

Knights  slain  at  Evesham,  85. 

Knight,  Francis  ,W.,  Governor  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Colony,  216. 

Knighton,  Henry,  THE  FOUL  DEATH 
(1349),  102;  History  of  England,  106. 

Knox,  Capt.  John,  THE  BATTLE  OF  QUE- 
BEC, 346  ;  Historical  yvurnal,  349. 

Knox,  Vicesimus,  WINNING  THE  DEGREE 
OF  A  BACHELOR  OF  ARTS  (1780),  335; 
Essays,  Moral  and  Literary,  338. 

T  ABOURERS'  UNION,  the,  of  1834,  420; 

*-*  of  1872,  organized  by  Joseph  Arch,  419- 
422. 

Labouring  classes,  wages  of,  raised  during 
plague,  104;  attempt  to  fix  wages  by  a 
royal  ordinance,  105 ;  disregard  of  ordi- 
nance, 105 ;  rising  of  peasants  in  Kent, 
Essex,  Sussex,  etc.,  109;  husbandmen  in- 
jured by  the  increase  of  wool-growing  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  VIII,  189,  191;  their 
condition  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary, 
197,  198;  in  1629,223;  in  Ireland  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  328;  in  England  in 
1838,  387 ;  children  in  the  coal  mines 
(1842),  401 ;  in  Ireland  during  the  famine 
of  1846-1847,  414-417. 

Lancastrian  defeat  at  Towton,  121 ;  at  Bar- 
net,  126. 

Land  Services  in  the  Tenth  Century,  28-30. 

LAMENT  OF  EARL  SIMON  (1265),  86. 

Laud,  William,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
with  others,  petitioning  James  II,  284;  on 
trial,  285 ;  sent  to  the  Tower,  287. 

LAW  AGAINST  THE  KEEPING  OF  SHEEP,  A 
(1534),  I9p. 

Lawrence,  Sir  Henry,  alluded  to,  435. 

League,  the  Anti-Corn  Law,  407. 

LETTER  FROM  CANUTE  TO  THE  ENGLISH 

PEOPLE,  A  (1027),  35. 
Letters   and  Speeches  of  Oliver    Cromwell, 

xxii. 
LIBEL  OF  ENGLISH  POLICY,  THE,  112. 


476 


Index 


Life  of  Agricola,  4. 

Life  of  Alfred,  xxii. 

Life  of  Sir  Thomas  More,  xxii. 

LIGHT  BRIGADE  AT  BALAKLAVA,  THE 
(1854),  427. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  alluded  to  by  John 
Bright,  446;  Punch's  tribute  to,  449. 

Lochleven  Castle,  Mary  Stuart's  escape 
from,  161. 

LONDON,  A  PICTURE  OF  (circ.  1173),  65 ;  its 
site,  65 ;  religious  life,  65 ;  its  strength,  66 ; 
its  gardens,  pasture  and  tilth,  66;  its 
springs,  67  ;  the  ordering  of  the  city,  68  ; 
its  sports,  69-71 ;  sides  with  the  Barons, 
75;  the  Plague  in,  102;  Peasants'  Rising 
fomented  in,  108;  in  the  reign  of  Queen 
Mary,  199 ;  the  great  Fire  in,  270. 

London  Bridge,  199,  271. 

LONDON  COMPANY  TO  THE  VIRGINIA 
COLONY  (1622),  216. 

LONG  PARLIAMENT,  THE  (1633),  251. 

LORD  ABERDEEN  AND  THE  CRIMEAN  WAR 
(1855),  431. 

Lords,  the,  and  the  Home  Rule  Bill,  395. 

Low  Countries,  the,  importance  to  England 
of,  172. 

Lucknow,  outbreak  of  the  mutiny  at,  435. 

Lucy,  Henry  W.,  THE  LORDS  AND  THE 
HOME  RULE  BILL  (1893),  395;  A  Diary 
of  the  Home  Rule  Parliament,  400. 

Lucy,  Richard  de,  61. 

Ludlow,  Edmund,  CROMWELL  AND  THE 
LONG  PARLIAMENT  (1653),  251;  Me- 
moirs, 253. 

Ludlow  Memoirs,  xxii. 

MAGNA  CARTA,  the,  72. 
MANCHESTER  SCHOOL,  THE,  AND  THE 
EMPIRE  (1830),  423. 
Margaret,  Queen  of  Henry  VI,  123. 
Marshal,  William,  Earl  of   Pembroke,  73; 
messenger   between  King  John   and   the 
Barons,  74-76. 

Marvell,  Andrew,  THE  DEATH  OF  CHARLES 
I  (1649),  250;  CROMWELL  (1658),  263; 

Poetical  Works,  250,  264. 
Mary,  Queen  of  England,  personal  appear- 
ance, 148;    character,  149;    religion,  149; 


love  of  display,  149 ;  the  native  army  at 
her  service,  152;  mercenaries,  152;  her 
naval  forces,  152;  lack  of  a  leader,  153. 

Mary  Stuart,  Queen  of  Scots,  155 ;  her 
escape  from  Lochleven,  161 ;  Sir  Walter 
Mildmay's  opinion  on  her  keeping,  168 ; 
report  of  the  manner  of  her  execution, 
173- 

Massachusetts  Bay  Colony,  voted  in  a  state 
of  rebellion,  355. 

MASSACRE  OF  GLEXCOE,  THE  (1692),  292. 

Materials  for  the  History  of  Thomas  Becket, 
60,  61. 

Matilda,  Countess  of  Anjou,  claimed  the 
English  throne,  54;  at  war  with  Stephen, 
54;  escapes  to  France,  54;  her  son  Henry 
recognized  as  the  heir  of  Stephen,  55. 

Maxwell,  James,  keeper  of  the  Black  Rod, 
222;  at  the  impeachment  of  Strafford,  232. 

Meath,  the  Bishop  of,  and  the  Earl  of  Kil- 
dare,  186. 

Meer  Jaffier,  created  Nabob  by  Clive,  342  ; 
alluded  to,  362. 

Melville,  Sir  James,  ELIZABETH  AND 
MARY  STUART  (1564),  155;  Memoirs  of 
his  own  Life,  159. 

Melvin,  servant  to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  173- 
177. 

Memoirs  of  Colonel  Hutchinson,  xxii. 

Mercenaries  in  Ireland  (1183),  64. 

Messina,  Archbishop  of,  79. 

Mildmay,  Sir  Walter,  CONCERNING  THE 
KEEPING  OF  THE  QUEEN  OF  SCOTS 
(1569),  164;  Sir  II".  M.'s  Opinion  Con- 
cerning the  Keeping  of  the  Queen  of  Scots, 
168. 

Mills,  Arthur,  on  Colonial  Constitutions, 
quoted  by  the  Rt.  Hon.  William  E.  Fors- 
ter,  453,  455. 

MILTON  TO  CROMWELL  (1652),  251. 

Milton,  John,  MILTON  TO  CROMWELL 
(1652),  251;  Poetical  Works,  251. 

Minot,  Lawrence,  SONG  OF  NEVILLE'S 
CROSS,  97;  among  Political  Poems, 
100. 

Modern  Political  Orations,  xxii. 

Monastery  of  Canterbury,  47. 

Monk,     Gen.,    alluded    to,    256;     receives 


Life  —  Parliament 


477 


Charles  II  on  his  restoration,  267 ;  defends 
Chatham,  now  Duke  of  Albemarle,  274. 

Monks  and  monasteries  before  the  Norman 
conquest,  42 ;  in  1807,  45 ;  spread  of  the 
Benedictine  order  under  William  I,  47 ; 
the  assessments  of  Henry  III  refused  by 
the  Cistercian  order,  78 ;  the  election  of  a 
bishop  by  the  monks  of  Ely,  79;  the 
pope's  levy  on  the  house  of  St.  Albans,  79. 

Monks  of  Ely,  79 ;  of  St.  Albans,  79. 

Monmouth,  Duke  of,  son  of  Charles  II, 
satirized  as  Absalom  by  Dryden,  282. 

Montague,  Lord,  accused  of  treason,  127. 

Montague,  Sir  Edward,  later  Earl  of  Sand- 
wich, 265. 

Montford,  Simon  de,  death  of,  85 ;  lament 
for,  86. 

More,  Margaret,  Mrs.  Roper,  her  farewell  to 
her  fatber,  141. 

More,  Sir  Thomas  (1579),  his  character, 
132;  speech  and  manners,  133 ;  a  pattern 
of  friendship,  133;  his  high  spirits,  134; 
as  a  minister  at  court,  135  ;  at  court,  134 ; 
quoted,  137;  taken  to  the  Tower,  140;  his 
farewell  to  William  Kingston,  140;  his 
farewell  to  his  family,  141 ;  to  Sir  Thomas 
Pope,  142;  his  message  to  the  king,  142; 
his  execution,  143 ;  SHEEP  WALKS  IN  THE 
REIGN  OF  HENRY  VIII,  188 ;  Utopia,  190. 

Morley,  Rt.  Hon.  John,  A  WARNING 
(1899),  461;  Parliamentary  Debates,  465. 

Mortimer,  Roger,  85. 

Mutiny,  the  Great  Indian,  its  outbreak  at 
Lucknow,  435;  at  Cawnpore,  436;  at 
Meerut,  437. 

•YTAPIER,  SIR  CHARLES,  alluded  to,  448. 

W    NASEBY  (1645),  245. 

Navy,  the  first,  32,  37 ;  of  Harold,  39 ;  in  the 
Reign  of  Queen  Mary,  152;  in  the  Fight 
with  the  Armada,  178,  180,  183;  in  1603, 
208 ;  in  1637,  228 ;  defeated  by  Holland, 
254;  in  1654,  257;  the  Dutch  in  the 
Thames,  274. 

New  England  History  Teachers'  Association, 
xix,  xx. 

NEWSLETTER  TO  WENTWORTH,  A  (1637), 
228. 


NORMAN  ENGLAND,  39. 

North,   Lord,   quoted,  312;    addressed    by 

George  III,  313. 
Northampton,   castle    of,   besieged    by    the 

Barons,  75. 

rv'CONNELL  and  the  Clare  Election,  381. 
*J   Odo,  Bishop,  brother  of  William  1,47. 
Old  South  Leaflets,  xxii,  49. 
Old  Swan,  the,  near  the  Tower,  140,  271. 
Opposition  to  the  French  War  (1800),  370. 
OUTBREAK  AT   LUCKNOW,   THE    (1757), 
435- 

PARIS,  MATTHEW,  ENGLAND  IN  1257, 
78 ;  Chronica  Majora,  84. 
Parliament,  of  1257,  80;  of  1295,  89 ;  a  speech 
in  the  House  of  Commons  (1523),  136; 
statute  of,  concerning  the  Bible,  144; 
Queen's  speech  to,  160 ;  statute  of,  on  the 
keeping  of  sheep,  190;  Apology  of  the 
Commons  to  James  I,  212;  a  famous 
scene  in  the  House  of  Commons,  219; 
impeachment  of  Strafford,  232 ;  Charles  I 
to  the  House  of  Lords,  236;  Attempted 
Arrest  of  Five  Members  (1642),  237;  the 
Self-denying  Ordinance,  242;  Cromwell 
and  the  Long  Parliament,  251 ;  Cromwell's 
speech  in  the  First  Protectorate  Parlia- 
ment, 257 ;  Oxford  sessions  of  1665,  268 ; 
the  Five  Mile  Act,  269 ;  and  the  Catholics, 
276;  the  Exclusion  Bill  (1680),  277;  Dry- 
den's  satire  on,  278-282;  the  Second 
Declaration  of  Indulgence,  284 ;  burlesque 
Bill  of  Costs  for  election  to,  298 ;  debate  on 
the  "  Wilkes  "  case,  299 ;  purchase  of  a  seat 
in  1767,  302;  a  representative's  position, 
305 ;  debate  on  the  power  of  the  Crown, 
308;  Catholics  in,  315;  Scotland  in  the 
Unreformed,  318 ;  Royal  Speech  in  1720, 
341;  Pitt's  Warning  to  the  Lords  (1775), 
350;  American  debate,  355,  359;  Royal 
Speech  of  1782,  359 ;  the  French  Revolu- 
tion, 363 ;  Fox  on  the  French  War,  370 ; 
the  Clare  Election,  381 ;  Wellington  and 
Reform,  382;  Dissolution  of,  384;  Chartist 
Petition  for  Annual  Sessions,  387 ;  debate 
on  Home  Rule,  391 ;  The  Lords  and 


478 


Index 


Home  Rule,  395  ;  speech  on  Child  Labour 
(1842),  401;  debate  on  Corn  Laws,  406; 
Repeal  of  Corn  Laws,  411 ;  Apathy  of, 
433  ;  international  law  and  the  "  Trent " 
affair,  445  ;  Morley  on  Expansion,  461. 

PARLIAMENT  AND  THE  CATHOLICS  (1673), 
276. 

Parliamentary  Debates,  xxi ;  SCOTLAND  IN 
THE  UNREFORMED  PARLIAMENT,  318- 
320;  WELLINGTON  AND  PARLIAMENT- 
ARY REFORM,  382, 383 ;  HOME  RULE  FOR 
IRELAND,  391-395 ;  ON  THE  REPEAL  OF 
THE  CORN  LAWS,  411-413;  ON  EXPAN- 
SION, 461-465. 

Parliamentary  History,  xxi;  APOLOGY  OF 
THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  212-216; 
AGAINST  THE  GROWTH  OF  POPERY, 
276, 277 ;  WALPOLE  AND  THE  COLONIES, 
341,  342;  A  CONFESSION  OF  DEFEAT, 
359.  360 '.  BURKE  AND  THE  FRENCH 
REVOLUTION,  363-365 ;  THE  LORDS  AND 
THE  HOME  RULE  BILL,  395-400. 

Parnell,  Sir  Henry,  THE  MANCHESTER 
SCHOOL  AND  THE  EMPIRE  (1830),  423; 
On  Financial  Reform,  427. 

Pamphlets,  use  of,  as  sources,  xxi. 

Paston  Letters,  xxii,  117,  118. 

Paulett,  Sir  Amias,  173. 

Paulinus,  Bishop  of  York,  14. 

Peasants,  Rising  of  (1381),  106. 

Peel,  Sir  Robert,  and  his  Corn  Law  measure, 
409;  THE  REPEAL  OF  THE  CORN  LAWS, 
411 ;  Parliamentary  Debates,  413. 

Pepys,  Samuel,  THE  RETURN  OF  CHARLES 
II  (1660),  265;  THE  GREAT  FIRE  (1666), 
270 ;  Diary,  xxii,  267,  274. 

Peter  of  Blois,  Henry  the  Second,  56 ;  Epis- 
tolee,  58. 

PETITION  OF  THE  SEVEN  BISHOPS,  THE 
(1688),  284. 

PHILIP  II  OF  SPAIN  (1598),  184;  alluded  to, 
166, 170;  discussed  by  Lord  Burghley,  171 ; 
his  character,  184. 

Philip  of  Valois,  97. 

Philip  VI,  king  of  France,  93. 

PICTURE  OF  LONDON,  A  (circ.  1173),  65. 

Pitt,  William,  alluded  to,  311;  A  WORD 
OF  WARNING,  350;  Correspondence  of 


William  Pitt,  Earl  of  Chatham,  354;  "  The 
Pilot  that  weathered  the  storm,"  379. 

Plague,  the,  of  1349, 102 ;  its  effect  on  current 
prices  and  wages,  103  ;  and  on  rents,  105 ; 
a  Scotch  invasion  encouraged  by,  yet 
stopped  by  it,  104 ;  recurrence  of,  197. 

PLASSEY  (1757),  342. 

Plot,  the  Popish,  279. 

POET'S  VIEW  OF  THE  CRIMEAN  WAR,  A 
(1855)  ,433. 

POLITICAL  FAST,  A  (1562),  153;  Statutes  at 
Large,  154. 

Political  Orations,  xxii. 

Political  Pamphlets,  xxi. 

Pope  Gregory  XIII,  171. 

Pope  John,  35. 

Pope,  the,  at  Rome,  Canute's  visit  to,  36; 
his  levy  on  religious  houses,  79 ;  reply  of 
Wycliffe  to  the  summons  of,  no. 

Pope,  Sir  Thomas,  142. 

POSITION  OF  A  REPRESENTATIVE,  THE 
(1774),  305. 

Power  of  the  Crown,  Dunning's  Motion  on 
the,  308. 

PRACTICAL  SUGGESTIONS,  xvii. 

PRAYER  FOR  LANDLORDS,  A,  193. 

Preachers,  order  of,  79. 

Prelates  of  England,  the,  raise  money  for 
Henry  III,  82.  See  Bishops  and  prelates. 

Price,  Joseph,  A  CRITICISM  OF  THE  ENG- 
LISH POLICY  IN  INDIA  (1783),  360;  The 
Saddle  Put  on  the  Right  Horse,  362. 

Prices  reduced  by  the  prevalence  of  the 
plague,  103. 

Privateers,  English  (1603),  206. 

Privy  Councillors  in  the  House  of  Lords, 

395- 

Priestley,  Dr.,  attacked,  and  his  house,  MSS., 
apparatus,  etc.,  destroyed  by  a  Birming- 
ham mob,  366. 

PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  UNDER  ED- 
WARD VI  (1547),  146. 

Prynne,  John,  228. 

PURCHASING  A  SEAT  IN  THE  UNRE- 
FORMED PARLIAMENT,  302. 

PURITAN  GENTLEMAN,  A,  225. 

Pym,  John,  accuses  Strafford  of  treason, 
232. 


Parliament  —  Scots 


479 


QUEEN  MARGARET'S  STORY  OF  HER 
ADVENTURES  (1463),  123. 
QUEEN  MARY  OF  ENGLAND  (1554),  148. 

"DAGLAN,  LORD,  in  the  Crimea,  428. 
I*-   Rainsborough,  Capt.,  228,  246. 
RAVAGES  OF  THE  DANES  (1010),  34. 
Reality,  sense   of,  fostered  by  the  study  of 
sources,  xvii. 

REASONS  FOR  GOING  TO  NEW  ENGLAND 

(1629),  222. 

RECANTATION,  A  (1865),  449. 

Rectitudines  Singularum  Personarum,  30. 

RECORD  OF  THE  POPISH  PANIC,  A  (1679), 
283. 

Reform  Act  of  1832,  388. 

Reform,  Parliamentary,  382,  393. 

Relief  measures  during  the  Irish  famine 
(1847),  414;  union  of  Catholics  and 
Protestants  in,  416;  investigation  of  the 
Society  of  Friends,  414-418. 

Reliquice  Antiques,  30. 

Rents  and  land  dues  in  the  loth  century, 
28-30 ;  in  the  reign  of  Edward  II,  100-102 ; 
reduction  of,  as  a  result  of  the  plague 
(1348),  105. 

REPEAL  OF  THE  CORN  LAWS,  THE,  411. 

REPLY  OF  WYCLIFFE  TO  THE  POPE'S 
SUMMONS  (1384),  no. 

Representation  in  Scotland  before  the  Re- 
form Bills,  318. 

Representative  British  Orations,  xxii. 

Reprints  and  illustrative  material,  xxi; 
documents,  xxi ;  pamphlets,  xxi ;  personal 
records,  xxii. 

RETURN  OF  CHARLES  II,  THE  (1660),  265. 

REVOLT  OF  HODGE,  THE  (1872),  419. 

REVOLUTION,  THE,  284. 

Reynolds,  Dr.,  at  the  Conference  at  Hamp- 
ton Court  (1604),  209. 

Richard,  brother  of  Henry  III,  bids  farewell 
to  Parliament,  80. 

Richard,  Duke  of  York  (1454),  119. 

Richard,  Earl  of  Warwick,  the  king-maker, 
120;  the  Ragged  Staff,  122;  A  SUMMONS 
TO  THE  FIELD  (1471),  125;  Hist.  MSS. 
Commission,  I2th  Report  Appendix,  125; 
defeated  at  Barnet,  126. 


Richard  II,  son  of  the  Black  Prince,  alluded 
to,  108. 

RIOT  IN  BIRMINGHAM,  THE  (1791),  366. 

Rishanger,  William,  THE  BATTLE  OF  EVE- 
SHAM  (1265),  84;  Chronica  Major  a,  86. 

RIVALRY  OF  ENGLAND  AND  HOLLAND 
(1653),  254. 

Robert,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  89. 

Rodolph,  last  king  of  Aries,  36. 

Roger  of  Wendover,  THE  CHARTER  OF 
HENRY  I,  49;  History  of  England,  51; 
THE  WINNING  OF  MAGNA  CARTA,  72; 
Chronica  Majora,  78. 

Roper,  William,  THE  EXECUTION  OF  SIR 
THOMAS  MORE  (1535),  140;  Life  of  Sir 
Thomas  More,  144. 

Rosebery,  Lord,  alluded  to,  397. 

Rose  of  Rone,  Edward  IV,  121. 

Rupert,  Prince,  at  Naseby,  246;  at  Wool- 
wich, 275. 

Rushworth,  John,  THE  ATTEMPTED  AR- 
REST OF  THE  FIVE  MEMBERS  (1642), 
237;  THE  SELF-DENYING  ORDINANCE, 
242;  Historical  Collections,  240,  245. 

Russell,  Sir  Wm.  Howard,  THE  LIGHT 
BRIGADE  AT  BALAKLAVA  (1854),  427; 
Letters  from  the  Crimea,  431. 

CALISBURY,    LORD,    alluded    to,   397; 

*J    Salisbury  Meeting,  the,  44. 

Saxon  Chronicle,  28,  34,  41,  46,  48,  55. 

Saxons  in  England,  30. 

Scaramelli,  Giovanni,  AN  UNFRIENDLY 
VIEW  OF  THE  ENGLISH  PRIVATEERS 
(1603),  206;  Report  of  the  Venetian  Am- 
bassador in  England  to  the  Doge  and  Sen- 
ate, 208. 

Schoolboys  in  Tudor  times,  193,  195. 

Scotland,  importance  of,  in  war  between 
England  and  France,  139 ;  system  of  rep- 
resentation of,  in  the  unreformed  Par- 
liament, 318 ;  the  clan  system  in  the 
Highlands  of,  329 ;  Child  Labour  in,  402. 

SCOTLAND  IN  THE  UNREFORMED  PARLIA- 
MENT (1831),  318. 

SCOTS  IN  WAR,  THE,  92;  their  simple  equip- 
ment, food,  etc.,  92 ;  attempt  to  invade  Eng- 
land in  1348  stopped  by  the  plague,  104. 


480 


Index 


Scott,  Sir  Walter,  "  THE  PILOT  THAT 
WEATHERED  THE  STORM"  (1817),  379; 
Poetical  Works,  For  the  anniversary  meet- 
ing of  the  Pitt  Club  of  Scotland,  380. 

Seebohm,  DUES  AND  SERVICES  FROM  THE 
LAND  IN  THE  TENTH  CENTURY,  The 
English  Village  Community,  28. 

Select  Charters,  xxi. 

Selections  from  the  Sources,  xxi. 

Selections  from  the  Sources  of  English  His- 
tory, xix. 

Select  Statutes  and  Constitutional  Documents, 
xxi. 

SELF-DENYING  ORDINANCE,  THE  (1644), 
242. 

Servants,  scarcity  of,  as  a  result  of  the  plague 
of  1348,  105. 

Seton,  Lord,  his  attempt  to  rescue  Mary 
Stuart,  161-164. 

Shaftesbury,  Lord  (Anthony  Ashley 
Cooper),  401. 

Shaftesbury,  Lord  Chancellor,  satirized  by 
Dryden  as  Achitophel,  280. 

Sheep,  a  plague  among,  103. 

SHEEP  WALKS  IN  THE  REIGN  OF  HENRY 
VIII,  188. 

Sicily,  the  crown  of,  accepted  for  his  son 
Edmund  by  Henry  III,  80. 

Sidelights  on  English  History,  xxi. 

Simon  of  Montford,  Earl  of  Leicester,  84-86; 
his  son  Henry,  85,  86 ;  LAMENT  OF  EARL 
SIMON,  THE,  86. 

SIRDAR,  THE  (1898),  456. 

SIR  THOMAS  MORE  (1519),  132. 

Sixteenth  Century  School  Boys,  Two,  193. 

Smith,  Prof.  Goldwin,  alluded  to,  452. 

Smith,  Sydney,  CATHOLIC  EMANCIPATION 
(1808),  314;  Peter  Plymley's  Letters,  II 
(  Works  of  the  Rev.  Sydney  Smith),  318. 

SONG  OF  NEVILLE'S  CROSS,  THE  (1346) ,  97. 

Soranzo,  Francesco,  PHILIP  II  OF  SPAIN 
(1598),  184;  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Venetian,  185. 

Soranzo,  Giacomo,  QUEEN  MARY  OF  ENG- 
LAND (1554),  148;  THE  DEFENCES  OF 
ENGLAND  (1554),  151 ;  ENGLAND  IN  THE 
REIGN  OF  QUEEN  MARY,  197 ;  Report  of 
England  made  to  the  Senate  by  Giacomo 


Soranzo,  late  Ambassador  to  Edward  VI 
and  Queen  Mary,  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Venetian,  150,  153,  201. 

Source  Book  of  American  History,  xviii. 

Source  book,  use  of  a,  xix ;  an  aid  in  com- 
paring different  periods,  xx;  in  grouping 
extracts  for  review  or  comparison,  xx. 

Sources  in  the  School  Library,  xx;  bibli- 
ographies, xx ;  collections  of  reprints,  xxi ; 
volumes  of  documents,  xxi ;  pamphlets, 
xxi;  chronicles,  xxii ;  personal  records, 
xxii ;  cost  of,  xxii. 

Source  study,  value  of,  xvii;  use  of  a  book 
in,  xix;  bibliographies  of  sources,  xx; 
most  accessible  books  for,  xxi ;  personal 
records  for,  xxii. 

SPEECH  OF  QUEEN  ELIZABETH,  A  (1566), 
160. 

Spencer,  Lord,  alluded  to,  397. 

Stanhope,  Philip,  Earl  of  Chesterfield, 
PURCHASING  A  SEAT  IN  THE  UNRE- 
FORMED  PARLIAMENT,  302;  Memoirs, 

3°5- 

Statutes  and  Laws,  Alfred's  Dooms,  17 ;  land 
dues  in  the  tenth  century,  28 ;  Charter  of 
Henry  I,  49 ;  tenant  dues  under  Edward 
II,  100;  regarding  the  English  Bible,  144; 
a  political  fast,  153  ;  against  the  keeping 
of  sheep,  190. 

St.  Edmund's  Church,  conference  of  the 
Barons  in,  72. 

Steevens,  George  Warrington,  THE  SIRDAR 
(1898),  456;  THE  FUNERAL  OF  GORDON 
(1898),  459;  With  Kitchener  to  Khartum, 

459.  46i. 
Stephen,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (1215), 

72.  74- 

Stephen  de  Blois,  consecrated  king,  52 ;  the 
wretched  state  of  things  during  his  rule, 
53 ;  at  war  with  the  Earl  of  Chester,  53 ;  in 
prison,  54;  opposed  by  the  Church,  54; 
his  treaty  with  Henry  of  Anjou,  55. 

Stodely,  John,  THE  BEGINNING  OF  STRIFE 
(1454),  118;  Paston  Letters,  120. 

Stow,  Survey  of  London,  71. 

St.  Paul's  Church,  67. 

St.  Peter's  Church,  67. 

Straw,  Jack,  and  the  Peasants'  Rising,  109. 


Scott  —  Tymperley 


481 


Study  of  History  in  the  Schools,  Report  of  the 

Committee  of  Seven,  xix. 
Study  of  sources,  the,  value  of,  xvii ;  use  of  a 

book   of  extracts   in,   xix;    bibliographies 

for,  xx ;  accessible  works  for,  xxi ;  records 

of  greatest  value  in,  xxii. 
Sudan,  Kitchener  in  the,  457. 
Suggestions,  xvii ;   on   the    value  of  source 

study,  xvii ;  on  the  use  of  a  source  book, 

xix ;  on  sources  in  a   school   library,  xx ; 

on    the    most    accessible    sources,    xxi; 

diaries,  etc.,  xxii. 
SUMMONING   OF    THE    PARLIAMENT   OF 

1295,  89. 

SUMMONS  TO  THE  FIELD,  A  (1471),  125. 
Suraj-u-Dowlah,  Nabob,  the   overthrow  of, 

342 ;  alluded  to,  361. 
Survey,  the  Great,  of  William  I.,  44. 
Swan.     See  Old  Swan. 
Swearing  reproved  by  Henry  VI,  116. 
Swift,  Jonathan,  A  VIEW  OF  IRELAND  IN 

THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY,  324, 326 ;  A 

Short  View  of  the  State  of  Ireland,  326  ;  The 

Present  Miserable  State  of  Ireland,  329. 

'TACITUS,  THE  BRITISH  ISLES  IN  THE 

A  FIRST  CENTURY,  i;  The  Life  of  Agri- 
cola,  4;  THE  EARLY  GERMANS,  4;  Ger- 
mania,  n. 

TAMPERING  WITH  JURIES  AND  ELECTIONS 
UNDER  HENRY  VI,  117. 

Taxation  and  tribute  among  the  early  Ger- 
mans, 9 ;  the  Britons,  13 ;  land  dues  in  the 
tenth  century,  28-30;  for  the  support  of 
the  army,  32;  of  archbishops,  36;  church 
dues,  etc.,  in  1027,  38  ;  exacted  by  William 
II,  45,  46,  48 ;  by  Stephen,  53 ;  of  the  Cis- 
tercian abbats,  78 ;  of  the  monks  of  Ely, 
79;  of  the  monks  of  St.  Albans,  80;  of  the 
clergy  in  general,  81 ;  tenant  dues  under 
Edward  II,  100-102 ;  rents  in  Ireland  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  325 ;  resistance  to,  in 
America,  351;  in  1838,  389;  the  Corn 
Laws,  408 ;  speech  on  the  repeal  of  the 
Corn  Laws,  by  Sir  Robert  Peel,  411; 
colonial,  423. 

Temple,  Henry  John,  Viscount  Palmerston, 
THE  CLARE  ELECTION  (1828),  Journal 

21 


from  the  Life  of  Viscount  Palmerston, 
381. 

Temple,  Sir  William,  on  the  trade  of  Hol- 
land, 328. 

Tennyson,  Lord  Alfred,  A  POET'S  VIEW  OF 
THE  CRIMEAN  WAR  (1855),  433;  Maud, 
Poetical  Works,  434. 

Thane's  law  in  the  tenth  century,  28. 

"THE  PILOT  THAT  WEATHERED  THE 
STORM"  (1817),  379. 

THOMAS  AND  THE  PRIMACY  (1162),  60. 

Thomas  of  Bradwardine,  consecrated  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  104. 

Thorpe,  Benjamin,  ALFRED'S  DOOMS,  17; 
Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  England, 
20. 

Three  Cranes,  the,  274. 

TOLERATION  IN  THE  ARMY  (1643),  24°- 

Tosty,  the  Earl,  39. 

Tower  of  London,  the,  described,  66;  King 
Harry  sent  to,  128  ;  Sir  Thomas  More  in, 
140;  artillery  stored  in,  153;  Sir  William 
Balfour,  lieutenant  of,  234 ;  Pepys  views  the 

•  Great  Fire  from,  271 ;  reported  burned  by 
the  Dutch  fleet,  275 ; '  the  seven  bishops 
sent  to,  287  ;  Wilkes  in,  300. 

Towns  of  the  Germans,  9. 

Towton,  the  battle  of,  121. 

Trade  in  Holland  (eighteenth  century),  328  ; 
in  Ireland  (eighteenth  century),  326. 

Translations  and  reprints,  xxi. 

Treasurer  and  Council  of  the  London  Com- 
pany, THE  LONDON  COMPANY  TO  THE 
VIRGINIA  COLONY  (1622),  216;  History 
of  the  Virginia  Company  of  London,  219. 

TREATY  BETWEEN  CHARLES  THE  GREAT 
AND  OFFA  (circ.  795),  16. 

"  TRENT  "  AFFAIR,  THE  (1861),  444. 

TRIAL  OF  THE  SEVEN  BISHOPS,  THE 
(1688),  285. 

Triple  alliance,  the,  satirized  by  Dryden, 
281. 

Tunstall,  Sir  Richard,  116. 

Two  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  SCHOOL  BOYS, 

i93- 

Tyler,  Water,  captain  in  the  Peasants'  Ris- 
ing, 109. 

Tymperley,  117. 


482 


Index 


UGANDA,    its  value    as    a    part    of   the 
British   Empire,   discussed  by   the   Rt. 

Hon.  John  Morley,  461. 
UNFRIENDLY   VIEW    OF    THE   ENGLISH 

PRIVATEERS,  AN  (1603),  206. 
Universal  suffrage,  the  demand  for,  in  1838, 

190. 
Use  of  a  source  book,  xix ;  in  grouping  and 

deepening   impressions   of   periods,   etc., 

xix ;  in  review,  xx. 
Use  of  Original  Sources  in  the  Teaching  of 

History,    xix. 

VALUE  of  source  study,  xvii ;  gain  in  a 
sense  of  reality,  xvii ;  in  depth  of  im- 
pressions, xvii ;  increase  of  interest,  xvii ; 
in  fostering  a  judicial  fairness,  xviii;  dis- 
cussions of,  xix. 

Vane,  Sir  Henry,  a  governor  of  New  Eng- 
land, returns  to  London,  229;  seconding 
the  motion  of  the  passing  of  the  Self- 
denying  Ordinance,  245  ;  protests  against 
the  dissolution  of  Parliament,  253. 

Venice,  ambassadors  from,  reporting  to  the 
Doge  and  Senate,  129,  148,  151,  161,  184, 
197,  206.  See  Correr,  Giustinian,  Scara- 
melli,  Soranzo. 

Vernon,  Henry,  summoned  to  the  field  by 
the  Earl  of  Warwick,  125. 

VIEW  OF  IRELAND  IN  THE  EIGHTEENTH 
CENTURY,  324. 

Vowell,  Sir  John,  Two  SIXTEENTH  CEN- 
TURY SCHOOL  BOYS,  193;  Life  of  Sir 
Peter  Carew,  195. 

WAGES,  raised  during  the  plague  of  1348, 
103;  royal  ordinance  fixing  labourers', 
104. 

Walerann,  John,  79. 

Wallingford,  the  treaty  of,  55, 

WALPOLE  AND  THE  COLONIES  (1721),  341. 

Walpole,  Horace,  Earl  of  Orford,  A  DEBATE 
ON  THE  WlLKES  CASE  (1764) ,  299  ;  Let- 
ters, 302. 

Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  alluded  to,  432. 

Walsyngham,  Sir  Francis,  letters  to,  describ- 
ing the  defeat  of  the  Armada,  178. 

Warkworth,  John,  THE  BATTLE  OF  BAR- 


NET  (1471),  126;  A  Chronicle  of  the  First 
Thirteen  Years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Ed- 
ward IV,  128. 

WARNING,  A  (1899),  461. 

\Var,  in  the  early  times,  5,  8,  13;  between 
Alfred  and  the  Danes,  22,  24;  between 
Ethelred  and  the  Danes,  31-34 ;  between 
Harold  and  William,  39 ;  internal  feuds 
during  Stephen's  reign,  53 ;  Welsh  hostil- 
ities, 60;  the  expedition  of  Henry  III  to 
Wales,  82;  conquest  of  the  Irish,  62-65; 
the  Barons'  War,  74-77,  84 ;  with  France, 
89;  the  Scots  in  war,  92;  the  battle  of 
Crecy  (1346),  93  ;  Wars  of  the  Roses,  114  ; 
factional  claims  under  Henry  VI,  118-120; 
the  battle  of  Towton,  121 ;  Queen  Marga- 
ret's struggles,  123;  summons  to  the  field, 
125 ;  Lancastrian  defeat  at  Barnet,  126 ; 
hazards  of  war  with  France,  136;  criticism 
of  method,  137 ;  strategic  value  of  Scot- 
land in  a  war  with  France,  139;  avail- 
able forces  in  the  time  of  Queen  Mary, 
army  and  navy,  151 ;  lack  of  leader  in  case 
of  war,  153;  defeat  of  the  troops  of  Mary 
Stuart,  163  ;  defeat  of  the  Armada,  178  ; 
conduct  of  war  by  Phillip  II,  185;  civil 
war,  Naseby,  245 ;  foreign  wars,  with  Hol- 
land, Portugal,  France,  257,  274 ;  a  decla- 
ration of  rebellion,  289 ;  the  battle  of 
Blenheim,  339;  in  India,  342;  the  French 
war  in  Canada,  345 ;  in  New  England,  355 ; 
criticism  of  the  war  of  conquest  in  India, 
361 ;  the  French  War  opposed  by  Fox, 
371 ;  Waterloo,  375 ;  the  Crimean  War, 
427;  Lord  Aberdeen  on  the  Crimean  War, 
431 ;  changes  in  public  feeling  with  regard 
to,  432 ;  Tennyson's  view  of  the  Crimean 
War,  433;  the  Sepoy  Mutiny,  435;  John 
Bright  on  the  dangers  of  being  rushed,  or 
"  drifting,"  into  war,  447 ;  in  the  Sudan, 
456;  dangers  of  forcible  expansion  of 
colonial  territory,  462,  463. 

WARS  OF  THE  ROSES,  114. 

Washington,   George,  alluded  to    by  Fox, 

374- 

Wellesley,  Arthur,  Lord,  later  Duke  of 
Wellington,  THE  BATTLE  OF  WATER- 
LOO (1815) ,  379 ;  Selected  Dispatches,  379 ; 


Uganda  —  Yorkist 


483 


WELLINGTON    AND    PARLIAMENTARY 

REFORM  (1830)  ,382;  Parliamentary  De- 
bates, 383. 

Welsh,  the,  28;  hostilities  of,  60;  Henry  Ill's 
expedition  against,  82;  its  failure,  83;  in 
the  battle  of  Evesham,  85. 

Wentworth,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Strafford,  a 
letter  to,  228 ;  the  impeachment  of,  232. 

Wesley,  John,  IN  CORNWALL  (1743),  333; 
Extracts  from  the  Journals  of  John 
Wesley,  335. 

Westminster  Hall,  233. 

WHIGS  AND  THE  EXCLUSION  BILL,  THE 
(1680),  277. 

Whitehall,  Old,  272 ;  chapel  of,  286. 

Whitelock,  Sir  Bulstrode,  quoted,  242; 
NASEBY  (1645),  245;  Memorials,  249. 

White  Tower,  the,  66. 

"  Wilkes  "  Case,  the,  299. 

William  of  Malmesbury .TREATY  BETWEEN 
CHARLES  THE  GREAT  AND  OFFA,  16; 
Chronicle,  17;  CONQUERED  AND  CON- 
QUERORS, 41 ;  Gesta  Regum  Anglorum, 

44- 

WILLIAM  THE  GREAT  (1087),  46;  in  the 
battle  of  Hastings,  40 ;  his  great  survey, 


44;   and  the   Salisbury  Meeting,  44;    his 

character,  47 ;  his  knowledge  of  and  stern 

rule  over  England,  48. 
William  IV  alluded  to,  384. 
WINNING  OF  MAGNA  CARTA,  THE  (1215), 

72. 
WINNING  THE  DEGREE  OF  BACHELOR  OF 

ARTS  (1780),  335. 
Winthrop,  John,  REASONS  FOR  GOING  TO 

NEW   ENGLAND  (1629),  222;  Life  and 

Letters  of  John   Winthrop,  225. 
Wolfe,  James,  Major-General,  THE  BATTLE 

OF  QUEBEC,  345 ;   General  Orders  issued 

the  day  before,  345;  his  death,  described 

by  Knox,  349. 
Wolsey,  Thomas,  Cardinal   of  York,   130; 

his    character,    131 ;    his    revenues,   131 ; 

quoted,  136. 
WORD  OF  W'ARNING,  A  (1775),  350. 

Wycliffe,  John,  THE  REPLY  OF  WYCLIFFE 
TO  THE  POPE'S  SUMMONS  (1384),  no; 
Select  English  Works,  ill. 

YORK,  Cardinal  of.    See  Wolsey. 
Yorkist    victory    at    Towton,    121;    at 
Barnet,  126. 


A  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND 

FOR    HIGH    SCHOOLS    AND    ACADEMIES 

By  KATHARINE   COMAN,  Ph.B. 

Wellesley  College 

AND 

ELIZABETH   KIMBALL   KENDALL,  M.A. 

Wellesley  College 

8  vo.    Half  Leather.    Maps.    Illustrations,    xxviii  +  507  pp. 
Price,  $1.25,  net 


University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich. 

"  It  is  in  my  judgment  by  far  the  best  history  of  England  that  has  yet 
been  published.  The  other  books  in  the  field  are  either  too  meagre  or 
too  advanced.  This  book  is  just  what  has  long  been  needed  and  ought 
to  be  largely  introduced." — Professor  RICHARD  HUDSON. 

High  School,  Fitchburg,  Mass. 

"  The  Coman  and  Kendall  history  is  superior  to  any  English  history 
that  I  have  ever  seen,  filling  the  modern  ideal  in  its  subject  as  does 
Botsford's  in  Grecian  history."  —  GRACE  E.  BLANCHARD. 

High  School,  Hyde  Park,  Mass. 

"  I  believe  that  it  is  the  best  English  History  for  the  use  of  High 
Schools  that  has  yet  been  published.  The  illustrations,  the  maps,  and 
the  arrangement  of  the  subject-matter  —  all  mark  it  as  a  superior  book. 
It  advertises  itself."  —  M.  S.  GETCHELL,  Principal. 

East  Side  School,  Columbus,  O. 

"  I  have  given  Coman  and  Kendall's  history  a  very  careful  examina- 
tion, and  find  it  to  be  a  text-book  worthy  the  careful  perusal  of  every 
teacher  of  history.  It  is  the  best  history  of  England,  suitable  for  High 
School  work,  with  which  I  am  acquainted." 

—  Professor  JOHN  M.  MULFORD. 

New  York  University,  N.Y. 

"  It  is  the  best  text-book  in  English  history  for  High  Schools  and 
Academies  that  has  yet  appeared."  —  Professor  MARSHALL  S.  BROWN. 


THE   MACMILLAN    COMPANY 

66   FIFTH  AVENUE,   NEW   YORK 


AMERICAN    HISTORY   TOLD    BY 
CONTEMPORARIES 

Volume  i.     Era  of  Colonization —  1492-1689 

Edited  by  ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART,  Professor  of  History  in 
Harvard  University.  Large  iamo.  Cloth.  Price,  §2.00 

"  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  Professor  Hart,  by  a  judicious  selection 
and  editing  of  the  sources  of  American  history,  has  been  able  to  produce  a 
far  more  interesting  account  of  colonial  life  and  manners  than  any  modern 
historian  could  write.  What  the  narrative  lacks  in  unity  and  fluency  it 
more  than  gains,  at  times,  in  piquancy  and  quaintness  of  expression.  More- 
over, it  is  the  truth  of  history  that  we  seek,  rather  than  somebody's  interpre- 
tation of  what  is  supposed  to  be  the  truth ;  we  feel  that  we  are  getting  down 
very  close  to  bed  rock."  —  Review  of  Reviews. 

AMERICAN    HISTORY    TOLD    BY 
CONTEMPORARIES 

Volume  II.     Building  of  the  Republic — 1689-1783 

Edited  by  ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART,  Professor  of  History  in 
Harvard  University.  Large  I2mo.  Cloth.  Price  $2.00 

"  This  undertaking  of  Professor  Hart's  will  prove  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant contributions  of  recent  years  to  the  study  and  teaching  of  American  his- 
tory. It  will  bring  before  teachers  and  students  as  living  persons  those  who 
too  frequently  have  only  been  shadows  of  names.  The  colonial  period, 
especially,  will  be  vivified  through  the  study  of  these  volumes." 

—  Prof.  E.  G.  BOURNE  in  the  Yale  Review. 

To  be  followed  by  — 

Volume  III.    NATIONAL  EXPANSION,  1783-1844 
Volume  IV.     WELDING  OF  THE  NATION,  1845-1897 

SOURCE-BOOK  OF   AMERICAN  HISTORY 

Edited  for  Schools  and  Readers  by  ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART, 
Ph.D.,  Professor  of  History  in  Harvard  University.  I2mo. 
Cloth.  Price  60  cents  net 

"  A  fine  piece  of  historical  work,  grouping  extracts  from  trustworthy 
records,  and  with  some  facsimile  illustrations,  with  the  object  of  showing 
whence  our  knowledge  of  history  is  derived,  how  it  is  obtained,  and  what 
the  proper  use  of  material  for  history  is  when  discovered.  It  is  admirably 
adapted  to  give  as  ample  a  knowledge  as  can  be  furnished  consistently  with 
the  inevitable  limitations  of  such  a  work."  —  The  Congregationalist. 


THE    MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

66   FIFTH  AVENUE,   NEW  YORK 


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